THE   LIFE 


OF 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN; 


His  BIRTH  TO  HIS  INAUGURATION  AS  PRESIDENT. 


BY 


WARD    H.    LAMON. 


WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


BOSTON : 
JAMES   R.   OSGOOD   AND   COMPANY, 

(LATK  TICKNOR  &  FIELDS,  AND  FIELDS,  OSGOOD,  &  co.) 
1872. 


Bv  WARD  H.   LAMOS, 


v- 


Boston : 

i.  A  very,  &  Co- 


PREFACE. 


~TN  the  following  pages  I  have  endeavored  to  give  the  life  of  Abraham 
-*-  Lincoln,  from  his  birth  to  his  inauguration  as  President  of  the  United 
States.  The  reader  will  judge  the  character  of  the  performance  by  the 
work  itself :  for  that  reason  I  shall  spare  him  the  perusal  of  much  prefatory 
explanation. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  death,  I  determined  to  write  his  history,  a» 
I  had  in  my  possession  much  valuable  material  for  such  a  purpose.  I  did 
not  then  imagine  that  any  person  could  have  better  or  more  extensive- 
materials  than  I  possessed.  I  soon  learned,  however,  that  Mr.  William  H. 
Herndon  of  Springfield,  111.,  was  similarly  engaged.  There  could  be  na 
rivalry  between  us ;  for  the  supreme  object  of  both  was  to  make  the  real 
history  and  character  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  they 
were  to  us.  He  deplored,  as  I  did,  the  many  publications  pretending  to  be 
biographies  which  came  teeming  from  the  press,  so  long  as  the  public  inter 
est  about  Mr.  Lincoln  excited  the  hope  of  gain.  Out  of  the  mass  of  works 
which  appeared,  of  one  only  —  Dr.  Holland's  —  is  it  possible  to  speak  with 
any  degree  of  respect. 

Early  in  1869,  Mr.  Herndon  placed  at  my  disposal  his  remarkable  col 
lection  of  materials,  —  the  richest,  rarest,  and  fullest  collection  it  was  possi 
ble  to  conceive.  Along  with  them  came  an  offer  of  hearty  co-operation,  of 
which  I  have  availed  myself  so  extensively,  that  no  art  of  mine  would  serve 
to  conceal  it.  Added  to  my  own  collections,  these  acquisitions  have  enabled 
me  to  do  what  could  not  have  been  done  before,  —  prepare  an  authentic 
biography  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Herndon  had  been  the  partner  in  business  and  the  intimate  personal 
associate  of  Mr.  Lincoln  for  something  like  a  quarter  of  a  century ;  and  Mr. 

iii 


iv  PREFACE. 

Lincoln  had  lived  familiarly  with  several  members  of  his  family  long  before 
their  individual  acquaintance  began.  New  Salem,  Springfield,  the  old 
judicial  circuit,  the  habits  and  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  were  as  well  known 
to  Mr.  Herndon  as  to  himself.  With  these  advantages,  and  from  the  num 
berless  facts  and  hints  which  had  dropped  from  Mr.  Lincoln  during  the  confi 
dential  intercourse  of  an  ordinary  lifetime,  Mr.  Herndon  was  able  to  institute 
a  thorough  system  of  inquiry  for  every  noteworthy  circumstance  and  every 
incident  of  value  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  career. 

The  fruits  of  Mr.  Herndon's  labors  are  garnered  in  three  enormous  vol 
umes  of  original  manuscripts  and  a  mass  of  unarranged  letters  and  papers. 
They  comprise  the  recollections  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  nearest  friends ;  of  the 
surviving  members  of  his  family  and  his  family-connections ;  of  the  men 
still  living  who  knew  him  and  his  parents  in  Kentucky  ;  of  his  schoolfellows, 
neighbors,  and  acquaintances  in  Indiana ;  of  the  better  part  of  the  whole 
population  of  New  Salem  ;  of  his  associates  and  relatives  at  Springfield  ;  and 
of  lawyers,  judges,  politicians,  and  statesmen  everywhere,  who  had  any 
thing  of  interest  or  moment  to  relate.  They  were  collected  at  vast  expense 
of  time,  labor,  and  money,  involving  the  employment  of  many  agents,  long 
journeys,  tedious  examinations,  and  voluminous  correspondence.  Upon  the 
value  of  these  materials  it  would  be  impossible  to  place  an  estimate.  That 
I  have  used  them  conscientiously  and  justly  is  the  only  merit  to  which  I  lay 
claim. 

As  a  general  thing,  my  text  will  be  found  to  support  itself;  but  whether 
the  particular  authority  be  mentioned  or  not,  it  is  proper  to  remark,  that  each 
statement  of  fact  is  fully  sustained  by  indisputable  evidence  remaining  in 
my  possession.  My  original  plan  was  to  verify  every  important  statement  by 
one  or  more  appropriate  citations  ;  but  it  was  early  abandoned,  not  because 
it  involved  unwelcome  labor,  but  because  it  encumbered  my  pages  with  a 
great  array  of  obscure  names,  which  the  reader  would  probably  pass  un 
noticed. 

I  dismiss  this  volume  into  the  world,  with  no  claim  for  it  of  literary 
excellence,  but  with  the  hope  that  it  will  prove  what  it  purports  to  be,  — 
a  faithful  record  of  the  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  down  to  the  4th  of  March, 
1861. 

WARD  H.  LAMON. 
WASHINGTON  CITT,  May,  1872. 


LIST   OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PORTRAIT  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN Frontispiece. 

MRS.  SARAH  LINCOLN,  MOTHER  OF  THE  PRESIDENT PAGE  39 

DENNIS  F.  HANKS 46 

MR.  LINCOLN  AS  A  FLATBOAT-MAN 82 

PLAN  OF  NEW  SALEM 87 

BLACK  HAWK,  THE  INDIAN  CHIEF 98 

MRS.  MARY  LINCOLN.  WIFE  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  . 238 

l 

JOSHUA  F.  SPEED 272 

HON.  DAVID  DAVIS,  JUDGE  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  313 

STEPHEN  T.  LOGAN 333 

JOHN  T.  STUART 352 

WILLIAM  H.  HERNDON 376 

UNCLE  JOHN  HANKS 445 

MR.  LINCOLN'S  HOME  LN  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS 473 

NORMAN  B.  JUDD 518 

FAC-SIMILE  OF  MR.  LINCOLN'S  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  FAMILY    .        .        .          Appendix. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER    I. 

Birth.  —  His  father  and  mother.  —  History  of  Thomas  Lincoln  and  his  family 
a  necessary  part  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  biography.  —  Thomas  Lincoln's 
ancestors.  —  Members  of  the  family  remaining  in  Virginia.  —  Birth  of 
Thomas  Lincoln. — Removal  to  Kentucky.  —  Life  in  the  Wilderness. — 
Lincolns  settle  in  Mercer  County.  —  Thomas  Lincoln's  father  shot  by 
Indians.  —  Widow  and  family  remove  to  Washington  County.  —  Thomas 
poor.  —  Wanders  into  Breckinridge  County.  —  Goes  to  Hardin  County.  — 
Works  at  the  carpenter's  trade.  —  Cannot  read  or  write.  —  Personal 
appearance.  —  Called  "  Linckhorn,"  or  "  Linckhern." —  Thomas  Lincoln 
as  a  carpenter.  —  Marries  Nancy  Hanks.  —  Previously  courted  Sally 
Bush.  —  Character  of  Sally  Bush. —  The  person  and  character  of  Nancy 
Hanks.  —  Thomas  and  Nancy  Lincoln  go  to  live  in  a  shed.  —  Birth  of  a 
daughter.  —  They  remove  to  Nolin  Creek.  —  Birth  of  Abraham.  —  Re 
moval  to  Knob  Creek.  —  Little  Abe  initiated  into  wild  sports.  —  His  sad 
ness. —  Goes  to  school.  —  Thomas  Lincoln  concludes  to  move.  —  Did  not 
fly  from  the  taint  of  slavery.  —  Abraham  Lincoln  always  reticent  about 
the  history  and  character  of  his  family.  —  Record  in  his  Bible  . 

CHAPTER   H. 

Thomas  Lincoln  builds  a  boat.  — Floats  down  to  the  Ohio.  — Boat  capsizes.  — 
Lands  in  Perry  County,  Indiana.  —  Selects  a  location.  —  Walks  back  to 
Knob  Creek  for  wife  and  children.  —  Makes  his  way  through  the  wilderness. 

—  Settles  between  the  two  Pigeon  Creeks.  —  Gentry  ville.  —  Selects  a  site.  — 
Lincoln  builds  a  half-faced  camp.  —  Clears  ground  and  raises  a  small  crop. 

—  Dennis  Hanks.  —  Lincoln  builds  a  cabin.  —  State  of  the  country.  — 
Indiana  admitted  to  the  Union.  —  Rise  of  Gentryville.  —  Character  of  the 
people. — Lincoln's  patent  for  his  land.  —  His  farm,  cabin,  furniture. — 
The  milk-sickness.  —  Death  of  Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln.  —  Funeral  discourse 
by  David  Elkin.  —  Grave.  —  Tom   Lincoln  marries  Sally  Bush.  —  Her 

vii 


viii  CONTENTS. 

goods  and  chattels.  —  Her  surprise  at  the  poverty  of  the  Lincoln  cabin.  — 
Clothes  and  comforts  Abe  and  his  sister.  —  Abe  leads  a  new  life.  —  Is 
sent  to  school.  —  Abe's  appearance  and  dress.  —  Learning  "  manners." 

—  Abe's  essays.  —  Tenderness  for  animals.  —  The  last  of  school.  —  Abe 
excelled  the  masters.  —  Studied  privately.  —  Did   not  like   to   work. — 
Wrote  on  wooden  shovel  and  boards.  —  How  Abe  studied.  —  The  books 
he  read.  —  The  "  Revised  Statute  of  Indiana." —  Did  not  read  the  Bible. 

—  No  religious  opinions.  —  How  he  behaved  at  home.  —  Touching  recital 
by  Mrs.  Lincoln.  —  Abe's  memory.  —  Mimicks  the   preachers. — Makes 
"  stump-speeches  "   in   the  field.  —  Cruelly  maltreated   by  his  father.  — 
Works  out  cheerfully.  —  Universal  favorite.  —  The  kind  of  people  he  lived 
amongst.  —  Mrs.  Crawford's  reminiscences.  —  Society  about  Gentryville. 

—  His  step-mother.  —  His  sister.  —  The  Johnstons  and  Hankses.  —  Abe  a 
ferryman  and  farm-servant.  —  His  work  and  habits.  —  Works  for  Josiah 
Crawford.  —  Mrs.  Crawford's  account  of  him.  —  Crawford's  books.  — Be 
comes  a  wit  and  a  poet.  —  Abe  the  tallest  and  strongest  man  in  the  settle 
ment.  —  Hunting  in  the  Pigeon  Creek  region.  — His  activity.  — Love  of 
talking  and  reading.  —  Fond  of  rustic  sports.  —  Furnishes  the  literature. 

—  Would  not  be  slighted.  —  His  satires.  —  Songs  and  chronicles.  —  Gen- 
tryviile  as  "  a  centre  of  business."  —  Abe  and  other  boys  loiter  about  the 
village.  —  Very  temperate.  —  "  Clerks  "  for  Col.  Jones.  —  Abe  saves   a 
drunken  man's  life.  —  Fond  of  music.  — Marriage  of  his  sister  Nancy.  — 
Extracts  from  his  copy-book.  —  His  Chronicles.  —  Fight  with  the  Grigs- 
bys.  —  Abe   "  the  big  buck  of  -the  lick."  —  "  Speaking    meetings  "   at 
Gentryville.  —  Dennis  Hanks's  account  of  the  way  he  and  Abe  became  so 
learned.  —  Abe  attends  a  court.  —  Abe  expects  to  be  President.  —  Going 
to  mill.  —  Kicked  in  the  head  by  a  horse.  —  Mr.  Wood.  —  Piece  on  tem 
perance. —  On  national  politics.  —  Abe  tired  of  home. — Works  for  Mr. 
Gentry.  —  Knowledge  of   astronomy  and  geography.  —  Goes    to    New 
Orleans.  —  Counterfeit  money.  —  Fight  with  negroes.  —  Scar  on  his  face. 

—  An  apocryphal  story 19 

CHAPTER    III. 

Abe's  return  from  New  Orleans.  —  Sawing  planks  for  a  new  house.  —  The 
milk-sickness.  —  Removal  to  Illinois.  —  Settles  near  Decatur.  —  Abe  leaves 
home. —  Subsequent  removals  and  death  of  Thomas  Lincoln.  —  Abe's 
relations  to  the  family.  —  Works  with  John  Hanks  after  leaving  home.  — 
Splitting  rails.  —  Makes  a  speech  on  the  improvement  of  the  Sangamon 
River.  —  Second  voyage  to  New  Orleans.  —  Loading  and  departure  of  the 
boat.  —  "  Sticks  "  on  New  Salem  dam.  —  Abe's  contrivance  to  get  her  off. 

—  Model   in   the   Patent   Office.  —  Arrival  at  New  Orleans. — Negroes 
chained. — Abe  touched   by   the    sight. — Returns   on   a  steamboat. — 
Wrestles  with  Daniel  Needham. 73 

CHAPTER    IV. 

The  site  of  New  Salem.  —  The  village  as  it  existed.  —  The  first  store.  — Num 
ber  of  inhabitants.  —  Their  houses.  —  Springfield.  —  Petersburg.  —  Mr. 


CONTENTS.  ix 

Lincoln  appears  a  second  time  at  New  Salem.  —  Clerks  at  an  election.  — 
Pilots  a  boat  to  Beardstown.  —  Country  store.  —  Abe  as  "  first  clerk  "  — 
"  Clary's  Grove  Boys."  — Character  of  Jack  Armstrong.  —  He  and  Abe 
become  intimate  friends.  —  Abe's  popularity.  —  Love  of  peace.  —  Habits 
of  study.  —  Waylaying  strangers  for  information.  —  Pilots  the  steamer 
"  Talisman  "  up  and  down  the  Sangamon 85 

CHAPTER    V. 

Offutt's  business  gone  to  ruin.  —  The  Black  Hawk  War.  —  Black  Hawk  crosses 
the  Mississippi.  —  Deceived  by  his  allies.  —  The  governor's  call  for 
troops. —  Abe  enlists  —  Elected  captain.  —  A  speech.  —  Organization  of 
the  army.  —  Captain  Lincoln  under  arrest.  —  The  march.  —  Captain  Lin 
coln's  company  declines  to  form. — Lincoln  under  arrest.  —  Stillman's 
defeat.  —  Wasting  rations.  —  Hunger.  —  Mutiny.  —  March  to  Dixon.  — 
Attempt  to  capture  Black  Hawk's  pirogues.  —  Lincoln  saves  the  life  of  an 
Indian.  —  Mutiny.  —  Lincoln's  novel  method  of  quelling  it.  —  Wrestling. 

—  His  magnanimity.  —  Care  of  his  men.  —  Dispute  with  a  regular  officer. 

—  Reach  Dixon.  —  Move  to  Fox  River.  —  A  stampede.  —  Captain  Lin 
coln's   efficiency  as   an   officer.  -*-  Amusements  of  the  camp.  —  Captain 
Lincoln  re-enlists  as  a  private.  —  Independent  spy  company.  —  Progress 
of  the  war.  —  Capture  of  Black  Hawk.  —  Release.  —  Death.  —  Grave.  — 

f  George   W.   Harrison's   recollections.  —  Duties  of  the   spy  company. — 
Company  disbanded.  —  Lincoln's  horse  stolen.  —  They  start  home  on  foot. 

—  Buy  a  canoe.  —  Feast  on  a  raft.  —  Sell  the  boat.  —  Walk  again. — 
Arrive  at  Petersburg.  —  A  sham  battle 98 

CHAPTER    VI. 

The  volunteers  from  Sangamon  return  shortly  before  the  State  election.  —  Abe 
a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  —  Mode  of  bringing  forward  candidates.  — 
Parties  and  party  names.  — _State_nnd ..national  politics.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's 
position.  —  Old  way  of  conducting  elections.  — Mr.  Lincoln's  first  stump- 
speech.  —  "A  general  fight."  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  part  in  it.  —  His  dress  and 
appearance. —  Speech  at  Island  Grove.  —  His  stories.  —  A  third  speech.  — 
Agrees  with  the  Whigs  in  the  policy  of  internal  improvements.  —  His 
own  hobby.  —  Prepares  an  address  to  the  people.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  defeated. 

—  Received  every  vote  but  three  cast  in  his  own  precinct.  .         .         .  121 

CHAPTER    VII, 

Results  of  the  canvass. — An  opening  in  business.  —  The  firm  of  Lincoln  & 
Berry.  —  How  they  sold  liquor.  —  What  Mr.  Douglas  said.  —  The  store  a 
failure.  —  Berry's  bad  habits.  —  The  credit  system.  —  Lincoln's  debts.  — 
He  goes  to  board  at  the  tavern.  —  Studies  law.  —  Walks  to  Springfield  for 
books.  —  Progress  in  the  law. —  Does  business  for  his  neighbors.  —  Other 
studies.  —  Reminiscences  of  J.  Y.  Ellis.  —  Shy  of  ladies.  —  His  apparel.  — 
Fishing,  and  spouting  Shakspeare  and  Burns.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  annoyed  by 


X  CONTENTS. 

company.  —  Retires  to  the  country.  —  Bowlin  Greene.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's 
attempt  to  speak  a  funeral  discourse.  —  John  Calhoun.  —  Lincoln  studies 
surveying.  —  Gets  employment.  — Lincoln  appointed  postmaster.  —  How 
he  performed  the  duties.  —  Sale  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  property  under 
execution.  —  Bought  by  James  Short.  —  Lincoln's  visits.  —  Old  Hannah. 

—  Ab.  Trent.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  as  a  peacemaker.  —  His  great  strength.  — 
The  judicial  quality. — Acting  second  in  fights.  —  A  candidate  for  the 
Legislature.  —  Elected.  —  Borrows  two  hundred  dollars  from  Coleman 
Smoot.  —  How  they  got  acquainted.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  writes  a  little  book  on 
infidelity.  —  It  is  burnt  by  Samuel  Hill 135 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

James  Rutledge.  —  His  family.  —  Ann  Rutledge.  —  John  McNeil.  —  Is  engaged 
to  Ann.  —  His  strange  story.  —  The  loveliness  of  Ann's  person  and  char 
acter.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  courts  her.  —  They  are  engaged  to  be  married.  — 
Await  the  return  of  McNeil.  —  Ann  dies  of  a  broken  heart.  —  Mr. 
Lincoln  goes  crazy.  —  Cared  for  by  Bowlin  Greene.  —  The  poem  "  Im 
mortality."  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  melancholy  broodings.  —  Interviews  with 
Isaac  Cogdale  after  his  election  to  the  Presidency.  —  Mr.  Herndon's  inter 
view  with  McNamar.  —  Ann's  grave.  —  The  Concord  cemetery.  .  .159 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Bennett  Able  and  family.  —  Mary  Owens.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  falls  in  love  with 
her.  —  What  she  thought  of  him.  —  A  misunderstanding.  —  Letters  from 
Miss  Owens.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  letters  to  her.  —  Humorous  account  of  the 
affair  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lincoln  to  another  lady 1 72 

CHAPTER    X. 

Mr.  Lincoln  takes  his  seat  in  the  Legislature.  —  Schemes  of  internal  improve 
ment. —  Mr.  Lincoln  a  silent  member.  —  Meets  Stephen  A.  Douglas. — 
Log-rolling.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  a  candidate  for  re-election. — The  canvass. — 
"The  Long  Nine."  —  Speech  at  Mechanicsburg.  — Fight.  — Reply  to  Dr. 
Early.  —  Reply  to  George  Forquer.  —  Trick  on  Dick  Taylor.  —  Attempts 
to  create  a  third  party.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  elected.  —  Federal  and  State  poli 
tics.  —  The  Bank  of  the  United  States.  —  Suspension  of  specie  payments. 

—  Mr.  Lincoln  wishes  to  be  the  De  Witt  Clinton  of  Illinois.  —  The  inter 
nal-improvement  system.  —  Capital   located   at    Springfield.  —  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  conception  of  the  duty  of  a  representative.  —  His  part  in  passing 
the  "  system."  — Begins  his  antislavery  record.  —  Public  sentiment  against 
the  Abolitionists.  —  History  of  antislavery  in  Illinois.  —  The  Covenanters. 

—  Struggle  to  amend  the  Constitution.  —  The  "black  code."  —  Death 
of  Elijah   P.    Lovcjoy.  —  Protest  against    proslavery   resolutions.  —  No 
sympathy  with  extremists.  —  Suspension   of  specie  payments.  —  Mr.  Lin 
coln  re-elected  in    1838. — Candidate  for  Speaker.  —  Finances.  —  Utter 
failure  of  the  internal-improvement  "  system."  —  Mr.  Lincoln  re-elected  in 


CONTENTS.  xi 

1840.  —  He  introduces  a  bill.  —  His  speech. — Financial  expedients. — 
Bitterness  of  feeling.  —  Democrats  seek  to  hold  a  quorum.  — Mr.  Lincoln 
jumps  out  of  a  window.  —  Speech  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  —  The  alien  question. 
—  The  Democrats  undertake  to  "  reform  "  the  judiciary.  —  Mr.  Douglas  a 
leader.  —  Protest  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  other  Whigs.  —  Reminiscences  of  a 
colleague.  —  Dinner  to  "  The  Long  Nine."  —  "  Abraham  Lincoln  one  of 
nature's  noblemen."  .  184 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Capital  removed  to  Springfield.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  settles  there  to  practise  law.  — 
First  case.  —  Members  of  the  bar.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  partnership  with  John 
T.  Stuart.  —  Population  and  condition  of  Springfield.  —  Lawyers  and 
politicians.  —  Mr.  Jjneetn's  intense  ambition.  —  Lecture  before  the 
Springfield  Lyceum.  —  His  style. — Political  ducussious  run  high. — 
Joshua  F.  Speed  his  most  intimate  friend.  —  Scene  in  Speed's  store.  — 
Debate.  —  Douglas,  Calhoun,  Lamborn,  and  Thomas,  against  Lincoln, 
Logan,  Baker,  and  Browning. — Presidential  elector  in  1840. — Stump 
ing  for  Harrison.  —  Scene  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  in  the  Court- 
House. —  A  failure. — Redeems  himself. — Meets  Miss  Mary  Todd. — 
She  takes  Mr.  Lincoln  captive.  —  She  refuses  Douglas.  —  Engaged.  — 
Miss  Matilda  Edwards.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  undergoes  a  change  of  heart.  — 
Mr.  Lincoln  reveals  to  Mary  the  state  of  his  mind.  —  She  releases  him. 
—  A  reconciliation.  —  Every  thing  prepared  for  the  wedding.  —  Mr.  Lin 
coln  fails  to  appear.  —  Insane.  —  Speed  takes  him  to  Kentucky.  —  Lines 
on  "  Suicide." —  His  gloom.  —  Return  to  Springfield.  —  Secret  meetings 
with  Miss  Todd.  —  Sudden  marriage.  —  Correspondence  with  Mr.  Speed 
on  delicate  subjects.  —  Relics  of  a  great  man  and  a  great  agony.  —  Miss 
Todd  attacks  James  Shields  in  certain  witty  and  sarcastic  letters.  —  Mr. 
Lincoln's  name  "  given  up  "  as  the  author.  —  Challenged  by  Shields.  —  A 
meeting  and  an  explanation.  —  Correspondence.  —  Candidate  for  Con 
gressional  nomination.  —  Letters  to  Speed  and  Morris.  —  Defeat  .  .  223 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Mr.  Lincoln  a  candidate  for  elector  in  1844. — Debates  with  Calhoun. — 
Speaks  in  Illinois  and  Indiana.  — At  Gentry ville.  —  Lincoln,  Baker, 
Logan,  Hardin,  aspirants  for  Congress.  —  Supposed  bargain.  —  Can 
vass  for  Whig  nomination  in  1846. — Mr.  Lincoln  nominated.  — Opposed 
by  Peter  Cartwright. — Mr.  Lincoln  called  a  deist.  —  Elected. — Takes 
his  seat.  —  Distinguished  members.  —  Opposed  to  the  Mexican  War.  — 
The  "  Spot  Resolutions."  —  Speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  —  Murmurs  of  disap 
probation.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  for  "  Old  Rough  "  in  1848.  —  Defections  at  home. 

—  Mr.  Lincoln's  campaign.  —  Speech.  — Passage  not  generally  published. 

—  Letter  to  his  father.  —  Second   session.  —  The  "  Gott  Resolution."  — 
Mr.  Lincoln's  substitute 274 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Mr.  Lincoln  in  his  character  of  country  lawyer.  —  Public  feeling  at  the  time 
of  his  death.  — Judge  Davis's  address  at  a  bar-meeting.  — Judge  Dium- 
mond's  address.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  partnership  with  John  T.  Stuart. — 
With  Stephen  T.Logan.  —  With  William  H.  Herndon. —  Mr.  Lincoln 
"  a  case-lawyer."  —  Slow.  —  Conscientious.  —  Henry  McHenry's  case.  — 
Circumstantial  evidence.  —  A  startling  case.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  account  of 
it.  —  His  first  case  in  the  Supreme  Court. —  Could  not  defend  a  bad  case. 

—  Ignorance   of  technicalities.  —  The  Eighth    Circuit. —  Happy  on  the 
circuit.  —  Style  of  travelling.  —  His  relations.  —  Young  Johnson  indicted. 

—  Mr.  Lincoln's  kindness.  —  Jack  Armstrong's  son  tried  for  murder. — 
Mr.  Lincoln  defends  him. — Alleged  use  of  a  false  almanac.  —  Piisoner 
discharged.  —  Old  Hannah's  account  of  it. — Mr.  Lincoln's  suit  against 
Illinois  Central  Railway  Company.  — McCormick  Reaping  Machine  case. 

—  Treatment  by  Edwin  M.  Stanton 311 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

Mr.  Lincoln  not  a  candidate  for  re-election.  —  Judge  Logan's  defeat.  —  Mr. 
Lincoln  an  applicant  for  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office. —  Offered  the 
Governorship  of  Oregon.  —  Views  concerning  the  Missouri  Compromise 
and  Compromise  of  1850.  —  Declines  to  be  a  candidate  for  Congress  in 
1850.  —  Death  of  Thomas  Lincoln.  —  Correspondence  between  Mr.  Lin 
coln  and  John  Johnston.  —  Eulogy  on  Henry  Clay.  —  In  favor  of  voluntary 
emancipation  and  colonization.  —  Answer  to  Mr.  Douglas's  Richmond 
speech. — Passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  views 
concerning  slavery.  —  Opposed  to  conferring  political  privileges  upon 
negroes.  —  Aroused  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  —  Anti- 
Nebraska  party. — Mr.  Lincoln  the  leader.  —  Mr.  Douglas  speaks  at 
Chicago.  —  At  Springfield.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  replies.  —  A  great  speech. — 
Mr.  Douglas  rejoins.  —  The  Abolitionists.  —  Mr.  Herndon.  —  Determined 
to  make  Mr.  Lincoln  an  Abolitionist.  —  They  refuse  to  enter  the  Kriow- 
Nothing  lodges.  —  The  Abolitionists  desire  to  force  Mr.  Lincoln  to  take  a 
stand.  —  He  runs  away  from  Springfield.  —  He  is  requested  to  "follow 
up  "  Mr.  Douglas.  —  Speech  at  Peoria.  —  Extract.  —  Slavery  and  popular 
sovereignty.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas  agree  not  to  speak  any 
more.  —  The  election.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  announced  for  the  Legislature  by 
Wm.  Jayne.  —  Mrs.  Lincoln  withdraws  his  name. — Jayne  restores  it. 
—  He  is  elected.  — A  candidate  for  United-States  Senator.  —  Resigns  his 
seat.  —  Is  censured.  —  Anti-Nebraska  majority  in  the  Legislature.  —  The 
balloting. — Danger  of  Governor  Matteson's  election.  —  Mr.  Lincoln 
advises  his  friends  to  vote  for  Judge  Trumbull.  —  Trumbull  elected.  — 
Charges  of  conspiracy  and  corrupt  bargain.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  denial.  —  Mr. 
Douglas  imputes  to  Mr.  Lincoln  extreme  Abolitionist  views.  —  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  answer 333 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER    XV. 

The  struggle  in  Kansas.  —  The  South  begins  the  struggle. — The  North 
meets  it. — The  Missourians  and  other  proslavery  forces. — Andrew  H. 
Recder  appointed  governor.  —  Election  frauds.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  on 
Kansas.  —  Gov.  Shannon  arrives  in  the  Territory.  —  The  Free  State 
men  repudiate  the  Legislature.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  "  little  speech "  to 
the  Abolitionists  of  Illinois.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  party  relations.  —  Mr. 
Lincoln  agrees  to  meet  the  Abolitionists.  —  Convention  at  Blooming- 
ton. —  Mr.  Lincoln  considered  a  convert. — His  great  speech. — Con 
servative  resolutions. — Ludicrous  failure  of  a  ratification  meeting  at 
Springfield.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  remarks.  —  Plot  to  break  up  the  Know- 
Nothing  party.  —  "  National "  Republican  Convention.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  re 
ceives  a  hundred  and  ten  votes  for  Vice-President.  —  National  Democratic 
Convention.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  a  candidate  for  elector.  —  His  canvass.  —  Con 
fidential  letter.  —  Imperfect  fellowship  with  the  Abolitionists.  —  Mr.  Doug 
las's  speech  on  Kansas  in  June,  1857.  — Mr.  Lincoln's  reply.  — Mr.  Douglas 
committed  to  support  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  —  The  Dred  Scott 
Decision  discussed.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  against  negro  equality.  —  Affairs  in 
Kansas.  —  Election  of  a  new  Legislature.  —  Submission  of  the  Lecomp 
ton  Constitution  to  the  people.  —  Method  of  voting  on  it.  —  Constitution 
finally  rejected.  —  Conflict  in  Congress.  —  Mr.  Douglas's  defection. — 
Extract  from  a  speech  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  .......  366 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

Mr.  Douglas  opposes  the  Administration.  —  His  course  in  Congress.  — 
Squatter  sovereignty  in  full  operation.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  definition  of 
popular  sovereignty  and  squatter  sovereignty.  —  Mr.  Douglas's  private 
conferences  with  Republicans.  —  Judge  Trumbull's  opinion.  —  Mr.  Douglas 
nominated  for  senator  by  a  Democratic  Convention.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  idea 
of  what  Douglas  might  accomplish  at  Charleston.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  writing 
a  celebrated  speech.  —  He  is  nominated  for  senator.  —  A  startling  doc 
trine. —  A  council  of  friends.  —  Same  doctrine  advanced  at  Bloomington. 
—  The  "  house-divided  "  speech.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  promises  to  explain.  — 
What  Mr.  Lincoln  thought  of  Mr.  Douglas.  — What  Mr.  Douglas  thought 
of  Mr.  Lincoln.  —  Popular  canvass  for  senator.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  deter 
mines  to  "  kill  Douglas  "  as  a  Presidential  aspirant.  —  Adroit  plan  to 
draw  him  out  on  squatter  sovereignty.  —  Absurdities  of  Mr.  Douglas.  — 
The  election.  —  Success  of  Mr.  Douglas. —  Reputation  acquired  by  Mr. 
Lincoln 389 

CHAPTER    XVH. 

Mr.  Lincoln  writes  and  delivers  a  lecture.  —  The  Presidency.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's 
"  running  qualities."  —  He  thinks  himself  unfit.  —  Nominated  by  "  Illinois 
Gazette."  —  Letter  to  Dr.  Canisius. — Letter  to  Dr.  Wallace  on  the  pro 
tective  tariff  policy.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Ohio  and  Kansas.  —  A  private 
meeting  of  his  friends.  —  Permitted  to  use  his  name  for  the  Presidency.  — 


lir  CONTENTS. 

An  invitation  to  speak  in  New  York.  —  Choosing  a  subject.  —  Arrives  in 
New  York.  —  His  embarrassments.  —  Speech  in  Cooper  Institute.  —  Com 
ments  of  the  press.  —  He  is  charged  with  mercenary  conduct.  —  Letter 
concerning  the  charge.  —  Visits  New  England.  —  Style  and  character  of 
his  speeches.  —  An  amusing  encounter  with  a  clerical  politician.  .  .  421 

^      CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Meeting  of  the  Republican  State  Convention.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  present.  —  John 
Hanks  and  the  rails. —  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech.  —  Meeting  of  the  Republican 
National  Convention  at  Chicago.  —  The  platform.  —  Combinations  to 
secure  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination.  —  The  balloting.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  nomi 
nated.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Springfield  waiting  the  results  of  the  Con 
vention. —  How  he  received  the  news. — Enthusiasm  at  Springfield. — 
Official  notification.  —  The  "  Constitutional  Union  "  party.  —  The  Demo 
cratic  Conventions  at  Charleston  and  Baltimore. —  The  election. — The 
principle  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  proposed  to  make  appointments.  —  Mr. 
Stephens.  —  Mr.  Gilmore.  —  Mr.  Guthrie.  —  Mr.  Seward. — Mr.  Chase. 

—  Mr.  Bates.  —  The  cases  of  Smith  and  Cameron.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  visit  to 
Chicago.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  visit  to  his  relatives  in  Coles  County.  —  Appre 
hensions  about  assassination.  —  A  visit  from  Hannah  Armstrong.     .         .  444 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

Difficulties  and  peculiarities  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  position.  —  A  general  review 
of  his  character.  —  His  personal  appearance  and  habits.  —  His  house  and 
other  property.  —  His  domestic  relations.  —  His  morbid  melancholy 
and  superstition.  —  Illustrated  by  his  literary  tastes.  —  His  humor.  — 
His  temperate  habits  and  abstinence  from  sensual  pleasures.  —  His  am 
bition.  —  Use  of  politics  for  personal  advancement.  —  Love  of  power 
and  place.  —  Of  justice. — Not  a  demagogue  or  a  trimmer.  —  His  re 
ligious  views.  —  Attempt  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Smith  to  convert  him.  —  Mr. 
Bateman's  story  as  related  by  Dr.  Holland. — Effect  of  his  belief  upon 
his  mind  and  character 466 

CHAPTER    XX. 

Departure  of  the  Presidential  party  from  Springfield.  —  Affecting  address  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  his  friends  and  neighbors.  —  His  opinions  concerning  the 
approaching  civil  war.  —  Discovery  of  a  supposed  plot  to  murder  him  at 
Baltimore.  —  Governor  Hicks's  proposal  to  "  kill  Lincoln  and  his  men." 

—  The  plan  formed  to  defeat  the  conspiracy.  —  The  midnight  ride  from 
Harrisburg  to  Washington. — Arrival  in  Washington.  —  Before  the  In 
auguration.  —  Inauguration  Day.  —  Inaugural  Address.  —  Mr.  Lincoln's 
Oath.  —  Mr.  Lincoln  President  of  the  United  States.  —  Mr.  Buchanan 
bids  him  farewell 505 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

A  BRAHAM  LINCOLN  was  born  on  the  twelfth  day  of 
^L\.  February,  1809.  His  father's  name  was  Thomas  Lin 
coln,  and  his  mother's  maiden  name  was  Nancy  Hanks.  At 
the  time  of  his  birth,  they  are  supposed  to  have  been  married 
about  three  years.  Although  there  appears  to  have  been  but 
little  sympathy  or  affection  between  Thomas  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,  they  were  nevertheless  connected  by  ties  and  asso 
ciations  which  make  the  previous  history  of  Thomas  Lincoln 
and  his  family  a  necessary  part  of  any  reasonably  full  biog 
raphy  of  the  great  man  who  immortalized  the  name  by  wear 
ing  it. 

Thomas  Lincoln's  ancestors  were  among  the  early  settlers 
of  Rockingham  County  in  Virginia ;  but  exactly  whence  they 
came,  or  the  precise  time  of  their  settlement  there,  it  is  impos 
sible  to  tell.  They  were  manifestly  of  English  descent ;  but 
whether  emigrants  directly  from  England  to  Virginia,  or  an 
offshoot  of  the  historic  Lincoln  family  in  Massachusetts,  or 
of  the  highly-respectable  Lincoln  family  in  Pennsylvania,  are 
questions  left  entirely  to  conjecture.  We  have  absolutely 
no  evidence  by  which  to  determine  them.  Thomas  Lincoln 
himself  stoutly  denied  that  his  progenitors  were  either 


2  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Quakers  or  Puritans ;  but  he  furnished  nothing  except  his 
own  word  to  sustain  his  denial :  on  the  contrary,  some  of 
the  family  (distant  relatives  of  Thomas  Lincoln)  who  remain 
in  Virginia  believe  themselves  to  have  sprung  from  the  New- 
England  stock.  They  found  their  opinion  solely  on  the 
fact  that  the  Christian  names  given  to  the  sons  of  the  two 
families  were  the  same,  though  only  in  a  few  cases,  and  at 
different  times.  But  this  might  have  arisen  merely  from  that 
common  religious  sentiment  which  induces  parents  of  a  devo 
tional  turn  to  confer  scriptural  names  on  their  children,  or  it 
might  have  been  purely  accidental.  Abrahams,  Isaacs,  and 
Jacobs  abound  in  many  other  families  who  claim  no  kindred 
on  that  account.  In  England,  during  the  ascendency  of  the 
Puritans,  in  times  of  fanatical  religious  excitement,  the  chil 
dren  were  almost  universally  baptized  by  the  names  of  the 
patriarchs  and  Old  -Testament  heroes,  or  by  names  of  their 
own  pious  invention,  signifying  what  the  infant  was  expected 
to  do  and  to  suffer  in  the  cause  of  the  Lord.  The  progenitors 
of  all  the  American  Lincolns  were  Englishmen,  and  they  may 
have  been  Puritans.  There  is,  therefore,  nothing  unreason 
able  in  the  supposition  that  they  began  the  practice  of  con 
ferring  such  names  before  the  emigration  of  any  of  them; 
and  the  names,  becoming  matters  of  family  pride  and  family 
tradition,  have  continued  to  be  given  ever  since.  But,  if  the 
fact  that  Christian  names  of  a  particular  class  prevailed  among 
the  Lincolns  of  Massachusetts  and  the  Lincolns  of  Virginia  at 
the  same  time  is  no  proof  of  consanguinity,  the  identity  of  the 
surname  is  entitled  to  even  less  consideration.  It  is  barely 
possible  that  they  may  have  had  a  common  ancestor ;  but,  if 
they  had,  he  must  have  lived  and  died  so  obscurely,  and  so 
long  ago,  that  no  trace  of  him  can  be  discovered.  It  would 
be  as  difficult  to  prove  a  blood  relationship  between  all  the 
American  Lincolns,  as  it  would  be  to  prove  a  general  cousin- 
ship  among  all  the  Smiths  or  all  the  Joneses. l  A  patronymic 
so  common  as  Lincoln,  derived  from  a  large  geographical 

1  At  the  end  of  this  volume  will  be  found  a  very  interesting  account  of  the  family,  given 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  himself.  The  original  is  in  his  own  handwriting,  and  is  here  reproduced 
in  fac-simile. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  3 

division  of  the  old  country,  would  almost  certainly  be  taken 
by  many  who  had  no  claim  to  it  by  reason  of  descent  from 
its  original  possessors. 

Dr.  Holland,  who,  of  all  Mr.  Lincoln's  biographers,  has  en 
tered  most  extensively  into  the  genealogy  of  the  family,  says 
that  the  father  of  Thomas  was  named  Abraham ;  but  he  gives 
no  authority  for  his  statement,  and  it  is  as  likely  to  be  wrong 
as  to  be  right.  The  Hankses  —  John  and  Dennis  —  who 
passed  a  great  part  of  their  lives  in  the  company  of  Thomas 
Lincoln,  tell  us  that  the  name  of  his  father  was  Mordecai ; 
and  so  also  does  Col.  Chapman,  who  married  Thomas  Lincoln's 
step-daughter.  The  rest  of  those  who  ought  to  know  are 
unable  to  assign  him  any  name  at  all.  Dr.  Holland  says 
further,  that  this  Abraham  (or  Mordecai)  had  four  brothers,  — 
Jacob,  John,  Isaac,  and  Thomas ;  that  Isaac  went  to  Tennes 
see,  where  his  descendants  are  now ;  that  Thomas  went  to 
Kentucky  after  his  brother  Abraham  ;  but  that  Jacob  and  John 
"  are  supposed  to  have  "  remained  in  Virginia.1  This  is  doubt 
less  true,  at  least  so  far  as  it  relates  to  Jacob  and  John ;  for 
there  are  at  this  day  numerous  Lincolns  residing  in  Rocking- 
ham  County,  — the  place  from  which  the  Kentucky  Lincolns 
emigrated.  One  of  their  ancestors.  Jacob,  —  who  seems  to  be 
the  brother  referred  to,  —  was  a  lieutenant  in  the  army  of  the 
Revolution,  and  present  at  the  siege  of  Yorktown.  His  mili 
tary  services  were  made  the  ground  of  a  claim  against  the 
government,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  whilst  a  representative  in 
Congress  from  Illinois,  was  applied  to  by  the  family  to  assist 
them  in  prosecuting  it.  A  correspondence  of  some  length  en 
sued,  by  which  the  presumed  relationship  of  the  parties  was 
fully  acknowledged  on  both  sides.  But,  unfortunately,  no 
copy  of  it  is  now  in  existence.  The  one  preserved  by  the 
Virginians  was  lost  or  destroyed  during  the  late  war.  The 
family,  with  perfect  unanimity,  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
Confederate  States,  and  suffered  many  losses  in  consequence  . 
of  which  these  interesting  papers  may  have  been  one. 

1  The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  J.  G.  Holland,  p.  20. 


4  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Abraham  (or  Mordecai)  the  father  of  Thomas  Lincoln,  was 
the  owner  of  a  large  and  fertile  tract  of  land  on  the  waters  of 
Linnville's  Creek,  about  eight  miles  north  of  Harrisonburg, 
the  court-house  town  of  Rockingham  County.  It  is  difficult 
to  ascertain  the  precise  extent  of  this  plantation,  or  the  his 
tory  of  the  title  to  it,  inasmuch  as  all  the  records  of  the 
county  were  burnt  by  Gen.  Hunter  in  1864.  It  is  clear, 
however,  that  it  had  been  inherited  by  Lincoln,  the  emigrant 
to  Kentucky,  and  that  four,  if  not  all,  of  his  children  were 
born  upon  it.  At  the  time  Gen.  Sheridan  received  the  order 
"to  make  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah  a  barren  waste,"  this 
land  was  well  improved  and  in  a  state  of  high  cultivation ; 
but  under  the  operation  of  that  order  it  was  ravaged  and  des 
olated  like  the  region  around  it. 

Lincoln,  the  emigrant,  had  three  sons  and  two  daughters. 
Thomas  was  the  third  son  and  the  fourth  child.  He  was  born 
in  1778 ;  and  in  1780,  or  a  little  later,  his  father  removed  with 
his  entire  family  to  Kentucky. 

Kentucky  was  then  the  paradise  of  the  borderer's  dreams. 
Fabulous  tales  of  its  sylvan  charms  and  pastoral  beauties  had 
for  years  been  floating  about,  not  only  along  the  frontiers  of 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina,  but  farther  back 
in  the  older  settlements.  For  a  while  it  had  been  known  as 
the  "  Cane  Country,"  and  then  as  the  "  Country  of  Ken 
tucky."  Many  expeditions  were  undertaken  to  explore  it ; 
two  or  three  adventurers,  and  occasionally  only  one  at  a  time, 
passing  down  the  Ohio  in  canoes.  But  they  all  stopped  short 
of  the  Kentucky  River.  The  Indians  were  terrible ;  and  it 
was  known  that  they  would  surrender  any  other  spot  of  earth 
in  preference  to  Kentucky.  The  canes  that  were  supposed 
to  indicate  the  promised  land  —  those  canes  of  wondrous  di 
mensions,  that  shot  up,  as  thick  as  they  could  stand,  from  a 
soil  of  inestimable  fertility  —  were  forever  receding  before 
those  who  sought  them.  One  party  after  another  returned  to 
report,  that,  after  incredible  dangers  and  hardships,  they  had 
met  with  no  better  fortune  than  that  which  had  attended 
the  efforts  of  their  predecessors,  and  that  they  had  utterly 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  5 

failed  to  find  the  "  canes."  At  last  they  were  actually  found 
by  Simon  Kenton,  who  stealthily  planted  a  little  patch  of 
corn,  to  see  how  the  stalk  that  bore  the  yellow  grain  would 
grow  beside  its  "  brother  "  of  the  wilderness.  He  was  one 
day  leaning  against  the  stem  of  a  great  tree,  watching  his 
little  assemblage  of  sprouts,  and  wondering  at  the  strange 
fruitfulness  of  the  earth  which  fed  them,  when  he  heard  a 
footstep  behind  him.  It  was  the  great  Daniel  Boone's.  They 
united  their  fortunes  for  the  present,  but  subsequently  each  of 
them  became  the  chief  of  a  considerable  settlement.  Kenton's 
trail  had  been  down  the  Ohio,  Boone's  from  North  Carolina ; 
and  from  both  those  directions  soon  came  hunters,  warriors, 
and  settlers  to  join  them.  But  the  Indians  had  no  thought 
of  relinquishing  their  fairest  hunting-grounds  without  a  long 
and  desperate  struggle.  The  rich  carpet  of  natural  grasses 
which  fed  innumerable  herds  of  buffalo,  elk,  and  deer,  all  the 
year  round ;  the  grandeur  of  its  primeval  forests,  its  pure  foun 
tains,  and  abundant  streams,  —  made  it  even  more  desirable 
to  them  than  to  the  whites.  They  had  long  contended  for  the 
possession  of  it;  and  no  tribe,  or  confederacy  of  tribes,  had 
ever  been  able  to  hold  ii  to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest.  Here, 
from  time  immemorial,  the  northern  and  southern,  the  eastern 
and  western  Indians  had  maL.  each  other  in  mortal  strife, 
mutually  shedding  the  blood  r^Pfeich  ought  to  have  been 
husbanded  for  the  more  deadly  conflict  with  a  common  foe. 
The  character  of  this  savage  warfare  had  earned  for  Kentucky 
the  appellation  of  "  the  dark  and  bloody  ground  ;  "  and,  now 
that  the  whites  had  fairly  begun  their  encroachments  upon  it, 
the  Indians  were  resolved  that  the  phrase  should  lose  none 
of  its  old  significance.  White  settlers  might  therefore  count 
upon  fighting  for  their  lives  as  well  as  their  lands. 

Boone  did  not  make  his  final  settlement  till  1775.  The 
Lincolns  came  about  1780.  This  was  but  a  year  or  two 
after  Clark's  expedition  into  Illinois  ;  and  it  was  long,  long 
before  St.  Glair's  defeat  and  Wayne's  victory.  Nearly  the 
whole  of  the  north-west  territory  was  then  occupied  by  hostile 
Indians.  Kentucky  volunteers  had  yet  before  them  many  a  day 


6  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

of  hot  and  bloody  work  on  the  Ohio,  the  Musldngum,  and 
the  Miami,  to  say  nothing  of  the  continual  surprises  to  which 
they  were  subjected  at  home.  Every  man's  life  was  in  his 
hand.  From  cabin  to  cabin,  from  settlement  to  settlement, 
his  trail  was  dogged  by  the  eager  savage.  If  he  went  to 
plough,  he  was  liable  to  be  shot  down  between  the  handles ; 
if  he  attempted  to  procure  subsistence  by  hunting,  he  was 
hunted  himself.  Unless  he  abandoned  his  "  clearing  "  and 
his  stock  to  almost  certain  devastation,  and  shut  up  himself 
and  his  family  in  a  narrow  "  fort,"  for  months  at  a  time,  he 
might  expect  every  hour  that  their  roof  would  be  given  "  to 
the  flames,  and  their  flesh  to  the  eagles." 

To  make  matters  worse,  "  the  western  country,"  and  par 
ticularly  Kentucky,  had  become  the  rendezvous  of  Tories, 
runaway  conscripts,  deserters,  debtors,  and  criminals.  Gen. 
Butler,  who  went  there  as  a  Commissioner  from  Congress, 
to  treat  with  certain  Indian  tribes,  kept  a  private  journal,  in 
which  he  entered  a  very  graphic,  but  a  very  appalling  de 
scription  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Kentucky.  At  the  princi 
pal  "  points,"  as  they  were  called,  were  collected  hungry 
speculators,  gamblers,  and  mere  desperadoes,  —  these  distinc 
tions  being  the  only  divisions  and  degrees  in  society.  Among 
other  things,  the  journal  contains  a  statement  about  land-job 
bing  and  the  traffic  in  town  lots,  at  Louisville,  beside  which 
the  account  of  the  same  business  in  "  Martin  Chuzzlewit  "  is 
absolutely  tame.  That  city,  now  one  of  the  most  superb  in  the 
Union,  was  then  a  small  collection  of  cabins  and  hovels,  in 
habited  by  a  class  of  people  of  whom  specimens  might  have 
been  found  a  few  months  ago  at  Cheyenne  or  Promontory 
Point.  Notwithstanding  the  high  commissions  borne  by  Gen. 
Butler  and  Gen.  Parsons,  the  motley  inhabitants  of  Louis 
ville  flatly  refused  even  to  notice  them.  They  would  proba 
bly  have  sold  them  a  "  corner  lot"  in  a  swamp,  or  a  "  splendid 
business  site  "  in  a  mud-hole  ;  but  for  mere  civilities  there 
was  no  time.  The  whole  population  were  so  deeply  engaged 
in  drinking,  card-playing,  and  selling  town  lots  to  each  other, 
that  they  persistently  refused  to  pay  any  attention  to  three 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  7 

men  who  were  drowning  in  the  river  near  by,  although  their 
dismal  cries  for  help  were  distinctly  heard  throughout  the 
"city." 

On  the  journey  out,  the  Lincolns  are  said  to  have  endured 
many  hardships  and  encountered  all  the  usual  dangers,  includ 
ing  several  skirmishes  with  the  Indians.  They  settled  in 
Mercer  County,  but  at  what  particular  spot  is  uncertain. 
Their  house  was  a  rough  log-cabin,  their  farm  a  little  clearing 
in  the  midst  of  a  vast  forest.  One  morning,  not  long  after 
their  settlement,  the  father  took  Thomas,  his  youngest  son, 
and  went  to  build  a  fence,  a  short  distance  from  the  house  ; 
while  the  other  brothers,  Mordecai  and  Josiah,  were  sent  to 
another  field,  not  far  away.  They  were  all  intent  about  their 
work,  when  a  shot  from  a  party  of  Indians  in  ambush  broke 
the  "  listening  stillness  "  of  the  woods.  The  father  fell  dead  ; 
Josiah  ran  to  a  stockade  two  or  three  miles  off ;  Mordecai, 
the  eldest  boy,  made  his  way  to  the  house,  and,  looking  out 
from  the  loophole  in  the  loft,  saw  an  Indian  in  the  act  of  rais 
ing  his  little  brother  from  the  ground.  He  took  deliberate 
aim  at  a  silver  ornament  on  the  breast  of  the  Indian,  and 
brought  him  down.  Thomas  sprang  toward  the  cabin,  and 
was  admitted  by  his  mother,  while  Mordecai  renewed  his  fire 
at  several  other  Indians  that  rose  from  the  covert  of  the  fence 
or  thicket.  It  was  not  long  until  Josiah  returned  from  the 
stockade  with  a  party  of  settlers  ;  but  the  Indians  had  fled, 
and  none  were  found  but  the  dead  one,  and  another  who  was 
wounded  and  had  crept  into  the  top  of  a  fallen  tree. 

When  this  tragedy  was  enacted,  Mordecai,  the  hero  of  it, 
was  a  well-grown  boy.  He  seems  to  have  hated  Indians  ever 
after  with  a  hatred  which  was  singular  for  its  intensity,  even 
in  those  times.  Many  years  afterwards,  his  neighbors  be 
lieved  that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  following  peaceable  In 
dians,  as  they  passed  through  the  settlements,  in  order  to  get 
surreptitious  shots  at  them  ;  and  it  was  no  secret  that  he  had 
killed  more  than  one  in  that  way.2 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  the  widow 


8  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

abandoned  the  scene  of  her  misfortunes,  and  removed  to 
Washington  County,  near  the  town  of  Springfield,  where  she 
lived  until  the  youngest  of  her  children  had  grown  up.  Mor- 
decai  and  Josiah  remained  there  until  late  in  life,  and  were 
always  numbered  among  the  best  people  in  the  neighborhood. 
Mordecai  was  the  eldest  son  of  his  father ;  and  under  the  law 
of  primogeniture,  which  was  still  a  part  of  the  Virginia  code, 
he  inherited  some  estate  in  lands.  One  of  the  daughters 
wedded  a  Mr.  Krume,  and  the  other  a  Mr.  Brumfield. 

Thomas  seems  to  have  been  the  only  member  of  the  family 
whose  character  was  not  entirely  respectable.  He  was  idle, 
thriftless,  poor,  a  hunter,  and  a  rover.  One  year  he  wandered 
away  off  to  his  uncle,  on  the  Holston,  near  the  confines  of 
Tennessee.  Another  year  he  wandered  into  Breckinridge 
County,  where  his  easy  good-nature  was  overcome  by  a  huge 
bully,  and  he  performed  the  only  remarkable  achievement  of 
his  life,  by  whipping  him.  In  1806,  we  find  him  in  Hardin 
County,  trying  to  learn  the  carpenter's  trade.  Until  then,  he 
could  neither  read  nor  write  ;  and  it  was  only  after  his  mar 
riage  that  his  ambition  led  him  to  seek  accomplishments  of 
this  sort. 

Thomas  Lincoln  was  not  tall  and  thin,  like  Abraham,  but 
comparatively  short  and  stout,  standing  about  five  feet  ten 
inches  in  his  shoes.  His  hair  was  dark  and  coarse,  his  com 
plexion  brown,  his  face  round  and  full,  his  eyes  gray,  and  his 
nose  large  and  prominent.  He  weighed,  at  different  times, 
from  one  hundred  and  seventy  to  one  hundred  and  ninety-six. 
He  was  built  so  "  tight  and  compact,"  that  Dennis  Hanks  de 
clares  he  never  could  find  the  points  of  separation  between 
his  ribs,  though  he  felt  for  them  often.  He  was  a  little 
stoop-shouldered,  and  walked  with  a  slow,  halting  step.  But 
he  was  sinewy  and  brave,  and,  his  habitually  peaceable  dis 
position  once  fairly  overborne,  was  a  tremendous  man  in  a 
rough-and-tumble  fight.  He  thrashed  the  monstrous  bully 
of  Breckinridge  County  in  three  minutes,  and  came  off  with 
out  a  scratch. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  9 

His  vagrant  career  had  supplied  him  with  an  inexhaustible 
fund  of  anecdotes,  which  he  told  cleverly  and  well.  He  loved 
to  sit  about  at  "  stores,"  or  under  shade-trees,  and  "  spin 
yarns,"  —  a  propensity  which  atoned  for  many  sins,  and  made 
him  extremely  popular.  In  politics,  he  was  a  Democrat,  —  a 
Jackson  Democrat.  In  religion  he  was  nothing  at  times,  and 
a  member  of  various  denominations  by  turns,  —  a  Free-Will 
Baptist  in  Kentucky,  a  Presbyterian  in  Indiana,  and  a  Disci 
ple  —  vulgarly  called  Campbellite  —  in  Illinois.  In  this  latter 
communion  he  seems  to  have  died. 

It  ought,  perhaps,  to  be  mentioned,  that  both  in  Virginia 
and  Kentucky  his  name  was  commonly  pronounced  "  Linck- 
horn,"  and  in  Indiana,  "  Linckhern."  The  usage  was  so  gen 
eral,  that  Tom  Lincoln  came  very  near  losing  his  real  name 
altogether.  As  he  never  wrote  it  at  all  until  after  his  mar 
riage,  and  wrote  it  then  only  mechanically,  it  was  never 
spelled  one  way  or  the  other,  unless  by  a  storekeeper  here  and 
there,  who  had  a  small  account  against  him.  Whether  it  was 
properly  "  Lincoln,"  "  Linckhorn,"  or  "  Linckhern,"  was  not 
definitely  settled  until  after  Abraham  began  to  write,  when, 
as  one  of  the  neighbors  has  it,  "  he  remodelled  the  spelling 
and  corrected  the  pronunciation." 

By  the  middle  of  1806,  Lincoln  had  acquired  a  very  limited 
knowledge  of  the  carpenter's  trade,  and  set  up  on  his  own 
account ;  but  his  achievements  in  this  line  were  no  better  than 
those  of  his  previous  life.  He  was  employed  occasionally  to 
do  rough  work,  that  requires  neither  science  nor  skill ;  but 
nobody  alleges  that  he  ever  built  a  house,  or  pretended  to  do 
more  than  a  few  little  odd  jobs  connected  with  such  an 
undertaking.  He  soon  got  tired  of  the  business,  as  he  did  of 
every  thing  else  that  required  application  and  labor.  He  was 
no  boss,  not  even  an  average  journeyman,  nor  a  steady  hand. 
When  he  worked  at  the  trade  at  all,  he  liked  to  make  com 
mon  benches,  cupboards,  and  bureaus ;  and  some  specimens  of 
his  work  of  this  kind  are  still  extant  in  Kentucky  and  Indiana, 
and  bear  their  own  testimony  to  the  quality  of  their  work 
manship. 


10  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Some  time  in  the  year  1806  he  married  Nancy  Hanks.  It 
was  in  the  shop  of  her  uncle,  Joseph  Hanks,  at  Elizabethtown, 
in  Hardin  County,  that  he  had  essayed  to  learn  the  trade. 
We  have  no  record  of  the  courtship,  but  any  one  can  readily 
imagine  the  numberless  occasions  that  would  bring  together 
the  niece  and  the  apprentice.  It  is  true  that  Nancy  did  not 
live  with  her  uncle ;  but  the  Hankses  were  all  very  clannish, 
and  she  was  doubtless  a  welcome  and  frequent  guest  at  his 
house.  It  is  admitted  by  all  the  old  residents  of  the  place 
that  they  were  honestly  married,  but  precisely  when  or  how 
no  one  can  tell.  Diligent  and  thorough  searches  by  the  most 
competent  persons  have  failed  to  discover  any  trace  of  the  fact 
in  the  public  records  of  Hardin  and  the  adjoining  counties. 
The  license  and  the  minister's  return  in  the  case  of  Lincoln 
and  Sarah  Johnston,  his  second  wife,  were  easily  found  in 
the  place  where  the  law  required  them  to  be  ;  but  of  Nancy 
Hanks's  marriage  there  exists  no  evidence  butxthat  of  mutual 
acknowledgment  and  cohabitation.  At  the  time  of  their 
union,  Thomas  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  and  Nancy 
about  twenty-three. 

Lincoln  had  previously  courted  a  girl  named  Sally  Bush, 
who  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Elizabethtown  ;  but  his  suit 
was  unsuccessful,  and  she  became  the  wife  of  Johnston,  the 
jailer.  Her  reason  for  rejecting  Lincoln  comes  down  to  us  in 
no  words  6f  her  own  ;  but  it  is  clear  enough  that  it  was  his  want 
of  character,  and  the  "  bad  luck,"  as  the  Hankses  have  it, 
which  always  attended  him.  Sally  Bush  was  a  modest  and 
pious  girl,  in  all  things  pure  and  decent.  She  was  very 
neat  in  her  personal  appearance,  and,  because  she  was  particu 
lar  in  the  selection  of  her  gowns  and  company,  had  long  been 
accounted  a  "  proud  body,"  who  held  her  head  above  common 
folks.  Even  her  own  relatives  seem  to  have  participated  in 
this  mean  accusation  ;  and  the  decency  of  her  dress  and  beha 
vior  appear  to  have  made  her  an  object  of  common  envy  and 
backbiting.  But  she  had  a  will  as  well  as  principles  of  her 
own,  and  she  lived  to  make  them  both  serviceable  to  the 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  11 

neglected  and  destitute  son  of  Nancy  Hanks.  Thomas  Lin 
coln  took  another  wife,  but  he  always  loved  Sally  Bush  as 
much  as  he  was  capable  of  loving  anybody ;  and  years  after 
wards,  when  her  husband  and  his  wife  were  both  dead,  he 
returned  suddenly  from  the  wilds  of  Indiana,  and,  represent 
ing  himself  as  a  thriving  and  prosperous  farmer,  induced  her 
to  marry  him.  It  will  be  seen  hereafter  what  value  was 
to  be  attached  to  his  representations  of  his  own  pros 
perity. 

Nancy  Hanks,  who  accepted  the  honor  which  Sally  Bush 
refused,  was  a  slender,  symmetrical  woman,  of  medium  stature, 
a  brunette,  with  dark  hair,  regular  features,  and  soft,  sparkling 
hazel  eyes.  Tenderly  bred  she  might  have  been  beautiful ; 
but  hard  labor  and  hard  usage  bent  her  handsome  form,  and 
imparted  an  unnatural  coarseness  to  her  features  long  before 
the  period  of  her  death.  Toward  the  close,  her  life  and  her 
face  were  equally  sad  ;  and  the  latter  habitually  wore  the  wo- 
ful  expression  which  afterwards  distinguished  the  countenance 
of  her  son  in  repose. 

By  her  family,  her  understanding  was  considered  something 
wonderful.  John  Hanks  spoke  reverently  of  her  "  high  and 
intellectual  forehead,"  which  he  considered  but  the  proper 
seat  of  faculties  like  hers.  Compared  with  the  mental  pov 
erty  of  her  husband  and  relatives,  her  accomplishments  were 
certainly  very  great ;  for  it  is  related  by  them  with  pride  and 
delight  that  she  could  actually  read  and  write.  The  possession 
of  these  arts  placed  her  far  above  her  associates,  and  after  a 
little  while  even  Tom  began  to  meditate  upon  the  importance 
of  acquiring  them.  He  set  to  work  accordingly,  in  real  ear 
nest,  having  a  competent  mistress  so  near  at  hand  ;  and  with 
much  effort  she  taught  him  what  letters  composed  his  name, 
and  how  to  put  them  together  in  a  stiff  and  clumsy  fashion. 
Henceforth  he  signed  no  more  by  making  his  mark ;  but  it  is 
nowhere  stated  that  he  ever  learned  to  write  any  thing  else,  or 
to  read  either  written  or  printed  letters. 

Nancy  Hanks  was  the  daughter  of  Lucy  Hanks.  Her 
mother  was  one  of  four  sisters,  —  Lucy,  Betsy,  Polly,  and 


12  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Nancy.  Betsy  married  Thomas  Sparrow ;  Polly  married  Jesse 
Friend,  and  Nancy,  Levi  Hall.  Lucy  became  the  wife  of 
Henry  Sparrow,  and  the  mother  of  eight  children.  Nancy 
the  younger  was  early  sent  to  live  with  her  uncle  and  aunt, 
Thomas  and  Betsy  Sparrow.  Nancy,  another  of  the  four 
sisters,  was  the  mother  of  that  Dennis  F.  Hanks  whose  name 
will  be  frequently  met  with  in  the  course  of  this  history.  He 
also  was  brought  up,  or  was  permitted  to  come  up,  in  the 
family  of  Thomas  Sparrow,  where  Nancy  found  a  shelter. 

Little  Nancy  became  so  completely  identified  with  Thomas 
and  Betsy  Sparrow  that  many  supposed  her  to  have  been 
their  child.  They  reared  her  to  womanhood,  followed  her  to 
Indiana,  dwelt  under  the  same  roof,  died  of  the  same  disease, 
at  nearly  the  same  time,  and  were  buried  close  beside  her. 
They  were  the  only  parents  she  ever  knew ;  and  she  must 
have  called  them  by  names  appropriate  to  that  relationship, 
for  several  persons  who  saw  them  die,  and  carried  them  to 
their  graves,  believe  to  this  day  that  they  were,  in  fact,  her 
father  and  mother.  Dennis  Hanks  persists  even  now  in  the 
assertion  that  her  name  was  Sparrow  ;  but  Dennis  was  pitiably 
weak  on  the  cross-examination  :  and  we  shall  have  to  accept 
the  testimony  of  Mr.  Lincoln  himself,  and  some  dozens  of 
other  persons,  to  the  contrary. 

All  that  can  be  learned  of  that  generation  of  Hankses  to 
which  Nancy's  mother  belonged  has  now  been  recorded  as 
fully  as  is  compatible  with  circumstances.  They  claim  that 
their  ancestors  came  from  England  to  Virginia,  whence  they 
migrated  to  Kentucky  with  the  Lincolns,  and  settled  near 
them  in  Mercer  County.  The  same,  precisely,  is  affirmed  of 
the  Sparrows.  Branches  of  both  families  maintained  a  more 
or  less  intimate  connection  with  the  fortunes  of  Thomas  Lin 
coln,  and  the  early  life  of  Abraham  was  closely  interwoven 
with  theirs. 

Lincoln  took  Nancy  to  live  in  a  shed  on  one  of  the  alleys 
of  Elizabethtown.  It  was  a  very  sorry  building,  and  nearly 
bare  of  furniture.  It  stands  yet,  or  did  stand  in  1866,  to 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  13 

witness  for  itself  the  wretched  poverty  of  its  early  inmates. 
It  is  about  fourteen  feet  square,  has  been  three  times  removed, 
twice  used  as  a  slaughter-house,  and  once  as  a  stable.  Here 
a  daughter  was  born  on  the  tenth  day  of  February,  1807,  who 
was  called  Nancy  during  the  life  of  her  mother,  and  after  her 
death  Sarah. 

But  Lincoln  soon  wearied  of  Elizabethtown  and  carpenter- 
work.  He  thought  he  could  do  better  as  a  farmer;  and, 
shortly  after  the  birth  of  Nancy  (or  Sarah),  removed  to  a 
piece  of  land  on  the  south  fork  of  Nolin  Creek,  three  miles 
from  Hodgensville,  within  the  present  county  of  La  Rue,  and 
about  thirteen  miles  from  Elizabethtown.  What  estate  he 
had,  or  attempted  to  get,  in  this  land,  is  not  clear  from  the 
papers  at  hand.  It  is  said  he  bought  it,  but  was  unable  to 
pay  for  it.  It  was  very  poor,  and  the  landscape  of  which  it 
formed  a  part  was  extremely  desolate.  It  was  then  nearly 
destitute  of  timber,  though  it  is  now  partially  covered  in 
spots  by  a  young  and  stunted  growth  of  post-oak  and  hick 
ory.  On  every  side  the  eye  rested  only  upon  weeds  and  low 
bushes,  and  a  kind  of  grass  which  the  present  owner  of  the 
farm  describes  as  "  barren  grass."  It  was,  on  the  whole,  as 
bad  a  piece  of  ground  as  there  was  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
would  hardly  have  sold  for  a  dollar  an  acre.  The  general 
appearance  of  the  surrounding  country  was  not  much  better. 
A  few  small  but  pleasant  streams  —  Nolin  Creek  and  its  trib 
utaries  —  wandered  through  the  valleys.  The  land  was 
generally  what  is  called  "  rolling ;  "  that  is,  dead  levels  in 
terspersed  by  little  hillocks.  Nearly  all  of  it  was  arable  ; 
but,  except  the  margins  of  the  watercourses,  not  much  of  it 
was  sufficiently  fertile  to  repay  the  labor  of  tillage.  It  had 
no  grand,  un violated  forests  to  allure  the  hunter,  and  no  great 
bodies  of  deep  and  rich  soils  to  tempt  the  husbandman. 
Here  it  was  only  by  incessant  labor  and  thrifty  habits  that  an 
ordinary  living  could  be  wrung  from  the  earth. 

The  family  took  up  their  residence  in  a  miserable  cabin, 
which  stood  on  a  little  knoll  in  the  midst  of  a  barren  glade. 


14  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

A  few  stones  tumbled  down,  and  lying  about  loose,  still  indi 
cate  the  site  of  the  mean  and  narrow  tenement  which  shel 
tered  the  infancy  of  one  of  the  greatest  political  chieftains  of 
modern  times.  Near  by,  a  "  romantic  spring  "  gushed  from 
beneath  a  rock,  and  sent  forth  a  slender  but  silvery  stream, 
meandering  through  those  dull  and  unsightly  plains.  As  it 
furnished  almost  the  only  pleasing  feature  in  the  melancholy 
desert  through  which  it  flowed,  the  place  was  called  after 
it,  "  Rock  Spring  Farm."  In  addition  to  this  single  natural 
beauty,  Lincoln  began  to  think,  in  a  little  while,  that  a  couple 
of  trees  would  look  well,  and  might  even  be  useful,  if  judi 
ciously  planted  in  the  vicinity  of  his  bare  house-yard.  This 
enterprise  he  actually  put  into  execution  ;  and  three  decayed 
pear-trees,  situated  on  the  "  edge  "  of  what  was  lately  a  rye- 
field,  constitute  the  only  memorials  of  him  or  his  family  to 
be  seen  about  the  premises.  They  were  his  sole  permanent 
improvement. 

In  that  solitary  cabin,  on  this  desolate  spot,  the  illustrious 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  on  the  twelfth  day  of  February, 
1809. 

The  Lincolns  remained  on  Nolin  Creek  until  Abraham  was 
four  years  old.  They  then  removed  to  a  place  much  more 
picturesque,  and  of  far  greater  fertility.  It  was  situated 
about  six  miles  from  Hoclgensville,  on  Knob  Creek,  a  very 
clear  stream,  which  took  its  rise  in  the  gorges  of  Muldrews 
Hill,  and  fell  into  the  Rolling  Fork  two  miles  above  the  pres 
ent  town  of  New  Haven.  The  Rolling  Fork  emptied  into 
Salt  River,  and  Salt  River  into  the  Ohio,  twenty-four  miles 
below  Louisville.  This  farm  was  well  timbered,  and  more 
hilly  than  the  one  on  Nolin  Creek.  It  contained  some  rich 
valleys,  which  promised  such  excellent  yields,  that  Lincoln 
bestirred  himself  most  vigorously,  and  actually  got  into  culti 
vation  the  whole  of  six  acres,  lying  advantageously  up  and 
down  the  branch.  This,  however,  was  not  all  the  work  he 
did,  for  he  still  continued  to  pother  occasionally  at  his  trade  ; 
but,  no  matter  what  he  turned  his  hand  to,  his  gains  were 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  15 

equally  insignificant.  He  was  satisfied  with  indifferent  shel 
ter,  and  a  diet  of  "  corn-bread  and  milk  "  was  all  he  asked. 
John  Hanks  naively  observes,  that  "  happiness  was  the  end 
of  life  with  him."  The  land  he  now  lived  upon  (two  hun 
dred  and  thirty-eight  acres)  he  had  pretended  to  buy  from 
a  Mr.  Slater.  The  deed  mentions  a  consideration  of  one  hun 
dred  and  eighteen  pounds.  The  purchase  must  have  been  a 
mere  speculation,  with  all  the  payments  deferred,  for  the  title 
remained  in  Lincoln  but  a  single  year.  The  deed  was  made 
to  him  Sept.  2,  1813 ;  and  Oct.  27,  1814,  he  conveyed  two 
hundred  acres  to  Charles  Milton  for  one  hundred  pounds,  leav 
ing  thirty-eight  acres  of  the  tract  unsold.  No  public  record 
discloses  what  he  did  with  the  remainder.  If  he  retained  any 
interest  in  it  for  the  time,  it  was  probably  permitted  to  be  sold 
for  taxes.  The  last  of  his  voluntary  transactions,  in  regard  to 
this  land,  took  place  two  years  before  his  removal  to  Indiana  ; 
after  which,  he  seems  to  have  continued  in  possession  as  the 
tenant  of  Milton. 

In  the  mean  time,  Dennis  Hanks  endeavored  to  initiate 
young  Abraham,  now  approaching  his  eighth  year,  in  the 
mysteries  of  fishing,  and  led  him  on  numerous  tramps  up  and 
down  the  picturesque  branch,  —  the  branch  whose  waters 
were  so  pure  that  a  white  pebble  could  be  seen  in  a  depth 
of  ten  feet.  On  Nolin  he  had  hunted  ground-hogs  with  an 
older  boy,  who  has  since  become  the  Rev.  John  Duncan,  and 
betrayed  a  precocious  zest  in  the  sport.  On  Knob  Creek,  he 
dabbled  in  the  water,  or  roved  the  hills  and  climbed  the  trees, 
with  a  little  companion  named  Gallaher.  On  one  occasion, 
when  attempting  to  "  coon  "  across  the  stream,  by  swinging 
over  on  a  sycamore-tree,  Abraham  lost  his  hold,  and,  tumbling 
into  deep  water,  was  saved  only  by  the  utmost  exertions  of 
the  other  boy.  But,  with  all  this  play,  the  child  was  often 
serious  and  sad.  With  the  earliest  dawn  of  reason,  he  began 
to  suffer  and  endure  ;  and  it  was  that  peculiar  moral  training 
which  developed  both  his  heart  and  his  intellect  with  such 
singular  and  astonishing  rapidity.  It  is  not  likely  that  Tom 


16  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Lincoln  cared  a  straw  about  his  education.  He  had  none 
himself,  and  is  said  to  have  admired  "  muscle  "  more  than 
mind.  Nevertheless,  as  Abraham's  sister  was  going  to  school 
for  a  few  days  at  a  time,  he  was  sent  along,  as  Dennis  Hanks 
remarks,  more  to  bear  her  company  than  with  any  expecta 
tion  or  desire  that  he  would  learn  much  himself.  One  of 
the  masters,  Zachariah  Riney,  taught  near  the  Lincoln  cabin. 
The  other,  Caleb  Hazel,  kept  his  school  nearly  four  miles 
away,  on  the  "  Friend  "  farm  ;  and  the  hapless  children  were 
compelled  to  trudge  that  long  and  weary  distance  with  spell 
ing-book  and  "  dinner,"  —r-  the  latter  a  lunch  of  corn-bread, 
Tom  Lincoln's  favorite  dish.  Hazel  could  teach  reading  and 
writing,  after  a  fashion,  and  a  little  arithmetic.  But  his  great 
qualification  for  his  office  lay  in  the  strength  of  his  arm,  and 
his  power  and  readiness  to  "  whip  the  big  boys." 

But,  as  time  wore  on,  the  infelicities  of  Lincoln's  life  in 
this  neighborhood  became  insupportable.  He  was  gaining 
neither  riches  nor  credit ;  and,  being  a  wanderer  by  natural 
inclination,  began  to  long  for  a  change.  His  decision,  how 
ever,  was  hastened  by  certain  troubles  which  culminated  in 
a  desperate  combat  between  him  and  one  Abraham  Enlow. 
They  fought  like  savages  ;  but  Lincoln  obtained  a  signal  and 
permanent  advantage  by  biting  off  the  nose  of  his  antagonist, 
so  that  he  went  bereft  all  the  days  of  his  life,  and  published 
his  audacity  and  its  punishment  wherever  he  showed  his  face. 
But  the  affray,  and  the  fame  of  it,  made  Lincoln  more  anxious 
than  ever  to  escape  from  Kentucky.  He  resolved,  therefore, 
to  leave  these  scenes  forever,  and  seek  a  roof-tree  beyond  the 
Ohio. 

It  has  pleased  some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  biographers  to  repre 
sent  this  removal  of  his  father  as  a  flight  from  the  taint  of 
slavery.  Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth.  There 
were  not  at  the  time  more  than  fifty  slaves  in  all  Hardin 
County,  which  then  composed  a  vast  area  of  territor}r.  It 
was  practically  a  free  community.  Lincoln's  more  fortunate 
relatives  in  other  parts  of  the  State  were  slaveholders ;  and 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  17 

there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  that  he  ever  disclosed  any 
conscientious  scruples  concerning  the  "  institution." 

The  lives  of  his  father  and  mother,  and  the  history  and 
character  of  the  family  before  their  settlement  in  Indiana, 
were  topics  upon  which  Mr.  Lincoln  never  spoke  but  with 
great  reluctance  and  significant  reserve. 

In  his  family  Bible  he  kept  a  register  of  births,  marriages, 
and  deaths,  every  entry  being  carefully  made  in  his  own 
handwriting.  It  contains  the  date  of  his  sister's  birth  and 
his  own ;  of  the  marriage  and  death  of  his  sister ;  of  the 
death  of  his  mother ;  and  of  the  birth  and  death  of  Thomas 
Lincoln.  The  rest  of  the  record  is  almost  wholly  devoted 
to  the  Johnstons  and  their  numerous  descendants  and  con 
nections.  It  has  not  a  word  about  the  Hankses  or  the  Spar 
rows.  It  shows  the  marriage  of  Sally  Bush,  first  with  Daniel 
Johnston,  and  then  with  Thomas  Lincoln ;  but  it  is  entirely 
silent  as  to  the  marriage  of  his  own  mother.  It  does  not 
even  give  the  date  of  her  birth,  but  barely  recognizes  her 
existence  and  demise,  to  make  the  vacancy  which  was  speed 
ily  filled  by  Sarah  Johnston.1 

An  artist  was  painting  his  portrait,  and  asked  him  for  a 
sketch  of  his  early  life.  He  gave  him  this  brief  memoran 
dum  :  "  I  was  born  Feb.  12, 1809,  in  the  then  Hardin  County, 
Kentucky,  at  a  point  within  the  now  county  of  La  Rue,  a 
mile  or  a  mile  and  a  half  from  where  Hodgens  Mill  now  is. 
My  parents  being  dead,  and  my  own  memory  not  serving, 
I  know  of  no  means  of  identifying  the  precise  locality.  It 
was  on  Xolin  Creek." 

To  the  compiler  of  the  "  Dictionary  of  Congress  "  he  gave 
the  following:  "Born  Feb.  12,  1809,  in  Hardin  County, 
Kentucky.  Education  defective.  Profession,  a  lawyer. 
Have  been  a  captain  of  volunteers  in  the  Black-Hawk  War. 
Postmaster  at  a  very  small  office.  Four  times  a  member 
of  the  Illinois  Legislature,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Congress." 

1  The  leaf  of  the  Bible  which  contains  these  entries  is  in  the  possession  of  Col. 
Chapman. 


18  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

To  a  campaign  biographer  who  applied  for  particulars  of 
his  early  history,  he  replied  that  they  could  be  of  no  interest ; 
that  they  were  but 

"  The  short  and  simple  annals  of  the  poor." 

"  The  chief  difficulty  I  had  to  encounter,"  writes  this  latter 
gentleman,  "  was  to  induce  him  to  communicate  the  homely 
facts  and  incidents  of  his  early  life.  He  seemed  to  be  pain 
fully  impressed  with  the  extreme  poverty  of  his  early  sur 
roundings,  the  utter  absence  of  all  romantic  and  heroic 
elements  ;  and  I  know  he  thought  poorly  of  the  idea  of 
attempting  a  biographical  sketch  for  campaign  purposes.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Lincoln  communicated  some  facts  to  me  about  his 
ancestry,  which  he  did  not  wish  published,  and  which  I  have 
never  spoken  of  or  alluded  to  before.  I  do  not  think,  how 
ever,  that  Dennis  Hanks,  if  he  knows  any  thing  about  these 
matters,  would  be  very  likely  to  say  any  thing  about  them." 


CHAPTER  II. 

rMHOMAS  LINCOLN  was  something  of  a  waterman.  In 
J-  the  frequent  changes  of  occupation,  which  had  hitherto 
made  his  life  so  barren  of  good  results,  he  could  not  resist 
the  temptation  to  the  career  of  a  flat-boatman.  Pie  had 
accordingly  made  one,  or  perhaps  two  trips  to  New  Orleans, 
in  the  company  and  employment  of  Isaac  Bush,  who  was 
probably  a  near  relative  of  Sally  Bush.  It  was  therefore 
very  natural,  that  when,  in  the  fall  of  1816,  he  finally  deter 
mined  to  emigrate,  he  should  attempt  to  transport  his  goods 
by  water.  He  built  himself  a  boat,  which  seems  to  have 
been  none  of  the  best,  and  launched  it  on  the  Rolling  Fork, 
at  the  mouth  of  Knob  Creek,  a  half-mile  from  his  cabin. 
Some  of  his  personal  property,  including  carpenter's  tools, 
he  put  on  board,  and  the  rest  he  traded  for  four  hundred 
gallons  of  whiskey.  With  this  crazy  boat  and  this  singular 
cargo,  he  put  out  into  the  stream  alone,  and  floating  with 
the  current  down  the  Rolling  Fork,  and  then  down  Salt 
River,  reached  the  Ohio  without  any  mishap.  Here  his  craft 
proved  somewhat  rickety  when  contending  with  the  diffi 
culties  of  the  larger  stream,  or  perhaps  there  was  a  lack  of 
force  in  the  management  of  her,  or  perhaps  the  single  naviga 
tor  had  consoled  himself  during  the  lonely  voyage  by  too 
frequent  applications  to  a  portion  of  his  cargo :  at  all 
events,  the  boat  capsized,  and  the  lading  went  to  the  bottom. 
He  fished  up  a  few  of  the  tools  "  and  most  of  the  whiskey," 
and,  righting  the  little  boat,  again  floated  down  to  a  landing 
at  Thompson's  Ferry,  two  and  a  half  miles  west  of  Troy,  in 

19 


20  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Perry  County,  Indiana.  Here  he  sold  his  treacherous  boat, 
and,  leaving  his  remaining  property  in  the  care  of  a  settler 
named  Posey,  trudged  off  on  foot  to  select  "  a  location  "  in 
the  wilderness.  He  did  not  go  far,  but  found  a  place  that 
he  thought  would  suit  him  only  sixteen  miles  distant  from 
the  river.  He  then  turned  about,  and  walked  all  the  way 
back  to  Knob  Creek,  in  Kentucky,  where  he  took  a  fresh 
start  with  his  wife  and  her  children.  Of  the  latter  there 
were  only  two,  —  Nancy  (or  Sarah),  nine  years  of  age,  and 
Abraham,  seven.  Mrs.  Lincoln  had  given  birth  to  another 
son  some  years  before,  but  he  had  died  when  only  three  days 
old.  After  leaving  Kentucky,  she  had  no  more  children. 

This  time  Lincoln  loaded  what  little  he  had  left  upon  two 
horses,  and  "  packed  through  to  Posey's."  Besides  clothing 
and  bedding,  they  carried  such  cooking  utensils  as  would  be 
needed  by  the  way,  and  would  be  indispensable  when  they 
reached  their  destination.  The  stock  was  not  large.  It  con 
sisted  of  "  one  oven  and  lid,  one  skillet  and  lid,  and  some 
tin-ware."  They  camped  out  during  the  nights,  and  of 
course  cooked  their  own  food.  Lincoln's  skill  as  a  hunter 
must  now  have  stood  him  in  good  stead. 

Where  he  got  the  horses  used  upon  this  occasion,  it  is  im 
possible  to  say  ;  but  they  were  likely  borrowed  from  his 
brother-in-law,  Krume,  of  Breckinridge  County,  who  owned 
such  stock,  and  subsequently  moved  Sarah  Johnston's  goods 
to  Indiana,  after  her  marriage  with  Lincoln. 

When  they  got  to  Posey's,  Lincoln  hired  a  wagon,  and, 
loading  on  it  the  whiskey  and  other  things  he  had  stored 
there,  went  on  toward  the  place  which  has  since  become 
famous  as  the  "  Lincoln  Farm."  He  was  now  making  his 
way  through  an  almost  untrodden  wilderness.  There  was  no 
road,  and  for  a  part  of  the  distance  not  even  a  foot-trail. 
He  was  slightly  assisted  by  a  path  of  a  few  miles  in  length, 
which  had  been  "  blazed  out "  by  an  earlier  settler  named 
Hoskins.  But  he  was  obliged  to  suffer  long  delays,  and 
cut  out  a  passage  for  the  wagon  with  his  axe.  At  length, 
after  man}  detentions  and  difficulties  he  reached  the  point 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  21 

where  he  intended  to  make  his  future  home.  It  was  situated 
between  the  forks  of  Big  Pigeon  and  Little  Pigeon  Creeks, 
a  mile  and  a  half  east  of  Gentryville,  a  village  which  grew 
up  afterwards,  and  now  numbers  about  three  hundred  in 
habitants.  The  whole  country  was  covered  with  a  dense 
forest  of  oaks,  beeches,  walnuts,  sugar-maples,  and  nearly  all 
the  varieties  of  trees  that  flourish  in  North  America.  The 
woods  were  usually  open,  and  devoid  of  underbrush ;  the 
trees  were  of  the  largest  growth,  and  beneath  the  deep 
shades  they  afforded  was  spread  out  a  rich  greensward. 
The  natural  grazing  was  very  good,  and  hogs  found  abundant 
sustenance  in  the  prodigious  quantity  of  mast.  There  was 
occasionally  a  little  glado  or  prairie  set  down  in  the  midst 
of  this  vast  expanse  of  forest.  One  of  these,  not  far  from 
the  Lincoln  place,  was  a  famous  resort  for  the  deer,  and  the 
hunters  knew  it  well  for  its  numerous  "  licks."  Upon  this 
prairie  the  militia  "  musters  "  were  had  at  a  later  day,  and 
from  it  the  south  fork  of  the  Pigeon  came  finally  to  be 
known  as  the  "  Prairie  Fork." 

Lincoln  laid  off  his  curtilage  on  a  gentle  hillock  having  a 
slope  on  every  side.  The  spot  was  very  beautiful,  and  the 
soil  was  excellent.  The  selection  was  wise  in  every  respect 
but  one.  There  was  no  water  near,  except  what  was  collected 
in  holes  in  the  ground  after  a  rain  ;  but  it  was  very  foul,  and 
had  to  be  strained  before  using.  At  a  later  period  we  find 
Abraham  and  his  step-sister  carrying  water  from  a  spring 
situated  a  mile  away.  Dennis  Hanks  asserts  that  Tom  Lin 
coln  "  riddled  his  land  like  a  honeycomb,"  in  search  of  good 
water,  and  was  at  last  sorely  tempted  to  employ  a  Yankee, 
who  came  around  with  a  divining-rod,  and  declared  that  for 
the  small  consideration  of  five  dollars  in  cash,  he  would  make 
his  rod  point  to  a  cool,  flowing  spring  beneath  the  surface. 

Here  Lincoln  built  "  a  half-faced  camp,"  —  a  cabin  enclosed 
on  three  sides  and  open  on  the  fourth.  It  was  built,  not  of 
logs,  but  of  poles,  and  was  therefore  denominated  a  "  camp," 
to  distinguish  it  from  a  "  cabin."  It  was  about  fourteen  feet 
square,  and  had  no  floor.  It  was  no  larger  than  the  first  house 


22  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

he  lived  in  at  Elizabethtown,  and  on  the  whole  not  as  good  a 
shelter.  But  Lincoln  was  now  under  the  influence  of  a  tran 
sient  access  of  ambition,  and  the  camp  was  merely  prelimi 
nary  to  something  better.  He  lived  in  it,  however,  for  a 
whole  year,  before  he  attained  to  the  dignity  of  a  residence 
in  a  cabin.  "In  the- mean  time  he  cleaned  some  land,  and 
raised  a  small  crop  of  corn  and  vegetables." 

In  the  fall  of  1817,  Thomas  and  Betsy  Sparrow  came  out 
from  Kentucky,  and  took  up  their  abode  in  the  old  camp 
which  the  Lincolns  had  just  deserted  for  the  cabin.  Betsy 
was  the  aunt  who  had  raised  Nancy  Hanks.  She  had  done 
the  same  in  part  for  our  friend  Dennis  Hanks,  who  was  the 
offspring  of  another  sister,  and  she  now  brought  him  with  her. 
Dennis  thus  became  the  constant  companion  of  }*oung  Abra 
ham  ;  and  all  the  other  members  of  that  family,  as  originally 
settled  in  Indiana,  being  dead,  Dennis  remains  a  most  impor 
tant  witness  as  to  this  period  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  life. 

Lincoln's  second  house  was  a  "  rough,  rough  log  "  one  :  the 
timbers  were  not  hewed ;  and  until  after  the  arrival  of  Sally 
Bush,  in  1819,  it  had  neither  floor,  door,  nor  window.  It 
stood  about  forty  yards  from  what  Dennis  Hanks  calls  that 
"  darned  little  half-faced  camp,"  which  was  now  the  dwell 
ing  of  the  Sparrows.  It  was  "right  in  the  bush,"  —  in  the 
heart  of  a  virgin  wilderness.  There  were  only  seven  or  eight 
older  settlers  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  two  Pigeon  Creeks. 
Lincoln  had  had  some  previous  acquaintance  with  one  of 
them,  —  a  Mr.  Thomas  Carter ;  and  it  is  highly  probable 
that  nothing  but  this  trivial  circumstance  induced  him  to 
settle  here.1 

The  nearest  town  was  Troy,  situated  on  the  Ohio,  about 
half  a  mile  from:  the  mouth  of  Anderson  Creek.  Gentry- 
ville  had  as  yet  no  existence.  Travelling  was  on  horseback 
or  on  foot,  and  the  only  resort  of  commerce  was  to  the  pack- 
horse  or  the  canoe.  But  a  prodigious  immigration  was  now 

1  The  principal  authorities  for  this  part  of  our  narrative  are  necessarily  Dennis  and  John 
Hanks ;  but  their  statement3  have  been  carefully  collated  with,  those  of  other  persons,  both  In 
Kentucky  and  I  .diana. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  23 

sweeping  into  this  inviting  country.  Harrison's  victories  over 
the  Indians  had  opened  it  up  to  the  peaceful  settler;  and 
Indiana  was  admitted  into  the  Union  in  1816,  with  a  popu 
lation  of  sixty-five  thousand.  The  county  in  which  Thomas 
Lincoln  settled  was  Perry,  with  the  county-seat  at  Troy ;  but 
he  soon  found  himself  in  the  new  county  of  Spencer,  with  the 
court-house  at  Rockport,  twenty  miles  south  of  him,  and  the 
thriving  village  of  Gentryville  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of 
his  door. 

A  post-office  was  established  at  Gentryville  in  1824  or 
1825.  Dennis  Hanks  helped  to  hew  the  logs  used  to  build 
the  first  storeroom.  The  following  letter  from  Mr.  David 
Turnham,  now  of  Dale,  Spencer  County,  presents  some  inter 
esting  and  perfectly  authentic  information  regarding  the  vil 
lage  and  the  settlements  around  it  in  those  early  times :  — 

"  Yours  of  the  5th  iiist.  is  at  hand.  As  you  wish  me  to 
answer  several  questions,  I  will  give  you  a  few  items  of  the 
early  settlement  of  Indiana. 

"  When  my  father  came  here  in  the  spring  of  1819,  he  set 
tled  in  Spencer  County,  within  one  mile  of  Thomas  Lincoln, 
then  a  widower.  The  chance  for  schooling  was  poor ;  but, 
such  as  it  was,  Abraham  and  myself  attended  the  same 
schools. 

"  We  first  had  to  go  seven  miles  to  mill ;  and  then  it  was  a 
hand-mill  that  would  grind  from  ten  to  fifteen  bushels  of  corn 
in  a  day.  There  was  but  little  wheat  grown  at  that  time ; 
and,  when  we  did  have  wheat,  we  had  to  grind  it  on  the  mill 
described,  and  use  it  without  bolting,  as  there  were  no  bolts 
in  the  country.  In  the  course  of  two  or  three  years,  a  man 
by  the  name  of  Huffman  built  a  mill  on  Anderson  River, 
about  twelve  miles  distant.  Abe  and  I  had  to  do  the  milling 
on  horseback,  freqr  ently  going  twice  to  get  one  grist.  Then 
they  began  building  horse-mills  of  a  little  better  quality  than 
the  hand-mills. 

"  The  country  was  very  rough,  especially  in  the  low  lands, 
so  thick  with  bush  that  a  man  could  scarcely  get  through 
on  foot.  These  places  were  called  Roughs.  The  country 


24  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

abounded  in  game,  such  as  bears,  deer,  turkeys,  and  the 
smaller  game. 

"  About  the  time  Huffman  built  his  mill,  there  was  a  road 
laid  out  from  Corydon  to  Evansville,  running  .by  Mr.  Lincoln's 
farm,  and  through  what  is  new  Gentryville.  Corydon  was 
then  the  State  capital. 

"  About  the  year  1823,  there  was  .another  road  laid  out  from 
Rockport  to  Bloomington,  crossing  the  aforesaid  at  right 
angles,  where  Gentryville  now  stands.  James  Gentry  entered 
the  land ;  and  in  about  a  year  Gideon  Romiae  brought  goods 
there,  and  shortly  after  succeeded  in  getting  a  post-office,  by 
the  name  of  Gentryville  Post-office.  Then  followed  the  laying 
out  of  lots,  and  the  selling  of  them,  and  a  few  were  improved. 
But  for  some  cause  the  lots  all  fell  back  to  the  original 
owner.  The  lots  were  sold  in  1824  or  1825.  Romine  kept 
goods  there  a  short  time,  and  sold  out  to  Gentry,  but  the  place 
kept  on  increasing  slowly.  William  Jones  came  in  with  a 
store,  that  made  it  improve  a  little  faster,  but  Gentry  bought 
him  out.  Jones  bought  a  tract  of  land  one-half  mile  from 
Gentryville,  moved  to  it,  went  into  business  there,  and  drew 
nearly  all  the  custom.  Gentry  saw  that  it  was  ruining  his 
town :  he  compromised  with  Jones,  and  got  him  back  to  Gen 
tryville  ;  and  about  the  year  1847  or  1848  there  was  another 
survey  of  lots,  which  remains. 

"  This  is  as  good  a  history  of  the  rise  of  Gentryville  as  I 
can  give,  after  consulting  several  of  the  old  settlers. 

"  At  that  time  there  were  a  great  many  deer-licks  ;  and  Abe 
and  myself  would  go  to  those  licks  sometimes,  and  watch  of 
nights  to  kiil  deer,  though  Abe  was  not  so  fond  of  a  gun  as  I 
was.  There  were  ten  or  twelve  of  these  licks  in  a  small 
prairie  on  the  creek,  lying  between  Mr.  Lincoln's  and  Mr. 
Wood's  (the  man  you  call  Moore).  This  gave  it  the  name  of 
Prairie  Fork  of  Pigeon  Creek. 

"  The  people  in  the  first  settling  of  this  country  were  very 
sociable,  kind,  and  accommodating ;  but  there  was  more  drunk 
enness  and  stealing  on  a  small  scale,  more  immorality,  less 
religion,  less  well-placed  confidence." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  25 

The  steps  taken  by  Lincoln  to  complete  his  title  to  the  land 
upon  which  he  settled  are  thus  recited  by  the  Commissioner 
of  the  General  Land  Office  :  — 

"  In  reply  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Herndon,  who  is  writ 
ing  the  biography  of  the  late  President,  dated  June  19,  1865, 
herewith  returned,  I  have  the  honor  to  state,  pursuant  to  the 
Secretary's  reference,  that  on  the  15th  of  October,  1817,  Mr. 
Thomas  Lincoln,  then  of  Perry  County,  Indiana,  entered 
under  the  old  credit  system,  — 

"  1.  The  South-West  Quarter  of  Section  32,  in  Township 
4,  South  of  Range  5  West,  lying  in  Spencer  County,  In 
diana. 

"  2.  Afterwards  the  said  Thomas  Lincoln  relinquished  to 
the  United  States  the  East  half  of  said  South- West  Quarter ; 
and  the  amount  paid  thereon  was  passed  to  his  credit  to  com 
plete  payment  of  the  West  half  of  said  South -West  Quarter 
of  Section  32,  in  Township  4,  South  of  Range  5  West ;  and 
accordingly  a  patent  was  issued  to  said  Thomas  Lincoln  for 
the  latter  tract.  The  patent  was  dated  June  6,  1827,  and 
was  signed  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  then  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  countersigned  by  George  Graham,  then 
Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office."  l 

It  will  be  observed,  that,  although  Lincoln  squatted  upon 
the  land  in  the  fall  of  1816,  he  did  not  enter  it  until  October 
of  the  next  year ;  and  that  the  patent  was  not  issued  to  him 
until  June,  1827,  but  a  little  more  than  a  year  before  he  left  it 
altogether.  Beginning  by  entering  a  full  quarter  section,  he 
was  afterwards  content  with  eighty  acres,  and  took  eleven 
years  to  make  the  necessary  payments  upon  that.  It  is  very 
probable  that  the  money  which  finally  secured  the  patent  was 
furnished  by  Gentry  or  Aaron  Grigsby,  and  the  title  passed 
out  of  Lincoln  in  the  course  of  the  transaction.  Dennis 
Hanks  sa}rs,  "  He  settled  on  a  piece  of  government  land,  — 
eighty  acres.  This  land  he  afterwards  bought  under  the  Two- 
Dollar  Act ;  was  to  pay  for  it  in  instalments ;  one-half  he  paid, 

1  The  patent  was  issued  to  Thomas  Lincoln  alias  Linckhern. 


26  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  other  half  he  never  paid,  and  finally  lost  the  whole  of  the 
land." 

For  two  years  Lincoln  continued  to  live  along  in  the  old 
way.  He  did  not  like  to  farm,  and  he  never  got  much  of  his 
land  under  cultivation.  His  principal  crop  was  corn  ;  and  this, 
with  the  game  which  a  rifleman  so  expert  would  easily  take 
from  the  woods  around  him,  supplied  his  table.  It  does  not 
appear  that  he  employed  any  of  his  mechanical  skill  in  com 
pleting  and  furnishing  his  own  cabin.  It  has  already  been 
stated  that  the  latter  had  no  window,  door,  or  floor.  But  the 
furniture  —  if  it  may  be  called  furniture  —  was  even  worse 
than  the  house.  Three-legged  stools  served  for  chairs.  A 
bedstead  was  made  of  poles  stuck  in  the  cracks  of  the  logs  in 
one  corner  of  the  cabin,  while  the  other  end  rested  in  the 
crotch  of  a  forked  stick  sunk  in  the  earthen  floor.  On  these 
were  laid  some  boards,  and  on  the  boards  a  "  shake-down  " 
of  leaves  covered  witlxskins  and  old  petticoats.  The  table  was 
a  hewed  puncheon,  supported  by  four  legs.  They  had  a  few 
pewter  and  tin  dishes  to  eat  from,  but  the  most  minute  inven 
tory  of  their  effects  makes  no  mention  of  knives  or  forks. 
Their  cooking  utensils  were  a  Dutch  oven  and  a  skillet. 
Abraham  slept  in  the  loft,  to  which  he  ascended  by  means  of 
pins  driven  into  holes  in  the  wall. 

In  the  summer  of  1818,  the  Pigeon-Creek  settlements  were 
visited  by  a  fearful  disease,  called,  in  common  parlance,  "  the 
milk-sickness."  It  swept  off  the  cattle  which  gave  the  milk, 
as  well  as  the  human  beings  who  drank  it.  It  seems  to  have 
prevailed  in  the  neighborhood  from  1818  to  1829 ;  for  it  is 
given  as  one  of  the  reasons  for  Thomas  Lincoln's  removal  to 
Illinois  at  the  latter  date.  But  in  the  year  first  mentioned  its 
ravages  were  especially  awful.  Its  most  immediate  effects 
were  severe  retchings  and  vomitings  ;  and,  while  the  deaths 
from  it  were  not  necessarily  sudden,  the  proportion  of  those 
who  finally  died  was  uncommonly  large.1  Among  the  num- 


1  The  peculiar  disease  which  carried  off  so  many  of  Abraham's  family,  and  induced 
the  removal  of  the  remainder  to  Illinois,  deserves  more  than  a  passing  allusion.    The 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  27 

ber  who  were  attacked  by  it,  and  lingered  on  for  some  time 
in  the   midst  of  great  sufferings,  were  Thomas  and  Betsy 

following,  regarding  its  nature  and  treatment,  is  from  the  pen  of  an  eminent  physician  of 
Danville,  Illinois :  — 

WARD  n.  L.YMOX,  ESQ. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  favor  of  the  17th  inst.  has  been  rocelved.  You  request  me  to  present 
you  with  my  theory  in  relation  to  the  origin  of  the  disease  called  "  milk-sickness,"  and  also 
a  "general  statement  of  the  best  treatment  of  the  disease,"  and  the  proportion  of  fatal 
cases. 

I  have  quite  a  number  of  cases  of  the  so-called  disease  in  Danville,  111.,  and  its  vicin 
ity;  but  perhaps  you  are  not  aware,  that,  between  the  great  majority  of  the  medical  faculty 
in  this  region  of  country  and  myself,  there  is  quite  a  discrepancy  of  opinion.  They  believe 
In  the  existence  of  the  disease  in  Vermilion  County;  while,  on  the  contrary,  I  am  firmly  of 
opinion,  that,  instead  of  genuine  milk-sickness,  it  is  only  a  modified  form  of  malarial  fever 
•with  which  we  here  have  to  contend.  Though  sceptical  of  its  existence  in  this  part  of  the 
country,  we  have  too  much  evidence  from  different  intelligent  sources  to  doubt,  for  a  mo 
ment,  that,  in  many  parts  of  the  West  and  South-west,  there  is  a  distinct  malady,  witnessed 
more  than  fifty  years  ago,  and  different  from  every  other  heretofore  recognized  in  any 
system  of  Nosology. 

In  the  opinion  of  medical  men,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  people  in  general,  where  milk- 
sickness  prevails,  cattle,  sheep,  and  horses  contract  the  disease  by  feeding  on  wild  pas 
ture-lands  ;  and.  when  those  pastures  have  been  enclosed  and  cultivated,  the  cause  entirely 
disappears.  This  has  also  been  the  observation  of  the  farmers  and  physicians  of  Vermil 
ion  County.  Illinois.  From  this  it  might  be  inferred  that  the  disease  had  a  vegetable 
origin.  But  it  appears  that  it  prevails  as  early  in  the  season  as  March  and  April  in  some 
localities ;  and  I  am  informed  that,  in  an  early  day,  say  thirty-five  or  forty  years  ago,  it 
showed  itself  in  the  winter-time  in  this  county.  This  seems  to  argue  that  it  may  be  pro 
duced  by  water  holding  some  mineral  substance  in  solution.  Even  in  this  case,  however, 
some  vegetable  producing  the  disease  may  have  been  gathered  and  preserved  with  the  hay 
on  which  the  cattle  were  fed  at  the  time;  for  in  that  early  day  the  farmers  were  in  the 
habit  of  cutting  wild  grass  for  their  stock.  On  the  whole,  I  am  inclined  to  attribute  the 
cause  to  a  vegetable  origin. 

The  symptoms  of  what  is  called  milk-sickness  in  this  county  —  and  they  are  similar  to 
those  described  by  authors  who  have  written  on  the  disease  in  other  sections  of  the  West 
ern  country  —  arc  a  whitish  coat  on  the  tongue,  burning  sensation  of  the  stomach,  severe 
vomiting,  obstinate  constipation  of  the  bowels,  coolness  of  the  extremities,  great  restless 
ness  and  jactitation,  pulse  rather  small,  somewhat  more  frequent  than  natural,  and 
slightly  corded.  In  the  course  of  the  disease,  the  coat  on  the  tongue  becomes  brownish 
and  dark,  the  countenance  dejected,  and  the  prostration  of  the  patient  is  great.  A  fatal 
termination  may  take  place  in  sixty  hours,  or  life  may  be  prolonged  for  a  period  of  fourteen 
days.  These  are  the  symptoms  of  the  acute  form  of  the  disease.  Sometimes  it  runs  into 
the  chronic  form,  or  it  may  assume  that  form  from  the  commencement ;  and.  after  months 
or  years,  the  patient  may  finally  die,  or  recover  only  a  partial  degree  of  health. 

The  treatment  which  I  have  found  most  successful  is  pills  composed  of  calomel  and 
opium,  given  at  intervals  of  two.  three,  or  four  hours,  so  as  to  bring  the  patient  pretty 
strongly  under  the  influence  of  opium  by  the  time  the  second  or  third  dose  had  been  ad 
ministered;  some  effervescing  mixture,  pro  re  nata;  injections;  castor  oil,  when  the 
stomach  will  retain  it;  blisters  to  the  stomach;  brandy  or  good  whiskey  freely  adminis 
tered  throughout  the  disease ;  and  quinine  after  the  bowels  have  been  moved. 

Under  the  above  treatment,  modified  according  to  the  circumstances,  I  would  not  ex 
pect  to  lose  more  than  one  case  in  eight  or  ten,  as  the  disease  manifests  itself  in  this 
county.  .  .  . 

As  ever,  THEO.  LEMOX. 


28  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Sparrow  and  Mrs.  Nkncy  Lincoln.  It  was  now  found  expe 
dient  to  remove  the  Sparrows  from  the  wretched  "  half-faced 
camp,"  through  which  the  cold  autumn  winds  could  sweep 
almost  unobstructed,  to  the  cabin  of  the  Lincolns,  which  in 
truth  was  then  very  little  better.  Many  in  the  neighborhood 
had  already  died,  and  Thomas  Lincoln  had  made  all  their 
coffins  out  of  "green  lumber  cut  with  a  whip-saw."  In  the 
mean  time  the  Sparrows  and  Nancy  were  growing  alarmingly 
worse.  There  was  no  physician  in  the  county,  —  not  even  a 
pretender  to  the  science  of  medicine ;  and  the  nearest  regu 
lar  practitioner  was  located  at  Yellow  Banks,  Ky.,  over  thirty 
miles  distant.  It  is  not  probable  that  they  ever  secured 
his  services.  They  would  have  been  too  costly,  and  none  of 
the  persons  who  witnessed  and  describe  these  scenes  speak 
of  his  having  been  there.  At  length,  in  the  first  days  of 
October,  the  Sparrows  died  ;  and  Thomas  Lincoln  sawed  up 
his  green  lumber,  and  made  rough  boxes  to  enclose  the  mortal 
remains  of  his  wife's  two  best  and  oldest  friends.  A  day  or 
two  after,  on  the  5th  of  October,  1818,  Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln 
rested  from  her  troubles.  Thomas  Lincoln  took  to  his  green 
wood  again,  and  made  a  box  for  Nancy.  There  were  about 
twenty  persons  at  her  funeral.  They  took  her  to  the  summit 
of  a  deeply-wooded  knoll,  about  half  a  mile  south-east  of  the 
cabin,  and  laid  her  beside  the  Sparrows.  If  there  were  any 
burial  ceremonies,  they  Avere  of  the  briefest.  But  it  happened 
that  a  few  months  later  an  itinerant  preacher,  named  David 
Elkin,  whom  the  Lincolns  had  known  in  Kentucky,  wan 
dered  into  the  settlement ;  and  he  either  volunteered  or  was 
employed  to  preach  a  sermon,  which  should  commemorate  the 
many  virtues  and  pass  in  silence  the  few  frailties  of  the  poor 
woman  who  slept  in  the  forest.  Many  years  later  the  bodies 
of  Levi  Hall  and  his  wife,  Nancy  Hanks,  were  deposited  in 
the  same  earth  with  that  of  Mrs.  Lincoln.  The  graves  of 
two  or  three  children  belonging  to  a  neighbor's  family  are 
also  near  theirs.  They  are  all  crumbled  in,  sunken,  and 
covered  with  wild  vines  in  deep  and  tangled  mats.  The 
great  trees  were  originally  cut  away  to  make  a  small  cleared 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  29 

space  for  this  primitive  graveyard ;  but  the  young  dog 
woods  have  sprung  up  unopposed  in  great  luxuriance,  and  in 
many  instances  the  names  of  pilgrims  to  the  burial-place  of 
the  great  Abraham  Lincoln's  mother  are  carved  in  their  bark. 
With  this  exception,  the  spot  is  wholly  unmarked.  Her  grave 
never  had  a  stone,  nor  even  a  board,  at  its  head  or  its  foot ;  and 
the  neighbors  still  dispute  as  to  which  one  of  those  unsightly 
hollows  contains  the  ashes  of  Nancy  Lincoln. 

Thirteen  months  after  the  burial  of  Nancy  Hanks,  and  nine 
or  ten  months  after  the  solemnities  conducted  by  Elkin, 
Thomas  Lincoln  appeared  at  Elizabethtown,  Ky.,  in  search 
of  another  wife.  Sally  Bush  had  married  Johnston,  the 
jailer,  in  the  spring  of  the  same  year  in  which  Lincoln  had 
married  Nancy  Hanks.  She  had  then  rejected  him  for  a  bet 
ter  match,  but  was  now  a  widow.  In  1814  many  persons  in 
and  about  Elizabethtown  had  died  of  a  disease  which  the  peo 
ple  called  the  "  cold  plague,"  and  among  them  the  jailer. 
Both  parties  being  free  again,  Lincoln  came  back,  very  unex 
pectedly  to  Mrs.  Johnston,  and  opened  his  suit  in  an  exceed 
ingly  abrupt  manner.  "  Well,  Miss  Johnston,"  said  he,  "  I 
have  no  wife,  and  you  have  no  husband.  I  came  a  purpose  to 
marry  you :  I  knowed  you  from  a  gal,  and  you  knowed  me 
from  a  boy.  I  have  no  time  to  lose  ;  and,  if  you  are  willin',  let 
it  be  done  straight  off."  To  this  she  replied,  "  Tommy,  I 
know  you  well,  and  have  no  objection  to  marrying  you ;  but 
I  cannot  do  it  straight  off,  as  I  owe  some  debts  that  must  first 
be  paid."  "  The  next  morning,"  says  Hon.  Samuel  Haycraft, 
the  clerk  of  the  courts  and  the  gentleman  who  reports  this 
quaint  courtship,  "  I  issued  his  license,  and  they  were  mar 
ried  straight  off  on  that  day,  and  left,  and  I  never  saw  her 
or  Tom  Lincoln  since."  From  the  death  of  her  husband  to 
that  da}-,  she  had  been  living,  "  an  honest,  poor  widow,"  "  in  a 
round  log-cabin,"  which  stood  in  an  "  alley  "  just  below  Mr. 
Haycraft's  house.  Dennis  Hanks  says  that  it  was  only  "  on 
the  earnest  solicitation  of  her  friends  "  that  Mrs.  Johnston 
consented  to  marry  Lincoln.  They  all  liked  Lincoln,  and  it 
was  with  a  member  of  her  family  that  he  had  made  several 


30  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

voyages  to  New  Orleans.  Mr.  Helm,  who  at  that  time  was 
doing  business  in  his  uncle's  store  at  Elizabethtown,  remarks 
that  "  life  among  the  Hankses,  the  Lincolns,  and  the  Enlows 
was  a  long  ways  below  life  among  the  Bushes."  Sally  was 
the  best  and  the  proudest  of  the  Bushes ;  but,  nevertheless, 
she  appears  to  have  maintained  some  intercourse  with  the 
Lincolns  as  long  as  they  remained  in  Kentucky.  She  had  a 
particular  kindness  for  little  Abe,  and  had  him  with  her  on 
several  occasions  at  Helm's  store,  where,  strange  to  say,  he 
sat  on  a  nail-keg,  and  ate  a  lump  of  sugar,  "just  like  any 
other  boy." 

Mrs.  Johnston  has  been  denominated  a  "poor  widow; "  but 
she  possessed  goods,  which,  in  the  eyes  of  Tom  Lincoln,  were 
of  almost  unparelleled  magnificence.  Among  other  things, 
she  had  a  bureau  that  cost  forty  dollars  ;  and  he  informed  her, 
on  their  arrival  in  Indiana,  that,  in  his  deliberate  opinion,  it 
was  little  less  than  sinful  to  be  the  owner  of  such  a  thing. 
He  demanded  that  she  should  turn  it  into  cash,  which  she 
positively  refused  to  do.  She  had  quite  a  lot  of  other  arti 
cles,  however,  which  he  thought  well  enough  in  their  way, 
and  some  of  which  were  sadly  needed  in  his  miserable  cabin 
in  the  wilds  of  Indiana.  Dennis  Hanks  speaks  with  great 
rapture  of  the  "  large  supply  of  household  goods  "  which  she 
brought  out  with  her.  There  was  "  one  fine  bureau,  one 
table,  one  set  of  chairs,  one  large  clothes-chest,  cooking  uten 
sils,  knives,  forks,  bedding,  and  other  articles."  It  was  a  glo 
rious  day  for  little  Abe  and  Sarah  and  Dennis  when  this 
wondrous  collection  of  rich  furniture  arrived  in  the  Pigeon 
Creek  settlement.  But  all  this  wealth  required  extraordinary 
means  of  transportation ;  and  Lincoln  had  recourse  to  his  broth 
er-in-law,  Ralph  Krume,  who  lived  just  over  the  line,  in 
Breckinridge  County.  Krume  came  with  a  four-horse  team, 
and  moved  Mrs.  Johnston,  now  Mrs.  Lincoln,  with  her  family 
and  effects,  to  the  home  of  her  new  husband  in  Indiana.  When 
she  got  there,  Mrs.  Lincoln  was  much  "  surprised  "  at  the 
contrast  between  the  glowing  representations  which  her  hus- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  31 

band  had  made  to  her  before  leaving  Kentucky  and  the  real 
poverty  and  meanness  of  the  place.  She  had  evidently  been 
given  to  understand  that  the  bridegroom  had  reformed  his 
old  Kentucky  ways,  and  was  now  an  industrious  and  prosper 
ous  farmer.  She  was  scarcely  able  to  restrain  the  expression 
of  her  astonishment  and  discontent ;  but,  though  sadly  over 
reached  in  a  bad  bargain,  her  lofty  pride  and  her  high  sense 
of  Christian  duty  saved  her  from  hopeless  and  useless  repin- 
ings.  On  the  contrary,  she  set  about  mending  what  was 
amiss  with  all  her  strength  and  energy.  Her  own  goods  fur 
nished  the  cabin  with  tolerable  decency.  She  made  Lincoln 
put  down  a  floor,  and  hang  windows  and  doors.  It  was  in  the 
depth  of  winter ;  and  the  children,  as  they  nestled  in  the 
warm  beds  she  provided  them,  enjoying  the  strange  luxury  of 
security  from  the  cold  winds  of  December,  must  have  thanked 
her  from  the  bottoms  of  their  newly-comforted  hearts.  She 
had  brought  a  son  and  two  daughters  of  her  own,  —  John, 
Sarah,  and  Matilda ;  but  Abe  and  his  sister  Nancy  (whose 
name  was  speedily  changed  to  Sarah),  the  ragged  and  hapless 
little  strangers  to  her  blood,  were  given  an  equal  place  in  her 
affections.  They  were  half  naked,  and  she  clad  them  from 
the  stores  of  clothing  she  had  laid  up  for  her  own.  They 
were  dirty,  and  she  washed  them  ;  they  had  been  ill-used,  and 
she  treated  them  with  motherly  tenderness.  In  her  own  modest 
language,  she  "  made  them  look  a  little  more  human."  "  In 
fact,"  says  Dennis  Hanks,  "  in  a  few  weeks  all  had  changed ; 
and  where  every  thing  was  wanting,  now  all  was  snug  and 
comfortable.  She  was  a  woman  of  great  energ}7,  of  remark 
able  good  sense,  very  industrious  and  saving,  and  also  very 
neat  and  tidy  in  her  person  and  manners,  and  knew  exactly 
how  to  manage  children.  She  took  an  especial  liking  to 
young  Abe.  Her  love  for  him  was  warmly  returned,  and 
continued  to  the  day  of  his  death.  But  few  children  loved 
their  parents  as  he  loved  his  step-mother.  She  soon  dressed 
him  up  in  entire  new  clothes,  and  from  that  time  on  he 
appeared  to  lead  a  new  life.  He  was  encouraged  by  her  to 


32  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

study,  and  any  wish  on  his  part  was  gratified  when  it  could 
be  done.  The  two  sets  of  children  got  along  finely  together, 
as  if  they  had  all  been  the  children  of  the  same  parents. 
Mrs.  Lincoln  soon  discovered  that  young  Abe  was  a  boy 
of  uncommon  natural  talents,  and  that,  if  rightly  trained, 
a  bright  future  was  before  him,  and  she  did  all  in  her 
power  to  develop  those  talents."  When,  in  after  years,  Mr. 
Lincoln  spoke  of  his  "  saintly  mother,"  and  of  his  "  angel  of 
a  mother,"  he  referred  to  this  noble  woman,1  who  first  made 
him  feel  "like  a  human  being,"  —  whose  goodness  first  touched 
his  childish  heart,  and  taught  him  that  blows  and  taunts  and 
degradation  were  not  to  be  his  only  portion  in  the  world.2 

"  When  I  landed  in  Indiana,"  says  Mrs.  Lincoln,  "  Abe 
was  about  nine  years  old,  and  the  country  was  wild  and  deso 
late."  It  is  certain  enough  that  her  presence  took  away 
much  that  was  desolate  in  his  lot.  She  clothed  him  decently, 
and  had  him  sent  to  school  as  soon  as  there  was  a  school  to 
send  him  to.  But,  notwithstanding  her  determination  to  do 
the  best  for  him,  his  advantages  in  this  respect  were  very 
limited.  He  had  already  had  a  few  days',  or  perhaps  a  few 
weeks'  experience,  under  the  discipline  of  Riney  and  Hazel, 
in  Kentucky ;  and,  as  he  was  naturally  quick  in  the  acquisi 
tion  of  any  sort  of  knowledge,  it  is  likely  that  by  this  time 
be  could  read  and  write  a  little.  He  was  now  to  have  the 
benefit  of  a  few  months  more  of  public  instruction ;  but  the 
poverty  of  the  family,  and  the  necessity  for  his  being  made 
to  work  at  home  in  the  shop  and  on  the  farm,  or  abroad  as  a 
hired  boy,  made  his  attendance  at  school,  for  any  great  length 
of  time,  a  thing  impossible.  Accordingly,  all  his  school-days 
added  together  would  not  make  a  single  year  in  the  aggre 
gate. 

1  The  author  has  many  times  heard  him  make  the  application.  While  he  seldom,  if  ever, 
spoke  of  his  own  mother,  he  loved  to  dwell  on  the  beautiful  character  of  Sally  Bush. 

2  The  following  description  of  her  personal  appearance  is  from  the  pen  of  her  grand 
daughter,  the  daughter  of  Dennis  Hanks :  — 

'•  His  wife,  my  grandmother,  is  a  very  tall  woman;  straight  as  an  Indian,  fair  com 
plexion,  and  was,  when  I  first  remember  her,  very  handsome,  sprightly,  talkative,  and 
proud;  wore  her  hair  curled  till  gray ;  is  kind-hearted  and  very  charitable,  and  also  very 
industrious."-  MRS.  U.  A.  CHAPMAN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  33 

Abraham  began  his  irregular  attendance  at  the  nearest 
school  very  soon  after  he  fell  under  the  care  of  the  second 
Mrs.  Lincoln.  It  was  probably  in  the  winter  of  1819,  she 
having  come  out  in  the  December  of  that  year.  It  has  been 
seen  that  she  was  as  much  impressed  by  his  mental  precocity 
as  by  the  good  qualities  of  his  heart. 

Hazel  Dorsey  was  his  first  master.1  He  presided  in  a  small 
house  near  the  Little  Pigeon  Creek  meeting-house,  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  the  Lincoln  cabin.  It  was  built  of  unhewn 
logs,  and  had  "  holes  for  windows,"  in  which  "  greased 
paper  "  served  for  glass.  The  roof  was  just  high  enough  for 
a  man  to  stand  erect.  Here  he  was  taught  reading,  writing, 
and  ciphering.  They  spelled  i\i  classes,  and  "  trapped  "  up 
and  down.  These  juvenile  contests  were  very  exciting  to 
the  participants  ;  and  it  is  said  by  the  survivors,  that  Abe 
was  even  then  the  equal,  if  not  the  superior,  of  any  scholar 
in  his  class. 

The  next  teacher  was  Andrew  Crawford.  Mrs.  Gentry 
says  he  began  pedagogue  in  the  neighborhood  in  the  winter 
of  1822-3,  whilst  most  of  his  other  scholars  are  unable  to  fix 
an  exact  date.  He  "kept"  in  the  same  little  schoolhouse 
which  had  been  the  scene  of  Dorsey's  labors,  and  the  win 
dows  were  still  adorned  with  the  greased  leaves  of  old  copy 
books  that  had  come  down  from  Dorsey's  time.  Abe  was 
now  in  his  fifteenth  year,  and  began  to  exhibit  symptoms  of 
gallantry  toward  the  weaker  sex,  as  we  shaH  presently  dis 
cover.  He  was  growing  at  a  tremendous  rate,  and  two  years 
later  attained  his  full  height  of  six  feet  four  inches.  He  was 
long,  wiry,  and  strong ;  while  his  big  feet  and  hands,  and  the 
length  of  his  legs  and  arms,  were  out  of  all  proportion  to  his 
small  trunk  and  head.  His  complexion  was  very  swarthy, 
and  Mrs.  Gentry  says  that  his  skin  was  shrivelled  and  yellow 
even  then.  He  wore  low  shoes,  buckskin  breeches,  linsey- 
woolsey  shirt,  and  a  cap  made  of  the  skin  of  an  opossum  or 
a  coon.  The  breeches  clung  close  to  his  thighs  and  legs,  but 

1  The  account  of  the  schools  la  taken  from  the  Grigsbys,  Turnham,  and  others,  who 
attended  them  along  with  Abe,  as  well  as  from  the  members  of  his  own  family. 
3 


34  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

failed  by  a  large  space  to  meet  the  tops  of  his  shoes.  Twelve 
inches  remained  uncovered,  and  exposed  that  much  of  "  shin- 
bone,  sharp,  blue,  and  narrow."  *  "  He  would  always  come  to 
school  thus,  good-humoredly  and  laughing,"  says  his  old  friend, 
Nat  Grigsby.  "  He  was  always  in  good  health,  never  was  sick, 
had  an  excellent  constitution,  and  took  care  of  it." 

Crawford  taught  "  manners."  This  was  a  feature  of  back 
woods  education  to  which  Dorsey  had  not  aspired,  and  Craw 
ford  had  doubtless  introduced  it  as  a  refinement  which  would 
put  to  shame  the  humbler  efforts  of  his  predecessor.  One 
of  the  scholars  was  required  to  retire,  and  re-enter  as  a  po 
lite  gentleman  is  supposed  to  enter  a  drawing-room.  He  was 
received  at  the  door  by  another  scholar,  and  conducted  from 
bench  to  bench,  until  he  had  been  introduced  to  all  the 
"  young  ladies  and  gentlemen "  in  the  room.  Abe  went 
through  the  ordeal  countless  times.  If  he  took  a  serious 
view  of  the  business,  it  must  have  put  him  to  exquisite  tor 
ture  ;  for  he  was  conscious  that  he  was  not  a  perfect  type  of 
manly  beauty,  with  his  long  legs  and  blue  shins,  his  small 
head,  his  great  ears,  and  shrivelled  skin.  If,  however,  it 
struck  him  as  at  all  funny,  it  must  have  filled  him  with  un 
speakable  mirth,  and  given  rise  to  many  antic  tricks  and  sly 
jokes,  as  he  was  gravely  led  about,  shamefaced  and  gawky, 
under  the  very  eye  of  the  precise  Crawford,  to  be  introduced 
to  the  boys  and  girls  of  his  most  ancient  acquaintance. 

But,  though  Crawford  inculcated  manners,  he  by  no  means 
neglected  spellmg.  Abe  was  a  good  speller,  and  liked  to 
use  his  knowledge,  not  only  to  secure  honors  for  himself, 
but  to  help  his  less  fortunate  schoolmates  out  of  their  trou 
bles,  and  he  was  exceedingly  ingenious  in  the  selection  of  ex 
pedients  for  conveying  prohibited  hints.  One  day  Crawford 
gave  out  the  difficult  word  defied.  A  large  class  was  on  the 
floor,  but  they  all  provokingly  failed  to  spell  it.  D-e-f-i-d-e, 
said  one ;  d-e-f-y-d-e,  said  another ;  d-e-f-y-d,  —  d-e-f-y-e-d, 
cried  another  and  another.  But  it  was  all  wrong :  it  was 

1  "  They  had  no  woollen  clothing  in  the  family  until  about  the  year  1824."  —  DENNIS 
HANKS. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  35 

shameful,  that,  among  all  these  big  boys  and  girls,  nobody 
could  spell  "defied;"  and  Crawford's  wrath  gathered  in 
clouds  over  his  terrible  brow.  He  made  the  helpless  culprits 
shake  with  fear.  He  declared  he  would  keep  the  whole  class 
in  all  day  and  all  night,  if  "  defied  "  was  not  spelled.  There 
was  among  them  a  Miss  Roby,  a  girl  fifteen  years  of  age, 
whom  we  must  suppose  to  have  been  pretty,  for  Abe  was 
evidently  half  in  love  with  her.  "  I  saw  Lincoln  at  the  win-  / 
dow,"  says  she  :  "  he  had  his  finger  in  his  eye,  and  a  smile  on 
his  face  ;  I  instantly  took  the  hint,  that  I  must  change  the 
letter  y  into  an  i.  Hence  I  spelled  the  word,  — the  class  let 
out.  I  felt  grateful  to  Lincoln  for  this  simple  thing." 

Nat  Grigsby  tells  us,  with  unnecessary  particularity,  that 
"  essays  and  poetry  were  not  taught  in  this  school."  "  Abe 
took  it  (them)  up  on  his  own  account."  He  first  wrote  short 
sentences  against  "  cruelty  to  animals,"  and  at  last  came  for 
ward  with  a  regular  "  composition  "  on  the  subject.  He  was 
very  much  annoyed  and  pained  by  the  conduct  of  the  boys, 
who  were  in  the  habit  of  catching  terrapins,  and  putting 
coals  of  fire  on  their  backs.  "  He  would  chide  us,"  says  Nat, 
"  tell  us  it  was  wrong,  and  would  write  against  it." 

The  third  and  last  school  to  which  Abe  went  was  taught  „/ 
by  a  Mr.  Swaney,  in  1826.  To  get  there,  he  had  to  travel 
four  and  a  half  miles  ;  and  this  going  back  and  forth  so  great 
a  distance  occupied  entirely  too  much  of  his  time.  His  at 
tendance  was  therefore  only  at  odd  times,  and  was  speedily 
broken  off  altogether.  The  schoolhouse  was  much  like  the 
other  one  near  the  Pigeon  Creek  meeting-house,  except 
that  it  had  two  chimneys  instead  of  one.  The  course  of 
instruction  was  precisely  the  same  as  under  Dorsey  and  Craw 
ford,  save  that  Swaney,  like  Dorsey,  omitted  the  great  depart 
ment  of  "  manners."  "  Here,"  says  John  Hoskins,  the  son  of 
the  settler  who  had  "  blazed  out "  the  trail  for  Tom  Lincoln, 
"  we  would  choose  up,  and  spell  as  in  old  times  every  Friday 
night."  Hoskins  himself  tore  down  "the  old  schoolhouse " 
long  since,  and  built  a  stable  with  the  logs.  He  is  now  half 
sorry  for  his  haste,  and  reverently  presented  Mr.  Herndon  a 


36  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

piece  of  the  wood  as  a  precious  memento  of  his  old  friend 
Abe.  An  oak-tree,  blackened  and  killed  by  the  smoke  that 
issued  from  the  two  chimneys,  spreads  its  naked  arms  over 
the  spot  where  the  schoolhouse  stood.  Among  its  roots  is  a 
fine,  large  spring,  over  whose  limpid  waters  Abe  often  bent 
to  drink,  and  laughed  at  the  reflection  of  his  own  homely 
face. 

Abe  never  went  to  school  again  in  Indiana  or  elsewhere. 
Mr.  Turnham  tells  us,  that  he  had  excelled  all  his  masters, 
and  it  was  "  no  use  "  for  him  to  attempt  to  learn  any  thing 
from  them.  But  he  continued  his  studies  at  home,  or  wher 
ever  he  was  hired  out  to  work,  with  a  perseverance  which 
showed  that  he  could  scarcely  live  without  some  species  of 
mental  excitement.  He  was  by  no  means  fond  of  the  hard 
manual  labor  to  which  his  own  necessities  and  those  of  his 
family  compelled  him.  Many  of  his  acquaintances  state  this 
fact  with  strong  emphasis,  —  among  them  Dennis  Hanks  and 
Mrs.  Lincoln.  His  neighbor,  John  Romine,  declares  that  Abe 
was  "  awful  lazy.  He  worked  for  me ;  was  always  reading 
and  thinking ;  used  to  get  mad  at  him.  He  worked  for  me 
in  1829,  pulling  fodder.  I  say  Abe  was  awful  lazy  :  he  would 
laugh  and  talk  and  crack  jokes  and  tell  stories  all  the  time  ; 
didn't  love  work,  but  did  dearly  love  his  pay.  He  worked 
for  me  frequently,  a  few  days  only  at  a  time.  .  .  .  Lincoln 
said  to  me  one  day,  that  his  father  taught  him  to  work,  but 
never  learned  him  to  love  it." 

Abe  loved  to  lie  under  a  shade-tree,  or  up  in  the  loft  of  the 
cabin,  and  read,  cipher,  and  scribble.  At  night  he  sat  by  the 
chimney  "jamb,"  and  ciphered,  by  the  light  of  the  fire,  on 
the  wooden  fire-shovel.  When  the  shovel  was  fairly  covered, 
he  would  shave  it  off  with  Tom  Lincoln's  drawing-knife,  and 
begin  again.  In  the  daytime  he  used  boards  for  the  same 
purpose,  out  of  doors,  and  went  through  the  shaving  process 
everlastingly.  His  step-mother l  repeats  often,  that  "  he  read 

Whenever  Mrs.  Sarah  Lincoln  speaks,  we  follow  her  implicitly.  Regarding  Abe's 
habits  and  conduct  at  home,  her  statement  is  a  very  full  one.  It  is,  however,  confirmed 
and  supplemented  by  all  the  other  members  of  the  family  who  were  alive  in  1866. 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  37 

every  book  he  could  lay  his  hand  on."  She  says,  "  Abe  read 
diligently.  .  .  .  He  read  every  book  he  could  lay  his  hands 
on ;  and,  when  he  came  across  a  passage  that  struck  him,  he 
would  write  it  down  on  boards  if  he  had  no  paper,  and  keep 
it  there  until  he  did  get  paper.  Then  he  would  re-write  it, 
look  at  it,  repeat  it.  He  had  a  copy-book,  a  kind  of  scrap- 
book,  in  which  he  put  down  all  things,  and  thus  preserved 
them." 

John  Hanks  came  out  from  Kentucky  when  Abe  was  four 
teen  years  of  age,  and  lived  four  years  with  the  Lincolns. 
We  cannot  describe  some  of  Abe's  habits  better  than  John 
has  described  them  for  us :  "  When  Lincoln  —  Abe  and  I  — 
returned  to  the  house  from  work,  he  would  go  to  the  cupboard, 
snatch  a  piece  of  corn-bread,  take  down  a  book,  sit  down  on 
a  chair,  cock  his  legs  up  high  as  his  head,  and  read.  He  and 
I  worked  barefooted,  grubbed  it,  ploughed,  mowed,  and  cra 
dled  together ;  ploughed  corn,  gathered  it,  and  shucked  corn. 
Abraham  read  constantly  when  he  had  an  opportunity." 

Among  the  books  upon  which  Abe  "  laid  his  hands  "  were 
"  JEsop's  Fables,"  "Robinson  Crusoe,"  Bunyan's  "  Pilgrim's 
Progress,"  a  "  History  of  the  United  States,"  and  Weems's 
"Life  of  Washington."  All  these  he  read  many  times,  and 
transferred  extracts  from  them  to  the  boards  and  the  scrap- 
book.  He  had  procured  the  scrap-book  because  most  of  his 
literature  was  borrowed,  and  he  thought  it  profitable  to  take 
copious  notes  from  the  books  before  he  returned  them.  David 
Turnham  had  bought  a  volume  of  "  The  Revised  Statutes  of 
Indiana  ;  "  but,  as  he  was  "  acting  constable  "  at  the  time,  he 
could  not  lend  it  to  Abe.  But  Abe  was  not  to  be  baffled  in 
his  purpose  of  going  through  and  through  every  book  in  the 
neighborhood ;  and  so,  says  Mr.  Turnham,  "  he  used  to  come 
to  my  house  and  sit  and  read  it."  l  Dennis  Hanks  would 
fain  have  us  believe  that  he  himself  was  the  purchaser  of  this 
book,  and  that  he  had  stood  as  a  sort  of  first  preceptor  to 
Abe  in  the  science  of  law.  "  I  had  like  to  forgot,"  writes 

1  He  also  read  at  Turnham's  house  Scott's  Lessons  and  Sindbad  the  Sailor. 


38  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Dennis,  with  his  usual  modesty,  "  How  did  Abe  get  his  knowl 
edge  of  law  ?  This  is  the  fact  about  it.  I  bought  the  '  Stat 
ute  of  Indiana,'  and  from  that  he  learned  the  principles  of 
law,  and  also  myself.  Every  man  should  become  acquainted 
of  the  principles  of  law."  The  Bible,  according  to  Mrs.  Lin 
coln,  was  not  one  of  his  studies  :  "  he  sought  more  congenial 
books."  At  that  time  he  neither  talked  nor  read  upon  reli 
gious  subjects.  If  he  had  any  opinions  about  them,  he  kept 
them  to  himself. 

Abraham  borrowed  Weems's  "  Life  of  Washington  "  from  his 
neighbor,  old  Josiah  Crawford,  —  not  Andrew  Crawford,  the 
school-teacher,  as  some  of  his  biographers  have  it.  The 
"  Life  "  was  read  with  great  avidity  in  the  intervals  of  work, 
and,  when  not  in  use,  was  carefully  deposited  on  a  shelf,  made 
of  a  clapboard  laid  on  two  pins.  But  just  behind  the  shelf 
there  was  a  great  crack  between  the  logs  of  the  wall ;  and  one 
night,  while  Abe  was  dreaming  in  the  loft,  a  storm  came  up, 
and  the  rain,  blown  through  the  opening,  soaked  his  precious 
book  from  cover  to  cover.  Crawford  was  a  sour  and  churlish 
fellow  at  best,  and  flatly  refused  to  take  the  damaged  book 
back  again.  He  said,  that,  if  Abe  had  no  money  to  pay  for 
it,  he  could  work  it  out.  Of  course,  there  was  no  alternative ; 
and  Abe  was  obliged  to  discharge  the  debt  by  "  pulling  fod 
der  "  three  days,  at  twenty-five  cents  a  day.  Crawford  after 
wards  paid  dearly  for  his  churlishness. 

At  home,  with  his  step-mother  and  the  children,  he  was  the 
most  agreeable  fellow  in  the  world.  "•  He  was  always  ready  to 
do  every  thing  for  everybody."  When  he  was  not  doing  some 
special  act  of  kindness,  he  told  stories  or  "  cracked  jokes." 
"  He  was  as  full  of  his  yarns  in  Indiana  as  ever  he  was  in 
Illinois."  Dennis  Hanks  was  a  clever  hand  at  the  same  busi 
ness,  and  so  was  old  Tom  Lincoln.  Among  them  they  must 
have  made  things  very  lively,  during  the  long  winter  evenings, 
for  John  Johnston  and  the  good  old  lady  and  the  girls. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  was  never  able  to  speak  of  Abe's  conduct  to 
her  without  tears.  In  her  interview  with  Mr.  Herndon,  when 


MRS.  SARAH  LINCOLN,  MOTHER  OF  THE  PRESIDENT. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  39 

the  sands  of  her  life  had  nearly  run  out,  she  spoke  with  deep 
emotion  of  her  own  son,  but  said  she  thought  that  Abe  was 
kinder,  better,  truer,  than  the  other.  Even  the  mother's  in 
stinct  was  lost  as  she  looked  back  over  those  long  years  of  pov 
erty  and  privation  in  the  Indiana  cabin,  when  Abe's  grateful 
love  softened  the  rigors  of  her  lot,  and  his  great  heart  and  giant 
frame  were  always  at  her  command.  "  Abe  was  a  poor  boy," 
said  she ;  "  and  I  can  say  what  scarcely  one  woman  —  a 
mother  —  can  say  in  a  thousand.  Abe  never  gave  me  a  cross 
word  or  look,  and  never  refused,  in  fact  or  appearance,  to  do 
any  thing  I  requested  him.  I  never  gave  him  a  cross  word  in 
all  my  life.  .  .  .  His  mind  and  mine  —  what  little  I  had  — 
seemed  to  run  together.  .  .  .  He  was  here  after  he  was 
elected  President."  (At  this  point  the  aged  speaker  turned 
away  to  weep,  and  then,  wiping  her  eyes  with  her  apron,  went 
on  with  the  story).  "  He  was  dutiful  to  me  always.  I 
think  he  loved  me  truly.  I  had  a  son,  John,  who  was  raised 
with  Abe.  Both  were  good  boys  ;  but  I  must  say,  both  now 
being  dead,  that  Abe  was  the  best  boy  I  ever  saw,  or  expect 
to  see.  I  wish  I  had  died  when  my  husband  died.  I  did  not 
want  Abe  to  run  for  President ;  did  not  want  him  elected  ; 
was  afraid  somehow,  —  felt  in  my  heart ;  and  when  he  came 
down  to  see  me,  after  he  was  elected  President,  I  still  felt  that 
something  told  me  that  something  would  befall  Abe,  and  that 
I  should  see  him  no  more." 

Is  there  any  thing  in  the  language  we  speak  more  touching 
than  that  simple  plaint  of  the  woman  whom  we  must  regard 
as  Abraham  Lincoln's  mother  ?  The  apprehension  in  her 
"  heart "  was  well  grounded.  She  "  saw  him  no  more."  When 
Mr.  Herndon  rose  to  depart,  her  eyes  again  filled  with  tears ; 
and,  wringing  his  hands  as  if  loath  to  part  with  one  who 
talked  so  much  of  her  beloved  Abe,  she  said,  "  Good-by,  my 
good  son's  friend.  Farewell." 

Abe  had  a  very  retentive  memory.  He  frequently  amused 
his  young  companions  by  repeating  to  them  long  passages 
from  the  books  he  had  been  reading.  On  Monday  mornings  he 
would  mount  a  stump,  and  deliver,  with  a  wonderful  approach 


40  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

to  exactness,  the  sermon  he  had  heard  the  day  before.  His 
taste  for  public  speaking  appeared  to  be  natural  and  irresist 
ible.  His  step-sister,  Matilda  Johnston,  says  he  was  an  in 
defatigable  "  preacher."  "  When  father  and  mother  would  go 
to  church,  Abe  would  take  down  the  Bible,  read  a  verse,  give 
out  a  hymn,  and  we  would  sing.  Abe  was  about  fifteen  years 
of  age.  He  preached,  and  we  would  do  the  crying.  Some 
times  he  would  join  in  the  chorus  of  tears.  One  day  my 
brother,  John  Johnston,  caught  a  land  terrapin,  brought  it  to 
the  place  where  Abe  was  preaching,  threw  it  against  the  tree, 
and  crushed  the  shell.  It  suffered  much,  —  quivered  all  over. 
Abe  then  preached  against  cruelty  to  animals,  contending  that 
an  ant's  life  was  as  sweet  to  it  as  ours  to  us." 

But  this  practice  of  "  preaching  "  and  political  speaking, 
into  which  Abe  had  fallen,  at  length  became  a  great  nuisance 
to  old  Tom.  It  distracted  everybody,  and  sadly  interfered 
with  the  work.  If  Abe  had  confined  his  discourses  to  Sunday 
preaching,  while  the  old  folks  were  away,  it  would  not  have 
been  so  objectionable.  But  he  knew  his  power,  liked  to  please 
everybody,  and  would  be  sure  to  set  up  as  an  orator  wherever 
he  found  the  greatest  number  of  people  together.  When  it 
was  announced  that  Abe  had  taken  the  "  stump  "  in  the  har 
vest-field,  there  was  an  end  of  work.  The  hands  flocked 
around  him,  arid  listened  to  his  curious  speeches  with  infinite 
delight.  "  The  sight  of  such  a  thing  amused  all,"  says  Mrs. 
Lincoln  ;  though  she  admits  that  her  husband  was  compelled 
to  break  it  up  with  the  strong  hand  ;  and  poor  Abe  was  many 
times  dragged  from  the  platform,  and  hustled  off  to  his  work 
in  no  gentle  manner. l 

Abe  worked  occasionally  with  Tom  Lincoln  in  the  shop ; 
but  he  did  it  reluctantly,  and  never  intended  to  learn  even 
so  much  of  the  trade  as  Lincoln  was  able  to  teach  him.  The 
rough  work  turned  out  at  that  shop  was  far  beneath  his  am- 

1  We  are  told  by  Col.  Chapman  that  Abe's  father  habitually  treated  him  with 
great  barbarity.  Dennis  Hanks  insists  that  he  loved  him  sincerely,  but  admits  that  he 
DOW  and  then  knocked  him  from  the  fence  for  merely  answering  traveller's  questions  about 
the  roads. 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  41 

bition,  and  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  lead  a  life  as  wholly 
unlike  his  father's  as  he  could  possibly  make  it.  He  therefore 
refused  to  be  a  carpenter.  But  he  could  not  afford  to  be 
idle ;  and,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  earn  wages,  he  was  hired 
out  among  the  neighbors.  He  worked  for  many  of  them  a 
few  months  at  a  time,  and  seemed  perfectly  willing  to  transfer 
his  services  wherever  they  were  wanted,  so  that  his  father 
had  no  excuse  for  persecuting  him  with  entreaties  about 
learning  to  make  tables  and  cupboards. 

Abe  was  now  becoming  a  man,  and  was,  in  fact,  already  [ 
taller  than  any  man  in  the  neighborhood.  He  was  a  universal 
favorite,  and  his  wit  and  humor  made  him  heartily  welcome 
at  every  cabin  between  the  two  Pigeon  Creeks.  Any  family 
was  glad  when  "  Abe  Linkern  "  was  hired  to  work  with  them  ; 
for  he  did  his  work  well,  and  made  them  all  merry  while  he 
was  about  it.  The  women  were  especially  pleased,  for  Abe 
was  not  above  doing  any  kind  of  "  chores  "  for  them.  He 
was  always  ready  to  make  a  fire,  carry  water,  or  nurse  a  baby. 
But  what  manner  of  people  were  these  amongst  whom  he 
passed  the  most  critical  part  of  his  life  ?  We  must  know  them 
if  we  desire  to  know  him. 

There  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Gentryville  a  Mrs. 
Elizabeth  Crawford,  wife  to  the  now  celebrated  Josiah  with 
the  sour  temper  and  the  blue  nose.  Abe  was  very  fond  of 
her,  and  inclined  to  "let  himself  out"  in  her  company.  She 
fortunately  possessed  a  rare  memory,  and  Mr.  Herndon's  rich 
collection  of  manuscripts  was  made  richer  still  by  her  contri 
butions.  We  have  from  her  a  great  mass  of  valuable,  and 
sometimes  extremely  amusing,  information.  Among  it  is  the 
following  graphic,  although  rude,  account  of  the  Pigeon  Creek 
people  in  general :  — 

"  You  wish  me  to  tell  you  how  the  people  used  to  go  to 
meeting,  —  how  far  they  went.  At  that  time  we  thought  it 
nothing  to  go  eight  or  ten  miles.  The  old  ladies  did  not  stop 
for  the  want  of  a  shawl,  or  cloak,  or  riding-dress,  or  two 
horses,  in  the  winter-time  ;  but  they  would  put  on  their  hus- 

8 


42  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

bands'  old  overcoats,  and  wrap  up  their  little  ones,  and  take 
one  or  two  of  them  up  on  their  beasts,  and  their  husbands 
would  walk,  and  they  would  go  to  church,  and  stay  in  the 
neighborhood  until  the  next  day,  and  then  go  home.  The  old 
men  would  start  out  of  their  fields  from  their  work,  or  out  of 
the  woods  from  hunting,  with  their  guns  on  their  shoulders, 
and  go  to  church.  Some  of  them  dressed  in  deer-skin  pants 
and  moccasins,  hunting-shirts  with  a  rope  or  leather  strap 
around  them.  They  would  come  in  laughing,  shake  hands  all 
around,  sit  down  and  talk  about  their  game  they  had  killed, 
or  some  other  work  they  had  done,  and  smoke  their  pipes  to 
gether  with  the  old  ladies.  If  in  warm  weather,  they  would 
kindle  up  a  little  fire  out  in  the  meeting-house  yard,  to  light 
their  pipes.  If  in  winter-time,  they  would  hold  church  in  some 
of  the  neighbors'  houses.  At  such  times  they  were  always 
treated  with  the  utmost  of  kindness :  a  bottle  of  whiskey,  a 
pitcher  of  water,  sugar  and  glass,  were  set  out,  or  a  basket  of 
apples,  or  turnips,  or  some  pies  and  cakes.  Apples  were  scarce 
them  times.  Sometimes  potatoes  were  used  as  a  treat.  (I 
must  tell  you  that  the  first  treat  I  ever  received  in  old  Mr. 
Linkern's  house,  that  was  our  President's  father's  house,  was 
a  plate  of  potatoes,  washed  and  pared  very  nicely,  and  handed 
round.  It  was  something  new  to  me,  for  I  never  had  seen  a 
raw  potato  eaten  before.  I  looked  to  see  how  they  made  use 
of  them.  They  took  off  a  potato,  and  ate  them  like  apples.) 
Thus  they  spent  the  time  till  time  for  preaching  to  commence, 
then  they  would  all  take  their  seats  :  the  preacher  would  take 
his  stand,  draw  his  coat,  open  his  shirt-collar,  commence  ser 
vice  by  singing  and  prayer ;  take  his  text  and  preach  till  the 
sweat  would  roll  off  in  great  drops.  Shaking  hands  and 
singing  then  ended  the  service.  The  people  seemed  to  enjoy 
religion  more  in  them  days  than  they  do  now.  They  were 
glad  to  see  each  other,  and  enjoyed  themselves  better  than 
they  do  now." 

Society  about  Gentryville  was  little  different  from  that  of 
any  other  backwoods  settlement  of  the  same  day.     The  houses 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  43 

were  scattered  far  apart ;  but  the  inhabitants  would  travel 
long  distances  to  a  log-rolling,  a  house-raising,  a  wedding,  or 
any  thing  else  that  might  be  turned  into  a  fast  and  furious 
frolic.  On  such  occasions  the  young  women  carried  their  shoes 
in  their  hands,  and  only  put  them  on  when  about  to  join  the 
company.  The  ladies  drank  whiskey-toddy,  while  the  men 
took  it  straight ;  and  both  sexes  danced  the  live-long  night, 
barefooted,  on  puncheon  floors. 

The  fair  sex  wore  "  cornfield  bonnets,  scoop-shaped,  flar 
ing  in  front,  and  long  though  narrow  behind."  Shoes  were 
the  mode  when  entering  the  ball-room ;  but  it  was  not  at  all 
fashionable  to  scuff  them  out  by  walking  or  dancing  in  them. 
"  Four  yards  of  linsey-woolsey,  a  yard  in  width,  made  a  dress 
for  any  woman."  The  waist  was  short,  and  terminated  just 
under  the  arms,  whilst  the  skirt  was  long  and  narrow. 
"  Crimps  and  puckering  frills  "  it  had  none.  The  coats  of  the 
men  were  home-made ;  the  materials,  jeans,  or  linsey-woolsey. 
The  waists  were  short,  like  the  frocks  of  the  women,  and  the 
long  "  claw-hammer  "  tail  was  split  up  to  the  waist.  This, 
however,  was  company  dress,  and  the  hunting-shirt  did  duty 
for  every  day.  The  breeches  were  of  buck-skin  or  jeans  ;  the 
cap  was  of  coon-skin  ;  and  the  shoes  of  leather  tanned  at  home. 
If  no  member  of  the  family  could  make  shoes,  the  leather  was 
taken  to  some  one  who  could,  and  the  customer  paid  the 
maker  a  fair  price  in  some  other  sort  of  labor. 

The  state  of  agriculture  was  what  it  always  is  where  there 
is  no  market,  either  to  sell  or  buy  ;  where  the  implements  are 
few  and  primitive,  and  where  there  are  no  regular  mechanics. 
The  Pigeon  Creek  farmer  "  tickled  "  two  acres  of  ground  in 
a  day  with  his  old  shovel-plough,  and  got  but  half  a  crop.  He 
cut  one  acre  with  his  sickle,  while  the  modern  machine  lays 
down  in  neat  rows  ten.  With  his  flail  and  horse  tramping,  he 
threshed  out  fifteen  bushels  of  wheat ;  while  the  machine  of 
to-day,  with  a  few  more  hands,  would  turn  out  three  hundred 
and  fifty.  He  "  fanned  "  and  "  cleaned  with  a  sheet."  When 
he  wanted  flour,  he  took  his  team  and  went  to  a  "  horse-mill," 


44  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

where  he  spent  a  whole  day  in  converting  fifteen  bushels  of 
grain.1 

The  minds  of  these  people  were  filled  with  superstitions, 
which  most  persons  imagine  to  be,  at  least,  as  antiquated  as 
witch-burning.  They  firmly  believed  in  witches  and  all  kind 
of  witch-doings.  They  sent  for  wizards  to  cure  sick  cattle. 
They  shot  the  image  of  the  witch  with  a  silver  ball,  to  break 
the  spell  she  was  supposed  to  have  laid  on  a  human  being. 
If  a  dog  ran  directly  across  a  man's  path  whilst  he  was  hunt 
ing,  it  was  terrible  "  luck,"  unless  he  instantly  hooked  his 
two  little  fingers  together,  and  pulled  with  all  his  might, 
until  the  dog  was  out  of  sight.  There  were  wizards  who  took 
charmed  twigs  in  their  hands,  and  made  them  point  to  springs 
of  water  and  all  kinds  of  treasure  beneath  the  earth's  surface. 
There  were  "  faith  doctors,"  who  cured  diseases  by  perform 
ing  mysterious  ceremonies  and  muttering  cabalistic  words.  If 
a  bird  alighted  in  a  window,  one  of  the  family  would  speedily 
die.  If  a  horse  breathed  on  a  child,  the  child  would  have 
the  whooping-cough.  Every  thing  must  be  done  at  certain 
"  times  and  seasons,"  else  it  would  be  attended  with  "  bad 
luck."  They  must  cut  trees  for  rails  in  the  early  part  of  the 
day,  and  in  "  the  light  of  the  moon."  They  must  make  fence 
in  "  the  light  of  the  moon ;  "  otherwise,  the  fence  would  sink. 
Potatoes  and  other  roots  were  to  be  planted  in  the  "  dark  of 
the  moon,"  but  trees,  and  plants  which  bore  their  fruits  above 
ground,  must  be  "  put  out  in  the  light  of  the  moon."  The 
moon  exerted  a  fearful  influence,  either  kindly  or  malignant, 
as  the  good  old  rules  were  observed  or  not.  It  was  even 
required  to  make  soap  "  in  the  light  of  the  moon,"  and,  more 
over,  it  must  be  stirred  only  one  way,  and  by  one  person. 
Nothing  of  importance  was  to  be  begun  on  Friday.  All 
enterprises  inaugurated  on  that  day  went  fatally  amiss.  A 
horse-colt  could  be  begotten  only  "  in  the  dark  of  the  moon," 

1  "  Size  of  the  fields  from  ten,  twelve,  sixteen,  twenty.  Raised  corn  mostly ;  some  wheat,  — 
enough  for  a  cake  on  Sunday  morning.  Hogs  and  venison  hams  were  legal  tender,  and  coon- 
skins  also.  We  raised  sheep  and  cattle,  but  they  did  not  fetch  much.  Cows  and  calves 
were  only  worth  six  dollars;  corn,  ten  cents;  wheat,  twenty- five  cents  at  that  time." — 
DENNIS  HANKS. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  45 

and  animals  treated  otherwise  than  "  according  to  the  signs 
in  the  almanac  "  were  nearly  sure  to  die. 

Such  were  the  people  among  whom  Abe  grew  to  manhood. 
With  their  sons  and  daughters  he  went  to  school.  Upon 
their  farms  he  earned  his  daily  bread  by  daily  toil.  From  their 
conversation  he  formed  his  earliest  opinions  of  men  and  things, 
the  world  over.  Many  of  their  peculiarities  became  his  ;  and 
many  of  their  thoughts  and  feelings  concerning  a  multitude 
of  subjects  were  assimilated  with  his  own,  and  helped  to  create 
that  unique  character,  which,  in  the  eyes  of  a  great  host  of 
the  American  people,  was  only  less  curious  and  amusing  than 
it  was  noble  and  august. 

His  most  intimate  companions  were  of  course,  for  a  long 
time,  the  members  of  his  own  family.  The  reader  already 
knows  something  of  Thomas  Lincoln,  and  that  pre-eminently 
good  woman,  Sally  Bush.  The  latter,  we  know,  washed, 
clothed,  loved,  and  encouraged  Abe  in  well-doing,  from  the 
moment  he  fell  in  her  way.  How  much  he  owed  to  her  good 
ness  and  affection,  he  was  himself  never  able  to  estimate.  That 
it  was  a  great  debt,  fondly  acknowledged  and  cheerfully  repaid 
as  far  as  in  him  lay,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  His  own  sister, 
the  child  of  Nancy  Hanks,  was  warmly  attached  to  him.  Her 
face  somewhat  resembled  his.  In  repose  it  had  the  gravity 
which  they  both,  perhaps,  inherited  from  their  mother  ;  but  it 
was  capable  of  being  lighted  almost  into  beauty  by  one  of 
Abe's  ridiculous  stories  or  rapturous  sallies  of  humor.  She 
was  a  modest,  plain,  industrious  girl,  and  is  kindly  remem 
bered  by  all  who  knew  her.  She  was  married  to  Aaron 
Grigsby  at  eighteen,  and  a  year  after  died  in  child-bed.  Like 
Abe,  she  occasionally  worked  out  at  the  houses  of  the  neigh 
bors,  and  at  one  time  was  employed  in  Mrs.  Crawford's 
kitchen,  while  her  brother  was  a  laborer  on  the  same  "  farm. 
She  lies  buried,  not  with  her  mother,  but  in  the  yard  of  the 
old  Pigeon  Creek  meeting-house.  It  is  especially  pleasing  to 
read  the  encomiums  lavished  upon  her  memory  by  the  Grigs- 
bys ;  for  between  the  Grigsbys  on  one  side,  and  Abe  and  his 
step-brother  on  the  other,  there  once  subsisted  a  fierce  feud. 


46  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

As  we  have  already  learned  from  Dennis  Hanks,  the  two 
families  —  the  Johnstons  and  the  Lincolns  —  "got  along 
finely  together."  The  affectionate  relations  between  Abe  and 
his  two  step-sisters  were  the  subject  of  common  remark 
throughout  the  neighborhood.  One  of  them  married  Dennis 
Hanks,  and  the  other  Levi  Hall,  or,  as  he  is  better  known, 
Squire  Hall,  —  a  cousin  of  Abe.  Both  these  women  (the  lat 
ter  now  Mrs.  Moore)  furnished  Mr.  Herndon  very  valuable 
memoirs  of  Abe's  life  whilst  he  dwelt  under  the  same  roof 
with  them ;  and  they  have  given  an  account  of  him  which 
shows  that  the  ties  between  them  were  of  the  strongest  and 
tenderest  kind.  But  what  is  most  remarkable  in  their  state 
ments  is,  that  they  never  opened  their  lips  without  telling 
how  worthy  of  everybody's  love  their  mother  was,  and  how 
Abe  revered  her  as  much  as  they  did.  They  were  interesting 
girls,  and  became  exemplary  women. 

John  D.  Johnston,  the  only  son  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  was  not 
the  best  boy,  and  did  not  grow  to  be  the  best  man,  in  all  the 
Pigeon  Creek  region.  He  had  no  positive  vice,  except  idle 
ness,  and  no  special  virtue  but  good  temper.  He  was  not  a  for 
tunate  man ;  never  made  money ;  was  always  needy,  and  always 
clamoring  for  the  aid  of  his-.friends.  Mr.  Lincoln,  all  through 
John's  life,  had  much  trouble  to  keep  him  on  his  legs,  and 
succeeded  indifferently  in  all  his  attempts.  In  a  subsequent 
chapter  a  letter  will  be  given  from  him,  which  indirectly  por 
trays  his  step-brother's  character  much  better  than  it  can  be 
done  here.  But,  as  youths,  the  intimacy  between  them  was 
very  close ;  and  in  another  place  it  will  appear  that  Abe 
undertook  his  second  voyage  to  New  Orleans  only  on  condi 
tion  that  John  would  go  along. 

But  the  most  constant  of  his  companions  was  his  jolly 
cousin,  Dennis  Hanks.  Of  all  the  contributors  to  Mr.  Hern- 
don's  store  of  information,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent,  con 
cerning  this  period  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  life,  Dennis  is  the  most 
amusing,  insinuating,  and  prolific.  He  would  have  it  distinct 
ly  understood  that  the  well  of  his  memory  is  the  only  proper 


DENNIS  F.  HANKS. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  47 

source  whence  any  thing  like  truth  may  be  drawn.1  He  has 
covered  countless  sheets  of  paper  devoted  to  indiscriminate 
laudations  of  Abe  and  all  his  kindred.  But  in  all  this  he 
does  not  neglect  to  say  a  word  for  himself. 

At  one  place,  "  his  cousin,  Dennis  Hanks,"»is  said  to  have 
taught  Abe  to  read  and  write.  At  another,  he  is  represented 
as  the  benevolent  purchaser  of  the  volumes  from  which  Abe 
(and  Dennis  too)  derived  a  wonderfully  clear  and  accurate 
conception  of  the  science  of  law.  In  all  studies  their  minds 
advanced  pari  passu.  Whenever  any  differences  are  noted 
(and  they  are  few  and  slight),  Dennis  is  a  step  ahead,  benig- 
nantly  extending  a  helping  hand  to  the  lagging  pupil  behind. 
But  Dennis's  heart  is  big  and  kind :  he  defames  no  one  ;  he 
is  merely  a  harmless  romancer.  In  the  gallery  of  family  por 
traits  painted  by  Dennis,  every  face  looks  down  upon  us  with 
the  serenity  of  innocence  and  virtue.  There  is  no  spot  on 
the  fame  of  any  one  of  them.  No  family  could  have  a  more 
vigorous  or  chivalrous  defender  than  he,  or  one  who  repelled 
with  greater  scorn  any  rumor  to  their  discredit.  That  Enlow 
story !  Dennis  almost  scorned  to  confute  it ;  but,  when  he 
did  get  at  it,  he  settled  it  by  a  magnificent  exercise  of  inven- 

1  The  following  random  selections  from  his  writings  leave  us  no  room  to  doubt  Dennis's 
opinion  of  his  own  value :  — 

"  William,  let  in,  don't  keep  any  thing  back,  for  I  am  in  for  the  whole  hog  sure;  for  I 
know  nobody  can  do  any  for  you  much,  for  all  they  know  is  from  me  at  last.  Every  thing 
you  see  is  from  my  notes,  —  this  you  can  tell  yourself. 

<;  I  have  in  my  possession  a  little  book,  the  private  life  of  A.  Lincoln,  comprising  a 
full  life  of  his  early  years,  and  a  succinct  record  of  his  career  as  statesman  and  President, 
by  O.  J.  Victor,  author  of  Lives  of  Garibaldi,  Winfleld  Scott,  John  Paul  Jones,  &c.,  New 
York,  Beadle  and  Company,  publishers,  No.  118  Williams  Street.  Now,  sir,  I  find  a  great 
many  things  pertaining  to  Abe  Lincoln's  life  that  is  not  true.  If  you  would  like  to  have 
the  book,  I  will  mail  it  to  you.  I  will  say  this  much  to  you :  if  you  don't  have  my  name 
very  frequently  in  your  book,  it  won't  go  at  all ;  for  I  have  been  East  for  two  months, 
have  seen  a  great  many  persons  in  that  time,  stating  to  them  that  there  would  be  a  book, 
'  The  Life  of  A.  Lincoln,'  published,  giving  a  full  account  of  the  family,  from  England  to 
this  country.  Now,  William,  if  there  be  any  thing  you  want  to  know,  let  me  know :  I  will 
give  you  all  the  information  I  can. 

"  I  have  seen  a  letter  that  you  wrote  to  my  daughter,  Harriet  Chapman,  of  inquiry 
about  some  things.  I  thought  you  were  informed  all  about  them.  I  don't  know  what  she 
has  stated  to  you  about  your  questions  ;  but  you  had  better  consult  me  about  them. 

"  Billy,  it  seems  to  me,  from  the  letters  that  you  write  to  me  asking  questions,  that 
you  ask  the  same  questions  over  several  times.  How  is  this  ?  Do  you  forget,  or  are  you 
like  the  lawyer,  trying  to  make  me  cross  my  path,  or  not  ?  Now,  I  will.  Look  below  for 
the  answer." 


48  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tive  genius.  He  knew  "  this  Abe  Enlow  "  well,  he  said,  and 
he  had  been  dead  precisely  fifty-five  years.  But,  whenever 
the  truth  can  be  told  without  damage  to  the  character  of  a 
Lincoln  or  a  Hanks,  Dennis  will  tell  it  candidly  enough,  pro 
vided  there  is  no  temptation  to  magnify  himself.  His  testi 
mony,  however,  has  been  sparingly  used  throughout  these 
pages  ;  and  no  statement  has  been  taken  from  him  unless  it 
was  more  or  less  directly  corroborated  by  some  one  else. 
The  better  part  of  his  evidence  Mr.  Herndon  took  the  pre 
caution  of  reading  carefully  to  John  Hanks,  who  pronounced 
it  substantially  true  ;  and  that  circumstance  gives  it  undeni 
able  value. 

When  Thomas  and  Betsy  Sparrow  died  in  the  fall  of  1818, 
Dennis  was  taken  from  the  "little  half-faced  camp,"  and 
became  one  of  the  Lincoln  family.  Until  Thomas  Lincoln's 
second  marriage,  Dennis,  Abe,  and  Sarah  were  all  three  poor, 
ragged,  and  miserable  together.  After  that,  Dennis  got  along 
better,  as  well  as  the  rest.  He  was  a  lively,  volatile,  sympa 
thetic  fellow,  and  Abe  liked  him  well  from  the  beginning. 
They  fished,  hunted,  and  worked  in  company ;  loafed  at  the 
grocery,  where  Dennis  got  drunk,  and  Abe  told  stories  ;  talked 
politics  with  Col.  Jones ;  "  swapped  jokes  "  with  Baldwin  the 
blacksmith  ;  and  faithfully  attended  the  sittings  of  the  nearest 
justice  of  the  peace,  where  both  had  opportunities  to  correct 
and  annotate  the  law  they  thought  they  had  learned  from  the 
"  Statute  of  Indiana."  Dennis  was  kind,  genial,  lazy,  brim 
ming  over  with  humor,  and  full  of  amusing  anecdotes.  He 
revelled  in  song,  from  the  vulgarest  ballad  to  the  loftiest  hymn 
of  devotion  ;  "  from  "  The  turbaned  Turk,  that  scorns  the 
world,"  to  the  holiest  lines  of  Doctor  Watts.  These  qualities 
marked  him  wherever  he  went ;  and  in  excessive  good-nature, 
and  in  the  ease  with  which  he  passed  from  the  extreme  of 
rigor  to  the  extreme  of  laxity,  he  was  distinguished  above  the 
others  of  his  name. 

There  was  one  Hanks,  however,  who  was  not  like  Dennis, 
or  any  other  Hanks  we  know  any  thing  about:  this  was 
"old  John,"  as  he  is  familiarly  called  in  Illinois,  —  a  sober, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  49 

honest,  truthful  man,  with  none  of  the  wit  and  none  of  the 
questionable  accomplishments  of  Dennis.  He  was  the  son  of 
Joseph,  the  carpenter  with  whom  Tom  Lincoln  learned  the 
trade.  He  went  to  Indiana  to  live  with  the  Lincolns  when 
Abe  was  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  remained  there  four  years. 
He  then  returned  to  Kentucky,  and  subsequently  went  to 
Illinois,  where  he  was  speedily  joined  by  the  old  friends  he 
had  left  in  Indiana.  When  Abe  separated  from  the  family, 
and  went  in  search  of  individual  fortune,  it  was  in  company 
with  "  old  John."  Together  they  split  the  rails  that  did  so 
much  to  make  Abe  President ;  and  "  old  John  "  set  the  ball 
in  motion  by  carrying  a  part  of  them  into  the  Decatur  Con 
vention  on  his  own  broad  shoulders.  John  had  no  education 
whatever,  except  that  of  the  muscles  and  the  heart.  He 
could  neither  read  nor  write  ;  but  his  character  was  pure  and 
respectable,  and  Lincoln  esteemed  him  as  a  man,  and  loved 
him  as  a  friend  and  relative. 

About  six  years  after  the  death  of  the  first  Mrs.  Lincoln, 
Levi  Hall  and  his  wife  and  family  came  to  Indiana,  and  settled 
near  the  Lincolns.  Mrs.  Hall  was  Nancy  Hanks,  the  mother 
of  our  friend  Dennis,  and  the  aunt  of  Nancy  Hanks,  the 
mother  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  She  had  numerous  children  by 
her  husband.  One  of  them,  Levi,  as  already  mentioned,  mar 
ried  one  of  Abe's  step-sisters,  while  Dennis,  his  half-brother, 
married  the  other  one.  The  father  and  mother  of  the  Halls 
speedily  died  of  the  milk-sickness,  but  Levi  was  for  many 
years  a  constant  companion  of  Abe  and  Dennis. 

In  1825  Abraham  was  employed  by  James  Taylor,  who 
lived  at  the  mouth  of  Anderson's  Creek.  He  was  paid  six 
dollars  a  month,  and  remained  for  nine  months.  His  princi 
pal  business  was  the  management  of  a  ferry-boat  which  Mr. 
Taylor  had  plying  across  the  Ohio,  as  well  as  Anderson's 
Creek.  But,  in  addition  to  this,  he  was  required  to  do  all 
sorts  of  farm-work,  and  even  to  perform  some  menial  services 
about  the  house.  He  was  hostler,  ploughman,  ferryman,  out 
of  doors,  and  man-of-all-work  within  doors.  He  ground 
corn  with  a  hand-mill,  or  "  grated  "  it  when  too  young  to  be 

4 


50  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ground;  rose  early,  built  fires,  put  on  the  water  in  the  kitchen, 
"fixed  around  generally,"  and  had  things  prepared  for  cook 
ing  before  the  mistress  of  the  house  was  stirring.  He  slept  up 
stairs  with  young  Green  Taylor,  who  says  that  he  usually  read 
"  till  near  midnight,"  notwithstanding  the  necessity  for  being 
out  of  his  bed  before  day.  Green  was  somewhat  disposed 
to  ill-use  the  poor  hired  boy,  and  once  struck  him  with  an 
ear  of  hard  corn,  and  cut  a  deep  gash  over  his  eye.  He  makes 
no  comment  upon  this  generous  act,  except  that  "  Abe  got 
mad,"  but  did  not  thrash  him. 

Abe  was  a  hand  much  in  demand  in  "  hog-killing  time." 
He  butchered  not  only  for  Mr.  Taylor,  but  for  John  Woods, 
John  Duthan,  Stephen  McDaniels,  and  others.  At  this  he 
earned  thirty-one  cents  a  day,  as  it  was  considered  "  rough 
work." 

For  a  long  time  there  was  only  one  person  in  the  neighbor 
hood  for  whom  Abe  felt  a  decided  dislike  ;  and  that  was  Josiah 
Crawford,  who  had  made  him  "  pull  fodder,"  to  pay  for  the 
Weems's  "  Washington."  On  that  score  he  was  "  hurt"  and 
"  mad,"  and  often  declared  "  he  would  have  revenge."  But 
being  a  poor  boy,  —  a  circumstance  of  which  Crawford  had 
already  taken  shameful  advantage  to  extort  three  days'  labor, 
—  he  was  glad  to  get  work  any  place,  and  frequently  "  hired 
to  his  old  adversary."  Abe's  first  business  in  his  employ  was 
daubing  his  cabin,  which  was  built  of  logs,  unhewed,  and  with 
the  bark  on.  In  the  loft  of  this  house,  thus  finished  by  his  own 
hands,  he  slept  for  many  weeks  at  a  time.  He  spent  his 
evenings  as  he  did  at  home,  —  writing  on  wooden  shovels  or 
boards  with  "  a  coal,  or  keel,  from  the  branch."  This  family 
was  rich  in  the  possession  of  several  books,  which  Abe  read 
through  time  and  again,  according  to  his  usual  custom.  One 
of  them  was  the  "  Kentucky  Preceptor,"  from  which  Mrs. 
Crawford  insists  that  he  "  learned  his  school  orations, 
speeches,  and  pieces  to  write."  She  tells  us  also  that  "  Abe 
was  a  sensitive  lad,  never  coming  where  he  was  not  wanted  ; " 
that  he  always  lifted  his  hat,  and  bowed,  when  he  made  his 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  51 

appearance ;  and  that  "  he  was  tender  and  kind,"  like  his  sister, 
who  was  at  the  same  time  her  maid-of-all-work.  His  pay  was 
twenty-five  cents  a  day ;  "and,  when  he  missed  time,  he  would 
not  charge  for  it."  This  latter  remark  of  good  Mrs.  Crawford 
reveals  the  fact  that  her  husband  was  in  the  habit  of  docking 
Abe  on  his  miserable  wages  whenever  he  happened  to  lose  a 
few  minutes  from  steady  work. 

The  time  came,  however,  when  Abe  got  his  "  revenge  "  for 
all  this  petty  brutality.  Crawford  was  as  ugly  as  he  was 
surly.  His  nose  was  a  monstrosity,  —  long  and  crooked,  with 
a  huge,  misshapen  "  stub  "  at  the  end,  surmounted  by  a  host 
of  pimples,  and  the  whole  as  "  blue  "  as  the  usual  state  of 
Mr.  Crawford's  spirits.  Upon  this  member  Abe  levelled  his 
attack  in  rhyme,  song,  and  "  chronicle  ;  "  and,  though  he  could 
not  reduce  the  nose,  he  gave  it  a  fame  as  wide  as  to  the  Wa- 
bash  and  the  Ohio.  It  is  not  improbable  that  he  learned  the 
art  of  making  the  doggerel  rhymes  in  which  he  celebrated 
Crawford's  nose  from  the  study  of  Crawford's  own  "  Ken 
tucky  Preceptor."  At  all  events,  his  sallies  upon  this  single 
topic  achieved  him  great  reputation  as  a  "  poet  "  and  a  wit, 
and  caused  Crawford  intolerable  anguish. 

o 

It  is  likely  that  Abe  was  reconciled  to  his  situation  in  this 
family  by  the  presence  of  his  sister,  and  the  opportunity  it 
gave  him  of  being  in  the  company  of  Mrs.  Crawford,  for  whom 
he  had  a  genuine  attachment ;  for  she  was  nothing  that  her 
husband  was,  and  every  thing  that  he  was  not.  According  to 
her  account,  he  split  rails,  ploughed,  threshed,  and  did  what 
ever  else  he  was  ordered  to  do  ;  but  she  distinctly  affirms  that 
"  Abe  was  no  hand  to  pitch  into  his  work  like  killing  snakes." 
He  went  about  it  "  calmly,"  and  generally  took  the  opportu 
nity  to  throw  "  Crawford"  down  two  or  three  times  "before 
they  went  to  the  field."  It  is  fair  to  presume,  that,  when  Abe 
managed  to  inveigle  his  disagreeable  employer  into  a  tussle, 
he  hoisted  him  high  and  threw  him  hard,  for  he  felt  that  he 
had  no  reason  to  be  careful  of  his  bones.  After  meals  Abe 
"  hung  about,"  lingered  long  to  gossip  and  joke  with  the 


52  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

women  ;  and  these  pleasant,  stolen  conferences  were  generally 
broken  up  with  the  exclamation,  "  Well,  this  won't  buy  the 
child  a  coat ! "  and  the  long-legged  hired  boy  would  stride 
away  to  join  his  master. 

In  the  mean  time  Abe  had  become,  not  only  the  longest,  but 
the  strongest,  man  in  the  settlement.  Some  of  his  feats  almost 
surpass  belief,  and  those  who  beheld  them  with  their  own 
eyes  stood  literally  amazed.  Richardson,  a  neighbor,  declares 
that  he  could  carry  a  load  to  which  the  strength  of  "  three 
ordinary  men  "  would  scarcely  be  equal.  He  saw  him  quietly 
pick  up  and  walk  away  with  "  a  chicken-house,  made  of  poles 
pinned  together,  and  covered,  that  weighed  at  least  six  hun 
dred,  if  not  much  more."  At  another  time  the  Richardsons 
were  building  a  corn-crib :  Abe  was  there  ;  and,  seeing  three 
or  four  men  preparing  "  sticks  "  upon  which  to  carry  some 
huge  posts,  he  relieved  them  of  all  further  trouble  by  shoul 
dering  the  posts,  single-handed,  and  walking  away  with  them 
to  the  place  where  they  were  wanted.  "  He  could  strike 
with  a  mall,"  says  old  Mr.  Wood,  "  a  heavier  blow  than  any 
man.  .  .  .  He  could  sink  an  axe  deeper  into  wood  than  any 
man  I  ever  saw." 

For  hunting  purposes,  the  Pigeon  Creek  region  was  one  of 
the  most  inviting  on  earth.  The  uplands  were  all  covered 
with  an  original  growth  of  majestic  forest  trees,1  whilst  on  the 
hillsides,  and  wherever  an  opening  in  the  woods  permit 
ted  the  access  of  sunlight,  there  were  beds  of  fragrant  and 
beautiful  wild-flowers,  presenting,  in  contrast  with  the  dense 
green  around  them,  the  most  brilliant  and  agreeable  effects. 
Here  the  game  had  vast  and  secluded  ranges,  which,  until 
very  recently,  had  heard  the  report  of  no  white  man's  gun. 
In  Abe's  time,  the  squirrels,  rabbits,  partridges,  and  other 
varieties  of  smaller  game,  were  so  abundant  as  to  be  a 
nuisance.  They  devastated  grain-fields  and  gardens  ;  and 


1  "  Now  about  the  timber :  it  was  black  walnut  and  black  oak,  hickory  and  jack  oak, 
elm  and  white  oak,  undergrowth,  logwood  in  abundance,  grape-vines  and  shoe-make 
bushes,  and  milk-sick  plenty.  All  my  relations  died  of  that  disease  on  Little  Pigeon  Creek, 
Spencer  County."— DENNIS  HANKS. 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  53 

while  they  were  seldom  shot  for  the  table,  the  settlers  fre 
quently  devised  the  most  cunning  means  of  destroying  them 
in  great  quantities,  in  order  to  save  the  growing  crops.  Wild 
turkeys  and  deer  were  the  principal  reliance  for  food  ;  but  be 
sides  these  were  the  bears,  the  wild-cats,  and  the  panthers.1 
The  scream  of  the  latter,  the  most  ferocious  and  bloodthirsty 
of  the  cat  kind,  hastened  Abe's  homeward  steps  on  many  a 
dark  night,  as  he  came  late  from  Dave  Turnham's,  "  Uncle  " 
Wood's,  or  the  Gentryville  grocery.  That  terrific  cry  appeals 
not  only  to  the  natural  fear  of  the  monster's  teeth  and  claws, 
but,  heard  in  the  solitude  of  night  and  the  forest,  it  awakens 
a  feeling  of  superstitious  horror,  that  chills  the  heart  of  the 
bravest. 

Everybody  about  Abe  made  hunting  a  part  of  his  business.2 
Tom  Lincoln  and  Dennis  Hanks  doubtless  regaled  him  con 
tinually  with  wonderful  stories  of  their  luck  and  prowess ; 
but  he  was  no  hunter  himself,  and  did  not  care  to  learn.  It  is 
true,  that,  when  a  mere  child,  he  made  a  fortunate  shot  at  a 
flock  of  wild  turkeys,  through  a  crack  in  the  wall  of  the 
"  half-faced  cabin  ; "  3  and  that,  when  grown  up,  he  went  for 
coons  occasionally  with  Richardson,  or  watched  deer-licks 
with  Turnham ;  but  a  true  and  hearty  sportsman  he  never 
was.  As  practised  on  this  wild  border,  it  was  a  solitary,  un 
sociable  way  of  spending  time,  which  did  not  suit  his  nature  ; 
and,  besides,  it  required  more  exertion  than  he  was  willing  to 
make  without  due  compensation.  It  could  not  be  said  that  Abe 
was  indolent ;  for  he  was  alert,  brisk,  active,  about  every  thing 
that  he  made  up  his  mind  to  do.  His  step  was  very  quick ; 
and,  when  he  had  a  sufficient  object  in  view,  he  strode  ou,t  on 

i  "  No  Indians  there  when  I  first  went  to  Indiana :  I  say,  no,  none.  I  say  this :  bear, 
deer,  turkey,  and  coon,  wild-cats,  and  other  things,  and  frogs."  —  DENNIS  HANKS. 

*  "  You  say.  What  were  some  of  the  customs  ?  I  suppose  you  mean  take  us  all  to 
gether.  One  thing  I  can  tell  you  about  :  we  had  to  work  very  hard  cleaning  ground  for  to 
keep  body  and  soul  together ;  and  every  spare  time  we  had  we  picked  up  our  ride,  and 
brought  in  a  fine  deer  or  turkey ;  and  in  the  winter-time  we  went  a  coon-hunting,  for  coo:i- 
skins  were  at  that  time  considered  legal  tender,  and  deer-skins  and  hams.  I  tell  you,  Billy, 
I  enjoyed  myself  better  then  than  I  ever  have  since."  —  DENNIS  H  \NK.S. 

8  "  No  doubt  about  the  A.  Lincoln's  killing  the  turkey.  He  done  it  with  his  father'.-* 
rifle,  made  by  William  Lutes,  of  Bullitt  County,  Kentucky.  I  have  killed  a  hundred  deer 
with  her  myself;  turkeys  too  numerous  to  mention."  —  DiiNNis  HANKS. 


54  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

his  long,  muscular  legs,  swinging  his  bony  arms  as  he  moved 
along,  with  an  energy  that  put  miles  behind  him  before  a  lazy 
fellow  like  Dennis  Hanks  or  John  Johnston  could  make  up 
his  mind  to  start.  But,  when  he  felt  that  he  had  time  to 
spare,  he  preferred  to  give  it  to  reading  or  to  "  talk  ;  "  and, 
of  the  two,  he  would  take  the  latter,  provided  he  could  find 
a  person  who  had  something  new  or  racy  to  say.  He  liked 
excessively  to  hear  his  own  voice,  when  it  was  promoting  fun 
and  good  fellowship  ;  but  he  was  also  a  most  rare  and  atten 
tive  listener.  Hunting  was  entirely  too  "  still "  an  occupation 
for  him. 

All  manner  of  rustic  sports  were  in  vogue  among  the  Pigeon 
Creek  boys.  Abe  was  especially  formidable  as  a  wrestler ;  and, 
\  from  about  1828  onward,  there  was  no  man,  far  or  near,  that 
would  give  him  a  match.  "  Cat,"  "  throwing  the  mall,"  "  hop 
ping  and  half-hammon"  (whatsoever  that  may  mean),  and 
"  four-corner  bull-pen  "  were  likewise  athletic  games  in  high 
honor.1 

A  All  sorts  of  frolics  and  all  kinds  of  popular  gatherings, 
whether  for  work  or  amusement,  possessed  irresistible  attrac 
tions  for  Abe.  He  loved  to  see  and  be  seen,  to  make  sport 
and  to  enjoy  it.  It  was  a  most  important  part  of  his  educa 
tion  that  he  got  at  the  corn-shuckings,  the  log-rollings,  the 
shooting-matches,  and  the  gay  and  jolly  weddings  of  those 
early  border  times.  He  was  the  only  man  or  boy  within  a 
wide  compass  who  had  learning  enough  to  furnish  the  litera 
ture  for  such  occasions ;  and  those  who  failed  to  employ  his 
talents  to  grace  or  commemorate  the  festivities  they  set  on 
foot  were  sure  to  be  stung  by  some  coarse  but  humorous 
lampoon  from  his  pen.  In  the  social  way,  he  would  not  suffer 
himself  to  be  slighted  with  impunity  ;  and,  if  there  were  any 
who  did  not  enjoy  his  wit,  they  might  content  themselves 
with  being  the  subjects  of  it.  Unless  he  received  some  very 
pointed  intimation  that  his  presence  was  not  wanted,  he  was 

1  "  You  ask,  What  sort  of  plays  ?  What  we  called  them  at  that  time  were  '  bull-pen,' 
'corner  and  cat,' '  hopping  and  half-hammon; '  playing  at  night  '  old  Sister  Feby.'  This  I 
know,  for  I  took  a  hand  myself;  and,  wrestling,  we  could  throw  down  anybody.''  — 
DENNIS  HANKS. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  55 

among  the  first  and  earliest  at  all  the  neighborhood  routs ;  and 
when  his  tall,  singular  figure  was  seen  towering  amongst  the 
hunting-shirts,  it  was  considered  due  notice  that  the  fun  was 
about  to  commence.  "  Abe  Linkhern,"  as  he  was  generally 
called,  made  things  lively  wherever  he  went:  and,  if  Crawford's 
blue  nose  happened  to  have  been  carried  to  the  assembly,  it 
quickly  subsided,  on  his  arrival,  into  some  obscure  corner  ;  for 
the  implacable  "  Linkhern  "  was  apt  to  make  it  the  subject 
of  a  jest  that  would  set  the  company  in  a  roar.  But  when  a 
party  was  made  up,  and  Abe  left  out,  as  sometimes  happened 
through  the  influence  of  Crawford,  he  sulked,  fumed,  "  got 
mad,"  nursed  his  anger  into  rage,  and  then  broke  out  in  songs 
or  "  chronicles,"  which  were  frequently  very  bitter,  sometimes 
passably  humorous,  and  invariably  vulgar. 

At  an  early  age  he  began  to  attend  the  "  preachings  "  round 
about,  but  principally  at  the  Pigeon  Creek  church,  with  a  view 
to  catching  whatever  might  be  ludicrous  in  the  preacher's  air 
or  matter,  and  making  it  the  subject  of  mimicry  as  soon  as  he 
could  collect  an  audience  of  idle  boys  and  men  to  hear  him. 
A  pious  stranger,  passing  that  way  on  a  Sunday  morning,  was 
invited  to  preach  for  the  Pigeon  Creek  congregation  ;  but  he 
banged  the  boards  of  the  old  pulpit,  and  bellowed  and  groaned 
so  wonderfully,  that  Abe  could  hardly  contain  his  mirth.  This 
memorable  sermon  was  a  great  favorite  with  him  ;  and  he  fre 
quently  reproduced  it  with  nasal  tones,  rolling  eyes,  and  all 
manner  of  droll  aggravations,  to  the  great  delight  of  Nat 
Grigsby  and  the  wild  fellows  whom  Nat  was  able  to  assemble. 
None  that  heard  him,  not  even  Nat  himself  (who  was  any 
thing  but  dull),  was  ever  able  to  show  wherein  Abe's  absurd 
version  really  departed  from  the  original. 

The  importance  of  Gentryville,  as  a  "  centre  of  business,'' 
soon  began  to  possess  the  imaginations  of  the  dwellers  between 
the  two  Pigeon  Creeks.  Why  might  it  not  be  a  great  place 
of  trade  ?  Mr.  Gentry  was  a  most  generous  patron ;  it  was 
advantageously  situated  where  two  roads  crossed  ;  it  already 
had  a  blacksmith's  shop,  a  grocery,  and  a  store.  Jones,  it  is 


56  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

true,  had  once  moved  away  in  a  sulk,  but  Mr.  Gentry's  fine 
diplomacy  had  quickly  brought  him  back,  with  all  his  goods 
and  talents  unreservedly  devoted  to  the  "  improvement  of  the 
town ;  "  and  now,  since  there  was  literally  nothing  left  to 
cloud  the  prospects  of  the  "  point,"  brisk  times  were  expected 
in  the  near  future. 

Dennis  Hanks,  John  Johnston,  Abe,  and  the  other  boys 
in  the  neighborhood,  loitered  much  about  the  store,  the  gro 
cery,  and  the  blacksmith's  shop,  at  Gentryville.  Dennis  in 
genuously  remarks,  "  Sometimes  we  spent  a  little  time  at 
grog,  pushing  weights,  wrestling,  telling  stories."  The  time 
that  Abe  "  spent  at  grog  "  was,  in  truth,  a  "  little  time."  He 
never  liked  ardent  spirits  at  any  period  of  his  life  ;  but  "  he 
did  take  his  dram  as  others  did."1  He  was  a  natural  politi 
cian,  intensely  ambitious,  and  anxious  to  be  popular.  For 
this  reason,  and  this  alone,  he  drank  with  his  friends,  although 
very  temperately.  If  he  could  have  avoided  it  without  giv 
ing  offence,  he  would  gladly  have  done  so.  But  he  coveted 
the  applause  of  his  pot  companions,  and,  because  he  could  not 
get  it  otherwise,  made  a  faint  pretence  of  enjoying  his  liquor 
as  they  did.  The  "  people  "  drank,  and  Abe  was  always  for 
doing  whatever  the  "  people  "  did.  All  his  life  he  held  that 
whatsoever  was  popular  —  the  habit  or  the  sentiment  of  the 
masses  —  could  not  be  essentially  wrong.  But,  although  a 
whiskey-jug  was  kept  in  every  ordinarily  respectable  house 
hold,  Abe  never  tasted  it  at  home.  His  step-mother  thought 
he  carried  his  temperance  to  extremes. 

Jones,  the  great  Jones,  without  whom  it  was  generally 
agreed  that  Gentryville  must  have  gone  into  eclipse,  but  with 
whom,  and  through  whom,  it  was  somehow  to  become  a  sort  of 
metropolitan  cross-roads,  —  Jones  was  Abe's  friend  and  men 
tor  from  the  moment  of  their  acquaintance.  Abe  is  even  said 
to  have  "  clerked  for  him  ;  "  that  is,  he  packed  and  unpacked 
boxes,  ranged  goods  on  the  shelves,  drew  the  liquids  in  the 
cellar,  or  exhibited  the  stone  and  earthen  ware  to  purchasers  ; 

1  The  fact  is  proved  by  his  most  intimate  acquaintances,  both  at  Gentryville  and  New 
Salem. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  57 

but  in  his  service  he  was  never  promoted  to  keeping  accounts, 
or  even  to  selling  the  finer  goods  across  the  counter.1"  But 
Mr.  Jones  was  very  fond  of  his  "  clerk," — enjoyed  his  company, 
appreciated  his  humor,  and  predicted  something  great  for 
him.  As  he  did  not  doubt  that  Abe  would  one  day  be  a  man 
of  considerable  influence,  he  took  pains  to  give  him  correct 
views  of  the  nature  of  American  institutions.  An  ardent 
Jackson  man  himself,  he  imparted  to  Abe  the  true  faith,  as 
delivered  by  that  great  democratic  apostle ;  and  the  traces  of 
this  teaching  were  never  wholly  effaced  from  Mr.  Lincoln's 
mind.  Whilst  he  remained  at  Gentryville,  his  politics  ac 
corded  with  Mr.  Jones's  ;  and,  even  after  he  had  turned  Whig 
in  Illinois,  John  Hanks  tells  us  that  he  wanted1  to  whip  a  man 
for  traducing  Jackson.  He  was  an  eager  reader  of  newspapers 
whenever  he  could  get  them,  and  Mr.  Jones  carefully  put 
into  his  hands  the  kind  he  thought  a  raw  youth  should  have. 
But  Abe's  appetite  was  not  to  be  satisfied  by  what  Mr.  Jones 
supplied ;  and  he  frequently  borrowed  others  from  "  Uncle 
Wood,"  who  lived  about  a  mile  from  the  Lincoln  cabin,  and 
for  whom  he  sometimes  worked. 

What  manner  of  man  kept  the  Gentryville  grocery,  we  are 
not  informed.  Abe  was  often  at  his  place,  however,  and 
would  stay  so  long  at  nights,  "  telling  stories  "  and  "  cracking 
jokes,"  that  Dennis  Hanks,  who  was  ambitious  in  the  same 
line,  and  probably  jealous  of  Abe's  overshadowing  success, 
"got  mad  at  him,"  and  "  cussed  him."  When  Dennis  found 
himself  thrown  in  the  shade,  he  immediately  became  virtuous, 
and  wished  to  retire  early. 

John  Baldwin,  the  blacksmith,  was  one  of  Abe's  special 
friends  from  his  boyhood  onward.  Baldwin  was  a  story-teller 
and  a  joker  of  rare  accomplishments ;  and  Abe,  when  a  very 
little  fellow,  would  slip  off  to  his  shop  and  sit  and  listen  to 

1  "  Lincoln  drove  a  team,  cut  up  pork,  and  sold  goods  for  Jones.  Jones  told  me  that 
Lincoln  read  aM  his  books,  and  I  remember  History  of  United  States  as  one.  Jones  often 
eaid  to  me,  that  Lincoln  would  make  a  great  man  one  of  these  days,  —  had  said  so  long 
before,  and  to  other  people,  —  said  so  as  far  back  as  1828-9." — DOUGHERTY. 


58  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

him  by  the  hour.  As  he  grew  up,  the  practice  continued  as 
of  old,  except  that  Abe  soon  began  to  exchange  anecdotes 
with  his  clever  friend  at  the  anvil.  Dennis  Hanks  says  Bald 
win  was  his  "particular  friend,"  and  that  "  Abe  spent  a  great 
deal  of  his  leisure  time  with  him."  Statesmen,  plenipoten 
tiaries,  famous  commanders,  have  many  times  made  the  White 
House  at  Washington  ring  with  their  laughter  over  the  quaint 
tales  of  John  Baldwin,  the  blacksmith,  delivered  second-hand 
by  his  inimitable  friend  Lincoln. 

Abe  and  Dave  Turnham  had  one  day  been  threshing  wheat,  — 
probably  for  Turnham's  father,  —  and  concluded  to  spend  the 
evening  at  Gentry ville.  They  lingered  there  until  late  in  the 
night,  when,  wending  their  way  along  the  road  toward  Lin 
coln's  cabin,  they  espied  something  resembling  a  man  lying 
dead  or  insensible  by  the  side  of  a  mud-puddle.  They  rolled 
the  sleeper  over,  and  found  in  him  an  old  and  quite  respecta 
ble  acquaintance,  hopelessly  drunk.  All  efforts  failed  to  rouse 
him  to  any  exertion  on  his  own  behalf.  Abe's  companions 
were  disposed  to  let  him  lie  in  the  bed  he  had  made  for  him 
self  ;  but,  as  the  night  was  cold  and  dreary,  he  must  have 
frozen  to  death  had  this  inhuman  proposition  been  equally 
agreeable  to  everybody  present.  To  Abe  it  seemed  utterly 
monstrous ;  and,  seeing  he  was  to  have  no  help,  he  bent  his 
mighty  frame,  and,  taking  the  big  man  in  his  long  arms,  car 
ried  him  a  great  distance  to  Dennis  Hanks's  cabin.  There  he 
built  a  fire,  warmed,  rubbed,  and  nursed  him  through  the 
entire  night,  —  his  companions  of  the  road  having  left  him 
alone  in  his  merciful  task.  The  man  often  told  John  Hanks, 
that  it  was  mighty  "  clever  in  Abe  to  tote  him  to  a  warm  fire 
that  cold  night,"  and  was  very  sure  that  Abe's  strength  and 
benevolence  had  saved  his  life. 

Abe  was  fond  of  music,  but  was  himself  wholly  unable  to 
produce  three  harmonious  notes  together.  He  made  various 
vain  attempts  to  sing  a  few  lines  of  "  Poor  old  Ned,"  but  they 
were  all  equally  ludicrous  and  ineffectual.  "  Religious  songs 
did  not  appear  to  suit  him  at  all,"  says  Dennis  Hanks ;  but 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  59 

of  profane  ballads  and  amorous  ditties  he  knew  the  words  of 
a  vast  number.  When  Dennis  got  happy  at  the  grocery,  or 
passed  the  bounds  of  propriety  at  a  frolic,  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  raising  a  charming  carol  in  praise  of  the  joys  which  enter 
into  the  Mussulman's  estate  on  earth,  —  of  which  he  has 
vouchsafed  us  only  three  lines,  — 

"  The  turbaned  Turk  that  scorns  the  world, 
And  struts  about  with  his  whiskers  curled, 
For  no  other  man  but  himself  to  see." 

It  was  a  prime  favorite  of  Abe's ;  and  Dennis  sang  it  with 
such  appropriate  zest  and  feeling,  that  Abe  never  forgot  a  sin 
gle  word  of  it  while  he  lived. 
Another  was,  — 

"  Hail  Columbia,  happy  land  I 
If  you  ain't  drunk,  I'll  be  damned,"  — 

a  song  which  Dennis  thinks  should  be  warbled  only  in  the 
"  fields  ;  "  and  tells  us  that  they  knew  and  enjoyed  "  all  such 
[songs]  as  this."  Dave  Turnham  was  also  a  musical  genius, 
and  had  a  "  piece  "  beginning,  — 

"  There  was  a  Romish  lady 
Brought  up  in  popery," 

which  Abe  thought  one  of  the  best  he  ever  heard,  and  in 
sisted  upon  Dave's  singing  it  for  the  delectation  of  old  Tom 
Lincoln,  who  relished  it  quite  as  much  as  Abe  did.1 

Mrs.  Crawford  says,  that  Abe  did  not  attempt  to  sing  much 

1  "  I  recollect  some  more :  — 

1  Come,  thou  Fount  of  every  blessing, 
Tune  my  heart  to  sing  thy  praise.' 

'  When  I  can  read  my  title  clear 
To  mansions  in  the  skiea  I ' 

'  How  tedious  and  tasteless  the  hours.' 
'  Oh  I  to  grace  how  great  a  debtor  I ' 

Other  little  songs  I  won't  say  any  thing  about:  they  would  not  look  well  in  print; 
but  I  could  five  them."  — DENNIS  HANKS. 


60  LIFE  OP  ABE  AH  AM  LINCOLN. 

about  the  house  :  he  was  probably  afraid  to  indulge  in  such 
offensive  gayeties  in  the  very  habitation  of  the  morose  Craw 
ford.  According  to  Dennis  Hanks,  his  melody  was  not  of  the 
sort  that  hath  power  to  charin  the  savage  ;  and  he  was 
naturally  timid  about  trying  it  upon  Crawford.  But,  when 
he  was  freed  from  those  chilling  restraints,  he  put  forth  his 
best  endeavors  to  render  "  one  [song]  that  was  called  '  Wil 
liam  Riley,'  and  one  that  was  called  '  John  Anderson's  Lam 
entations,'  and  one  that  was  made  about  Gen.  Jackson  and 
John  Adams,  at  the  time  they  were  nominated  for  the 
presidency." 

The  Jackson  song  indicated  clearly  enough  Abe's  steadiness 
in  the  political  views  inculcated  by  Jones.  Mrs.  Crawford 
could  recollect  but  a  single  stanza  of  it :  — 

"  Let  auld  acquaintance  be  forgot, 
And  never  brought  to  mind, 
And  Jackson  be  our  President, 
And  Adams  left  behind." 

In  the  text  of  "  John  Anderson's  Lamentations,"  —  a  most 
distressful  lyric  to  begin  with,  —  Abe  was  popularly  supposed 
to  have  interpolated  some  lines  of  his  own,  which  conclusively 
attested  his  genius  for  poetic  composition.  At  all  events,  he 
sang  it  as  follows  :  — 

"  O  sinners !  poor  sinners,  take  warning  by  me : 
The  fruits  of  transgression  behold  now,  and  see  ; 
My  soul  is  tormented,  my  body  confined, 
My  friends  and  dear  children  left  weeping  behind. 

"  Much  intoxication  my  ruin  has  been, 
And  my  dear  companion  hath  barbarously  slain  : 
In  yonder  cold  graveyard  the  body  doth  lie  ; 
Whilst  I  am  condemned,  and  shortly  must  die. 

"  Remember  John  Anderson's  death,  and  reform 
Before  death  overtakes  you,  and  vengeance  comes  on. 
My  grief's  overwhelming  ;  in  God  I  must  trust : 
I  am  justly  condemned  ;  my  sentence  is  just. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  61 

"  I  am  waiting  the  summons  in  eternity  to  be  hurled  ; 
Whilst  my  poor  little  orphans  are  cast  on  the  world. 
I  hope  my  kind  neighbors  their  guardeens  will  be, 
And  Heaven,  kind  Heaven,  protect  them  and  me." 

In  1826  Abe's  sister  Nancy  (or  Sarah)  was  married  to 
Aaron  Grigsby  ;  and  the  festivities  of  the  occasion  were  made 
memorable  by  a  song  entitled,  "  Adam  and  Eve's  Wedding 
Song,"  which  many  believed  Abe  had  himself  composed. 
The  conceits  embodied  in  the  doggerel  were  old  before  Abe 
was  born ;  but  there  is  some  intrinsic  as  well  as  extraneous 
evidence  to  show  that  the  doggerel  itself  was  his.  It  was 
sung  by  the  whole  Lincoln  family,  before  Nancy's  marriage 
and  since,  but  by  nobody  else  in  the  neighborhood. 

ADAM  AND  EVE'S  WEDDING  SONG. 

When  Adam  was  created,  he  dwelt  in  Eden's  shade, 
As  Moses  has  recorded,  and  soon  an  Eve  was  made. 

Ten  thousand  times  ten  thousand 

Of  creatures  swarmed  around 

Before  a  bride  was  formed, 

And  yet  no  mate  was  found. 

The  Lord  then  was  not  willing 
The  man  should  be  alone, 
But  caused  a  sleep  upon  him, 
And  took  from  him  a  bone, 

And  closed  the  flesh  in  that  place  of; 
And  then  he  took  the  same, 
And  of  it  made  a  woman, 
And  brought  her  to  the  man. 

Then  Adam  he  rejoiced 
To  see  his  loving  bride, 
A  part  of  his  own  body, 
The  product  of  his  side. 

This  woman  was  not  taken 
From  Adam's  feet,  we  see ; 
So  he  must  not  abuse  her, 
The  meaning  seems  to  be. 


62  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

This  woman  was  not  taken 
From  Adam's  head,  we  know ; 
To  show  she  must  not  rule  him, 
'Tis  evidently  so. 

This  woman  she  was  taken 
From  under  Adam's  arm ; 
So  she  must  be  protected 
From  injuries  and  harm. 

"  It  was  considered  at  that  time,"  says  Mr.  Richardson, 
*'  that  Abe  was  the  best  penman  in  the  neighborhood.  One 
day,  while  he  was  on  a  visit  at  my  mother's,  I  asked  him  to 
write  some  copies  for  me.  He  very  willingly  consented.  He 
wrote  several  of  them,  but  one  of  them  I  have  never  forgot 
ten,  although  a  boy  at  the  time.  It  was  this  :  — 

'  Good  boys  who  to  their  books  apply 
Will  all  be  great  men  by  and  by.'  " 

Here  are  two  original  lines  from  Abe's  own  copy-book, 
probably  the  first  he  ever  had,  and  which  nmst  not  be  con 
founded  with  the  famous  scrap-book  in  which  his  step-mother, 
lost  in  admiration  of  its  contents,  declares  he  "  entered  all 
things :"- 

"  Abraham  Lincoln,  his  hand  and  pen : 
He  will  be  good,  but  God  knows  when." 

Again,  — 

"  Abraham  Lincoln  is  my  name, 
And  with  my  pen  I  write  the  same  : 
I  will  be  a  good  boy,  but  God  knows  when." 

The  same  book  contains  the  following,  written  at  a  later 
day,  and  with  nothing  to  indicate  that  any  part  of  it  was 
borrowed :  — 

"  Time !  what  an  empty  vapor  'tis  1 
And  days  how  swift  they  are  ! 
Swift  as  an  Indian  arrow, 
Fly  on  like  a  shooting-star. 
The  present  moment  just  is  here, 
Then  slides  away  in  haste, 
That  we  can  never  say  they're  ours, 
But  only  say  they  are  past." 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  63 

Abe  wrote  many  "  satires  "  and  "  chronicles,"  which  are 
only  remembered  in  fragments  by  a  few  old  persons  in  the 
neighborhood.  Even  if  we  had  them  in  full,  they  were  most 
of  them  too  indecent  for  publication.  Such,  at  least,  was 
the  character  of  "  a  piece "  which  is  said  to  have  been 
"  exceedingly  humorous  and  witty,"  touching  a  church  trial, 
wherein  Brother  Harper  and  Sister  Gordon  were  the  parties 
seeking  judgment.  It  was  very  coarse,  but  it  served  admira 
bly  to  raise  a  laugh  in  the  grocery  at  the  expense  of  the  church. 

His  chronicles  were  many,  and  on  a  great  variety  of  sub 
jects.  They  were  written,  as  his  early  admirers  love  to  tell 
us,  "  in  the  scriptural  style ; "  but  those  we  have  betray  a 
very  limited  acquaintance  with  the  model.  In  these  "  chap 
ters  "  was  celebrated  every  event  of  importance  that  took 
place  in  the  neighborhood :  weddings,  fights,  Crawford's 
nose,  Sister  Gordon's  innocence,  Brother  Harper's  wit,  were 
all  served  up,  fresh  and  gross,  for  the  amusement  of  the 
groundlings. 

Charles  and  Reuben  Grigsby  were  married  about  the  same 
time,  and,  being  brothers,  returned  to  their  father's  house  with 
their  brides  upon  the  same  day.  The  infare,  the  feast,  the 
dance,  the  ostentatious  retirement  of  the  brides  and  grooms, 
were  conducted  in  the  old-fashioned  way  of  all  new  countries 
in  the  United  States,  but  a  way  which  was  bad  enough  to  shock 
Squire  Western  himself.  On  this  occasion  Abe  was  not  invited, 
and  was  very  "  mad  "  in  consequence.  This  indignation  found 
vent  in  a  highly-spiced  piece  of  descriptive  writing,  entitled 
"  The  Chronicles  of  Reuben,"  which  are  still  in  existence. 

But  even  "  The  Chronicles,"  venomous  and  highly  success 
ful  as  they  were,  were  totally  insufficient  to  sate  Abe's  desire 
for  vengeance  on  the  Grigsbys.  They  were  important  people 
about  Gentryville,  and  the  social  slight  they  had  given  him 
stung  him  bitterly.  He  therefore  began  on  "  Billy  "  in  rhyme, 
after  disposing  of  Charles  and  Reuben  "  in  scriptural  style." 
Mrs.  Crawford  attempted  to  repeat  these  verses  to  Mr.  Hern- 
don  ;  but  the  good  old  lady  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  she 
blushed  very  red,  and,  saying  that  they  were  hardly  decent, 


64  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

proposed  to  tell  them  to  her  daughter,  who  would  tell  them  to 
her  husband,  who  would  write  them  down  and  send  them  to 
Mr.  Herndon.  They  are  probably  much  curtailed  by  Mrs. 
Crawford's  modesty,  but  still  it  is  impossible  to  transcribe 
them.  We  give  what  we  can  to  show  how  the  first  steps  of 
Abe's  fame  as  a  great  writer  were  won.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  the  literary  taste  of  the  community  in  which  these  rhymes 
were  popular  could  not  have  been  very  high. 

"  I  will  tell  you  about  Joel  and  Mary :  it  is  neither  a  joke 
or  a  story,  for  Reuben  and  Charles  has  married  two  girls, 
but  Billy  has  married  a  boy." 

"  The  girls  he  had  tried  on  every  side, 
But  none  could  he  get  to  agree  : 
All  was  in  vain ;  he  went  home  again, 
And,  since  that,  he  is  married  to  Natty. 

"  So  Billy  and  Natty  agreed  very  well, 
And  mamma's  well  pleased  at  the  match  : 
The  egg  it  is  laid,  but  Natty's  afraid 
The  shell  is  so  soft  it  never  will  hatch ; 
But  Betsey  she  said,  '  You  cursed  bald  head, 
My  suitor  you  never  can  be ; 
Besides ' "  — 

Abe  dropped  "  The  Chronicles "  at  a  point  on  the  road 
where  he  was  sure  one  of  the  Grigsbys  would  find  them. 
The  stratagem  succeeded,  and  that  delicate  "  satire  "  produced 
the  desired  effect.  The  Grigsbys  were  infuriated, — wild 
with  a  rage  which  would  be  satisfied  only  when  Abe's  face 
should  be  pounded  into  a  jelly,  and  a  couple  of  his  ribs  cracked 
by  some  member  of  the  injured  family.  Honor,  according  to 
the  Pigeon  Creek  code,  demanded  that  somebody  should  be 
"  licked  "  in  expiation  of  an  outrage  so  grievous,  —  if  not  Abe, 
then  some  friend  of  Abe's,  whom  he  would  depute  to  stand 
the  brunt  in  his  stead.  "  Billy,"  the  eldest  of  the  brothers, 
was  selected  to  challenge  him.  Abe  accepted  generally ; 
that  is,  agreed  that  there  should  be  a  fight  about  the  matter 
in  question.  It  was  accordingly  so  ordered  :  the  ground  was 
selected  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Gentryville,  a  ring  was 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  65 

marked  out,  and  the  bullies  for  twenty  miles  around  attended. 
The  friends  of  both  parties  were  present  in  force,  and  excite 
ment  ran  high.  When  the  time  arrived  for  'the  champions  to 
step  into  the  ring,  Abe  displayed  his  chivalry  in  a  manner 
that  must  have  struck  the  bystanders  with  admiration.  He 
announced,  that  whereas  Billy  was  confessedly  his  inferior  in 
size,  shape,  and  talents,  unable  to  hit  with  pen  or  fist  with  any 
thing  like  his  power,  therefore  he  would  forego  the  advan 
tage  which  the  challenge  gave  him,  and  "turn  over  "  his  step 
brother,  John  Johnston,  to  do  battle  in  his  behalf.  If  this 
near  relative  should  be  sacrificed,  he  would  abide  the  issue  : 
he  was  merely  anxious  to  see  a  fair  and  honorable  fight. 
This  proposition  was  considered  highly  meritorious,  and  the 
battle  commenced  on  those  general  terms.  John  started  out 
with  fine  pluck  and  spirit ;  but  in  a  little  while  Billy  got  in 
some  clever  hits,  and  Abe  began  to  exhibit  symptoms  of  great 
uneasiness.  Another  pass  or  two,  and  John  flagged  quite 
decidedly,  and  it  became  evident  that  Abe  was  anxiously 
casting  about  for  some  pretext  to  break  the  ring.  At  length, 
when  John  was  fairly  down,  and  Billy  on  top,  and  all  the 
spectators  cheering,  swearing,  and  pressing  up  to  the  very 
edge  of  the  ring,  Abe  cried  out  that  "  Bill  Boland  showed  foul 
play,"  and,  bursting  out  of  the  crowd,  seized  Grigsby  by  the 
heels,  and  flung  him  off.  Having  righted  John,  and  cleared 
the  battle-ground  of  all  opponents,  "  he  swung  a  whiskey- 
bottle  over  his  head,  and  swore  that  he  was  the  big  buck  of 
the  lick."  It  seems  that  nobody  of  the  Grigsby  faction,  not 
one  in  that  large  assembly  of  bullies,  cared  to  encounter  the 
sweep  of  Abe's  tremendously  long  and  muscular  arms  ;  and  so 
he  remained  master  of  the  "  lick."  He  was  not  content,  how 
ever,  with  a  naked  triumph,  but  vaunted  himself  in  the  most 
offensive  manner.  He  singled  out  the  victorious  but  cheated 
Billy,  and,  making  sundry  hostile  demonstrations,  declared 
that  he  could  whip  him  then  and  there.  Billy  meekly  said 
"  he  did  not  doubt  that,"  but  that,  if  Abe  would  make  things 
even  between  them  by  fighting  with  pistols,  he  would  not  be 
slow  to  grant  him  a  meeting.  But  Abe  replied  that  he  was 


66  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

not  going  "  to  fool  away  his  life  on  a  single  shot ; "  and  so 
Billy  was  fain  to  put  up  with  the  poor  satisfaction  he  had 
already  received. 

At  Gentryville  "  they  had  exhibitions  or  speaking  meet 
ings."  "  Some  of  the  questions  they  spoke  on  were,  The  Bee 
and  the  Ant,  Water  and  Fire  :  another  was,  Which  had 
the  most  right  to  complain,  the  Negro  or  the  Indian? 
Another,  "  Which  was  the  strongest,  Wind  or  Water  ?  "  l 
The  views  which  Abe  then  entertained  on  the  Indian  and  the 
negro  question  would  be  intensely  interesting  now.  But  just 
fancy  him  discoursing  on  wind  and  water  !  What  treasures 
of  natural  science,  what  sallies  of  humor,  he  must  have  wasted 
upon  that  audience  of  bumpkins  !  A  little  farther  on,  we  shall 
see  that  Abe  made  pretensions  to  an  acquaintance  with  the 
laws  of  nature  which  was  considered  marvellous  in  that  dav 

tt 

and  generation. 

Dennis  Hanks  insists  that  Abe  and  he  became  learned  men 
and  expert  disputants,  not  by  a  course  of  judicious  reading, 
but  by  attending  "  speech-makings,  gatherings,"  &c. 

"  How  did  Lincoln  and  yourself  learn  so  much  in  Indiana 
under  such  disadvantages  ?  "  said  Mr.  Herndon  to  Dennis,  on 
one  of  his  two  oral  examinations.  The  question  was  art 
fully  put ;  for  it  touched  the  jaunty  Dennis  on  the  side  of  his 
vanity,  and  elicited  a  characteristic  reply.  "  We  learned," 
said  he,  "  by  sight,  scent,  and  hearing.  We  heard  all  that  was 
said,  and  talked  over  and  over  the  questions  heard  ;  wore 
them  slick,  greasy,  and  threadbare.  Went  to  political  and 
other  speeches  and  gatherings,  as  you  do  now:  we  would  hear 
all  sides  and  opinions,  talk  them  over,  discuss  them,  agreeing 
or  disagreeing.  Abe,  as  I  said  before,  was  originally  a  Demo 
crat  after  the  order  of  Jackson,  so  was  his  father,  so  we  all 
were.  .  .  .  He  preached,  made  speeches,  read  for  us,  ex- 

1  "  Lincoln  did  write  what  is  called  '  The  Book  of  Chronicles,'  —  a  satire  on  the  Grlgs- 
bys  and  Josiah  Crawford,  —  not  the  schoolmaster,  but  the  man  who  loaned  Lincoln  '  The 
Life  of  Washington.'  The  satire  was  good,  sharp,  cutting:  it  hurt  us  then,  but  it  is  all 
over  now.  There  is  no  family  in  the  land  who,  after  this,  loved  Lincoln  so  well,  and  who 
now  look  upon  him  as  so  great  a  man.  We  all  voted  for  him,  —  all  that  could.  —  children 
and  grandchildren,  first,  last,  and  always."  — NAT  GEIGSBY. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  67 

plained  to  us,  &c.  .  .  .  Abe  was  a  cheerful  boy,  a  witty  boy, 
was  humorous  always  ;  sometimes  would  get  sad,  not  very 
often.  .  .  .  Lincoln  would  frequently  make  political  and 
other  speeches  to  the  boys :  he  was  calm,  logical,  and  clear 
always.  He  attended  trials,  went  to  court  always,  read  the 
Revised  Statute  of  Indiana,  dated  1824,  heard  law  speeches, 
and  listened  to  law  trials,  &c.  Lincoln  was  lazy,  a  very 
lazy  man.  He  was  always  reading,  scribbling,  writing,  cipher 
ing,  writing  poetry,  and  the  like.  ...  In  Gentryville,  about 
one  mile  west  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  farm,  Lincoln  would  go 
and  tell  his  jokes  and  stories,  &c.,  and  was  so  odd,  ori 
ginal,  and  humorous  and  witty,  that  all  the  people  in  town 
would  gather  around  him.  He  would  keep  them  there  till 
midnight.  I  would  get  tired,  want  to  go  home,  cuss  Abe  most 
heartily.  Abe  was  a  good  talker,  a  good  reader,  and  was  a 
kind  of  newsboy." 

Boonville  was  the  court-house  town  of  Warrick  County, 
and  was  situated  about  fifteen  miles  from  Gentryville.  Thither 
Abe  walked  whenever  he  had  time  to  be  present  at  the  sittings 
of  the  court,  where  he  could  learn  something  of  public  busi 
ness,  amuse  himself  profitably,  and  withal  pick  up  items  of 
news  and  gossip,  which  made  him  an  interesting  personage 
when  he  returned  home.  During  one  of  these  visits  he 
watched,  with  profound  attention,  the  progress  of  a  murder 
trial,  in  which  a  Mr.  John  Breckenridge  was  counsel  for  the  de 
fence.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  latter's  speech,  Abe,  who  had 
listened,  literally  entranced,  accosted  the  man  of  eloquence, 
and  ventured  to  compliment  him  on  the  success  of  his  effort. 
"  Breckenridge  looked  at  the  shabby  boy  "  in  amazement,  and 
passed  on  his  way.  But  many  years  afterwards,  in  1862, 
when  Abe  was  President,  and  Breckenridge  a  resident  of 
Texas,  probably  needing  executive  clemency,  they  met  a 
second  time  ;  when  Abe  said,  "  It  was  the  best  speech  that 
1  up  to  that  time  had  ever  heard.  If  I  could,  as  I  then 
thought,  make  as  good  a  speech  as  that,  my  soul  would  be 
satisfied." 


68  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  through  all  Abe's  childhood  and 
boyhood,  when  he  seemed  to  have  as  little  prospect  of  the 
Presidency  as  any  boy  that  ever  was  born,  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  saying,  and  perhaps  sincerely  believing,  that  that  great 
prize  would  one  day  be  his.  When  Mrs.  Crawford  reproved 
him  for  "  fooling,"  and  bedevilling  the  girls  in  her  kitchen, 
and  asked  him  "  what  he  supposed  would  ever  become  of 
him,"  he  answered  that  "  he  was  going  to  be  President  of 
the  United  States."  l 

Abe  usually  did  the  milling  for  the  family,  and  had  the 
neighbor  boy,  Dave  Turnham,  for  his  companion.  At  first 
they  had  to  go  a  long  distance,  at  least  twelve  or  thirteen 
miles,  to  Hoffman's,  on  Anderson's  Creek  ;  but  after  a  while  a 
Mr.  Gordon  (the  husband  of  Sister  Gordon,  about  whom  the 
"  witty  piece  "  was  written)  built  a  horse-mill  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  Lincolns.  Here  Abe  had  come  one  day  with  a 
grist,  and  Dave  probably  with  him.  He  had  duly  hitched 
his  "  old  mare,"  and  started  her  with  great  impatience  ;  when, 
just  as  he  was  sounding  another  "  cluck,"  to  stir  up  her  im 
perturbable  and  lazy  spirit,  she  let  out  with  her  heels,  and  laid 
Abe  sprawling  and  insensible  on  the  ground.  He  was  taken 
up  in  that  condition,  and  did  not  recover  for  many  minutes ; 
but  the  first  use  made  of  returning  sense  was  to  finish  the 
interrupted"  cluck."  He  and  Mr.  Herndon  had  many  learned 
discussions  in  their  quiet  little  office,  at  Springfield,  respecting 
this  remarkable  phenomenon,  involving  so  nice  a  question  in 
"  psychology." 

Mr.  "William  Wood,  already  referred  to  as  "  Uncle  Wood," 
was  a  genuine  friend  and  even  a  patron  of  Abe's.  He  lived 
only  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  Lincolns,  and  frequent 
ly  had  both  old  Tom  and  Abe  to  work  for  him,  —  the  one  as 
a  rough  carpenter,  and  the  other  as  a  common  laborer.  He 
says  that  Abe  was  in  the  habit  of  carrying  "  his  pieces  "  to 
him  for  criticism  and  encouragement.  Mr.  Wood  took  at 
least  two  newspapers,  —  one  of  them  devoted  to  politics,  and 

1  He  frequently  made  use  of  similar  expressions  to  several  others. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  69 

one  of  them  to  temperance.  Abe  borrowed  them  both,  and, 
reading  them  faithfully  over  and  over  again,  was  inspired  with 
an  ardent  desire  to  write  something  on  the  subjects  of  which 
they  treated.  He  accordingly  composed  an  article  on  temper 
ance,  which  Mr.  Wood  thought  "  excelled,  for  sound  sense,  any 
thing  that  the  paper  contained."  It  was  forwarded,  through 
the  agency  of  a  Baptist  preacher,  to  an  editor  in  Ohio,  by 
whom  it  was  published,  to  the  infinite  gratification  of  Mr. 
Wood  and  his  protSgt.  Abe  then  tried  his  hand  on  "  national 
politics,"  saying  that  "  the  American  Government  was  the 
best  form  of  government  for  an  intelligent  people  ;  that  it 
ought  to  be  kept  sound,  and  preserved  forever  ;  that  general 
education  should  be  fostered  and  carried  all  over  the  country ; 
that  the  Constitution  should  be  saved,  the  Union  perpetuated, 
and  the  laws  revered,  respected,  and  enforced."  This  article 
was  consigned,  like  the  other,  to  Mr.  Wood,  to  be  ushered  by 
him  before  the  public.  A  lawyer  named  Pritchard  chanced 
to  pass  that  way,  and,  being  favored  with  a  perusal  of  Abe's 
"  piece,"  pithily  and  enthusiastically  declared,  "  The  world 
can't  beat  it."  "  He  begged  for  it,"  and  it  was  published  in 
some  obscure  paper ;  this  new  success  causing  the  author  a 
most  extraordinary  access  of  pride  and  happiness. 

But  in  1828  Abe  had  become  very  tired  of  his  home.  He 
was  now  nineteen  years  of  age,  and  becoming  daily  more 
restive  under  the  restraints  of  servitude  which  bound  him. 
He  was  anxious  to  try  the  world  for  himself,  and  make  his 
way  according  to  his  own  notions.  "  Abe  came  to  my  house 
one  day,"  says  Mr.  Wood,  "  and  stood  round  about,  timid  and 
shy.  I  knew  he  wanted  something,  and  said  to  him,  'Abe, 
what's  your  case  ?  '  He  replied,  '  Uncle,  I  want  you  to  go 
to  the  river,  and  give  me  some  recommendation  to  some  boat.' 
I  remarked,  '  Abe,  your  age  is  against  you  :  you  are  not 
twenty  yet.'  '  I  know  that,  but  I  want  a  start,'  said  Abe. 
I  concluded  not  to  go  for  the  boy's  good."  Poor  Abe !  old 
Tom  still  had  a  claim  upon  him,  which  even  Uncle  Wood 
would  not  help  him  to  evade.  He  must  wait  a  few  weary 


70  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

months  more  before  he  would  be  of  age,  and  could  say  he  was 
his  own  man,  and  go  his  own  way.  Old  Tom  was  a  hard  task 
master  to  him,  and,  no  doubt,  consumed  the  greater  part,  if 
not  all,  of  his  wages. 

In  the  beginning  of  March,  1828,  Abe  went  to  work  for  old 
Mr.  Gentry,  the  proprietor  of  Gentryville.  Early  in  the  next 
month,  the  old  gentleman  furnished  his  son  Allen  with  a  boat, 
and  a  cargo  of  bacon  and  other  produce,  with  which  he  was 
to  go  on  a  trading  expedition  to  New  Orleans,  unless  the 
stock  was  sooner  exhausted.  Abe,  having  been  found  faithful 
and  efficient,  was  employed  to  accompany  the  young  man  as 
a  "  bow-hand,"  to  work  the  "  front  oars."  He  was  paid  eight 
dollars  per  month,  and  ate  and  slept  on  board.  Returning, 
Gentry  paid  his  passage  on  the  deck  of  a  steamboat. 

While  this  boat  was  loading  at  Gentry's  Landing,  near 
Rockport,  on  the  Ohio,  Abe  saw  a  great  deal  of  the  pretty 
Miss  Roby,  whom  he  had  saved  from  the  wrath  of  Crawford 
the  schoolmaster,  when  she  failed  to  spell  "  defied."  She 
says,  "  Abe  was  then  a  long,  thin,  leggy,  gawky  boy,  dried  up 
and  shrivelled."  This  young  lady  subsequently  became  the 
wife  of  Allen  Gentry,  Abe's  companion  in  the  projected  voy 
age.  She  probably  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the  enterprise  in 
hand,  for  the  very  boat  itself  seems  to  have  had  attractions 
for  her.  "  One  evening,"  says  she,  "  Abe  and  I  were  sitting 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  or  rather  on  the  boat  spoken  of:  I 
said  to  Abe  that  the  sun  was  going  down.  He  said  to  me, 
'  That's  not  so  :  it  don't  really  go  down  ;  it  seems  so.  The 
earth  turns  from  west  to  east,  and  the  revolution  of  the 
earth  carries  us  under  as  it  were :  we  do  the  sinking  as  you 
call  it.  The  sun,  as  to  us,  is  comparatively  still ;  the  sun's 
sinking  is  only  an  appearance.'  I  replied,  '  Abe,  what  a  fool 
you  are ! '  I  know  now  that  I  was  the  fool,  not  Lincoln.  I  am 
now  thoroughly  satisfied  that  Abe  knew  the  general  laws  of 
astronomy  and  the  movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies.  He 
was  better  read  then  than  the  world  knows,  or  is  likely  to 
know  exactly.  No  man  could  talk  to  me  that  night  as  he  did, 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  71 

unless  he  had  known  something  of  geography  as  well  as 
astronomy.  He  often  and  often  commented  or  talked  to  me 
about  what  he  had  read,  —  seemed  to  read  it  out  of  the  book 
as  he  went  along,  —  did  so  to  others.  He  was  the  learned 
boy  among  us  unlearned  folks.  He  took  great  pains  to  ex 
plain  ;  could  do  it  so  simply.  He  was  diffident  then  too."  l 

The  trip  of  Gentry  and  Lincoln  was  a  very  profitable  one, 
and  Mr.  Gentry,  senior,  was  highly  gratified  by  the  result. 
Abe  displayed  his  genius  for  mercantile  affairs  by  handsomely 
putting  off  on  the  innocent  folks  along  the  river  some  coun 
terfeit  money  which  a  shrewd  fellow  had  imposed  upon 
Allen.  Allen  thought  his  father  would  be  angry  with  him  for 
suffering  himself  to  be  cheated ;  but  Abe  consoled  him  with 
the  reflection  that  the  "  old  man  "  wouldn't  care  how  much 
bad  money  they  took  in  the  course  of  business  if  they  only 
brought  the  proper  amount  of  good  money  home.2 

At  Madame  Bushane's  plantation,  six  miles  below  Baton 
Rouge,  they  had  an  adventure,  which  reads  strangely  enough 
in  the  life  of  the  great  emancipator.  The  boat  was  tied  up 
to  the  shore,  in  the  dead  hours  of  the  night,  and  Abe  and 
Allen  were  fast  asleep  in  the  "  cabin,"  in  the  stern,  when  they 
were  startled  by  footsteps  on  board.  They  knew  instantly 
that  it  was  a  gang  of  negroes  come  to  rob,  and  perhaps  to 
murder  them.  Allen,  thinking  to  frighten  the  intruders, 
cried  out,  "Bring  the  guns,  Lincoln;  shoot  them!"  Abe 
came  without  a  gun,  but  he  fell  among  the  negroes  with  a 
huge  bludgeon,  and  belabored  them  most  cruelly.  Not  con 
tent  with  beating  them  off  the  boat,  he  and  Gentry  followed 
them  far  back  into  the  country,  and  then,  running  back  to 

1  '•  Wlicn  he  appeared  in  company,  the  boys  would  gather  and  cluster  around  him  to 
hear  him  talk.  .  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln  was  figurative  in  his  speeches,  talks,  and  conversations. 
He  argued  much  from  analogy,  and  explained  things  hard  for  us  to  understand  by  stories, 
maxims,  tales,  and  figures.  He  would  almost  always  point  his  lesson  or  idea  by  some 
story  that  was  plain  and  near  us.  that  we  might  instantly  see  the  force  and  bearing  of 
what  he  said."  — NAT  GRIGSBY. 

*  •'  Gentry  (Allen)  was  a  great  personal  friend  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  was  a  Democrat,  but 
voted  for  Lincoln,  sacrificing  his  party  politics  to  his  friendship.  He  says  that  on  that  trip 
they  sold  some  of  their  produce  at  a  certain  landing,  and  by  accident  or  fraud  the  bill  was 
paid  in  counterfeit  money.  Gentry  was  grieving  about  it :  but  Lincoln  said,  '  Never  mind, 
Allen  :  it  will  accidentally  slip  out  of  our  fingers  before  we  get  to  New  Orleans,  and  then 
old  Jim  can't  quarrel  at  us.'  Sure  enough,  it  all  went  off  like  hot  cakes.  I  waa  told  this  in 
Indiana  by  many  people  about  Rockport."  —  HERNDOX.  It  must  be  remembered  that  coun 
terfeit  money  was  the  principal  currency  along  the  river  at  this  period. 


72  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

their  craft,  hastily  cut  loose  and  made  rapid  time  down  the 
river,  fearing  lest  they  should  return  in  greater  numbers  to 
take  revenge.  The  victory  was  complete  ;  but,  in  winning  it, 
Abe  received  a  scar  which  he  carried  with  him  to  his  grave. 

"  When  he  was  eighteen  years  old,  he  conceived  the  project 
of  building  a  little  boat,  and  taking  the  -produce  of  the  Lin 
coln  farm  down  the  river  to  market.  He  had  learned  the  use 
of  tools,  and  possessed  considerable  mechanical  talent,  as  will 
appear  in  some  other  acts  of  his  life.  Of  the  voyage  and  its 
results,  we  have  no  knowledge ;  but  an  incident  occurred 
before  starting  which  he  related  in  later  life  to  his  Secretary 
of  State,  Mr.  Seward,  that  made  a  very  marked  and  pleasant 
impression  upon  his  memory.  As  he  stood  at  the  landing,  a 
steamer  .approached,  coming  down  the  river.  At  the  same 
time  two  passengers  came  to  the  river's  bank  who  wished  to 
be  taken  out  to  the  packet  with  their  luggage.  Looking 
among  the  boats  at  the  landing,  they  singled  out  Abraham's, 
and  asked  him  to  scull  them  to  the  steamer.  This  he  did ; 
and,  after  seeing  them  and  their  trunks  on  board,  he  had  the 
pleasure  of  receiving  upon  the  bottom  of  his  boat,  before  he 
shoved  off,  a  silver  half-dollar  from  each  of  his  passengers. 
*  I  could  scarcely  believe  my  eyes,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  telling 
the  story.  '  You  may  think  it  was  a  very  little  thing,'  con 
tinued  he,  '  but  it  was  a  most  important  incident  in  my  life. 
I  could  scarcely  believe  that  I,  a  poor  boy,  had  earned  a  dollar 
in  less  than  a  day.  The  world  seemed  wider  and  fairer  to  me. 
I  was  a  more  hopeful  and  confident  being  from  that  time.'  "* 

If  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  made  the  statement  for  which  Mr. 
Seward  is  given  as  authority,  he  drew  upon  his  imagination 
for  the  facts.  He  may  have  sculled  passengers  to  a  steamer 
when  he  was  ferryman  for  Taylor,  but  he  never  made  a  trip 
like  the  one  described  ;  never  built  a  boat  until  he  went  to 
Illinois  ;  nor  did  he  ever  sell  produce  on  his  father's  account, 
for  the  good  reason  that  his  father  had  none  to  sell. 

1  Holland's  Life  of  Lincoln,  p.  33. 


CHAPTER  III. 

ABE  and  Gentry  returned  from  New  Orleans  some  time 
in  June,  1828,  having  been  gone  not  quite  three 
months.  How  much  longer  he  remained  in  the  service  of 
Gentry,  or  whether  he  remained  at  all,  we  are  unable  to 
say ;  but  he  soon  took  up  his  old  habits,  and  began  to  work 
around  among  his  neighbors,  or  for  his  father,  precisely  as  he 
had  done  before  he  got  his  partial  glimpse  of  the  great  world 
down  the  river. 

In  the  fall  of  1829,  Mr.  Wood  saw  him  cutting  down  a 
large  tree  in  the  woods,  and  whip-sawing  it  into  planks.  Abe 
said  the  lumber  was  for  a  new  house  his  father  was  about 
to  build ;  but  Tom  Lincoln  changed  his  mind  before  the 
house  was  half  done,  and  Abe  sold  his  plank  to  Josiah  Craw 
ford,  "  the  book  man,"  who  worked  them  into  the  south-east 
room  of  his  house,  where  relic-seekers  have  since  cut  pieces 
from  them  to  make  canes. 

In  truth,  the  continued  prevalence  of  that  dreadful  disease, 
the  milk-sickness,  with  which  Nancy  Hanks  and  the  Spar 
rows  and  the  Halls  had  all  died,  was  more  than  a  sufficient 
reason  for  a  new  removal,  now  in  contemplation  by  Thomas 
Lincoln.  Every  member  of  his  family,  from  the  first  settle 
ment  in  Indiana,  except  perhaps  Abe  and  himself,  had  suffered 
with  it.  The  cattle,  which,  it  is  true,  were  of  little  pecuniary 
value,  and  raised  with  great  ease  and  little  cost,  were  swept 
away  by  it  in  great  numbers  throughout  the  whole  neighbor 
hood.  It  was  an  awful  scourge,  and  common  prudence 
suggested  flight.  It  is  wonderful  that  it  took  a  constitu- 

73 


74  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tional  mover  thirteen  years  to  make  up  his  mind  to  escape 
from  it.1 

In  the  spring  of  1830,  before  the  winter  had  fairly  broken 
up,  he  and  Abe,  and  Dennis  Hanks  and  Levi  Hall,  with  their 
respective  families,  thirteen  in  all,  took  the  road  for  Illinois. 
Dennis  and  Levi,  as  already  stated,  were  married  to  the  daugh 
ters  of  Mrs.  Lincoln.  Hall  had  one  son,  and  Dennis  a  con 
siderable  family  of  sons  and  daughters.  Sarah  (or  Nancy) 
Lincoln,  who  had  married  Aaron  Grigsby,  was  now  dead. 

John  Hanks  had  gone  to  the  new  country  from  Kentucky  in 
the  fall  of  1828,  and  settled  near  Decatur,  whence  he  wrote 
Thomas  Lincoln  all  about  it,  and  advised  him  to  come  there. 
Dennis,  whether  because  of  the  persuasions  of  John,  or  some 
observations  made  in  a  flying  trip  on  his  own  account,  was  very 
full  of  the  move,  and  would  hear  to  no  delay.  Lincoln  sold 
his  farm  to  Gentry,  senior,  if,  indeed,  he  had  not  done  so  be 
fore,  and  his  corn  and  hogs  to  Dave  Turnham.  The  corn 
brought  only  ten  cents  a  bushel,  and,  according  to  the  price- 
list  furnished  by  Dennis  Hanks,  the  stock  must  have  gone  at 
figures  equally  mean. 

Lincoln  took  with  him  to  Illinois  "  some  stock-cattle,  one 
horse,  one  bureau,  one  table,  one  clothes-chest,  one  set  of 
chairs,  cooking  utensils,  clothing,"  &c.  The  goods  of  the  three 
families  —  Hanks,  Hall,  and  Lincoln  —  were  loaded  on  a  wagon 
belonging  to  Lincoln.  This  wagon  was  "  ironed,"  a  noticeable 
fact  in  those  primitive  days,  and  "  was  positively  the  first  one 
that  he  (Lincoln)  ever  owned."  It  was  drawn  by  four  yoke 
of  oxen,  —  two  of  them  Lincoln's,  and  two  of  them  Hanks's. 


i  «  What  made  Thomas  Lincoln  leave  ?  The  reason  is  this  :  we  were  perplexed  by  a  dis 
ease  called  milk-sick.  I  myself  being  the  oldest,  I  was  determined  to  leave,  and  hunt  a 
country  where  the  milk-sick  was  not.  I  married  his  eldest  daughter.  I  sold  out,  and  they 
concluded  to  go  with  me.  Billy,  I  was  tolerably  popular  at  that  time,  for  I  had  some  mon 
ey.  My  wife's  mother  could  not  think  of  parting  with  her,  and  we  ripped  up  stakes,  and 
started  to  Illinois,  and  landed  at  Decatur.  This  is  the  reason  for  leaving  Indiana.  I  am 
to  blame  for  it,  if  any.  As  for  getting  more  land,  this  was  not  the  case,  for  we  could  have 
entered  ten  thousand  acres  of  the  best  land.  When  we.  left,  it  was  on  account  of  the  milk. 
Billy,  I  had  four  good  milch  cows,  too,  with  it  in  one  week,  and  eleven  young  calves.  This 
was  enough  to  run  me.  Besides,  liked  to  have  lossed  my  own  life  with  it.  This  reason 
was  enough  (ain't  it  ?)  for  leaving."  —  DENNIS  HANKS. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  75 

We  have  no  particulars  of  the  journey,  except  that  Abe  held 
the  "  gad,"  and  drove  the  team  ;  that  the  mud  was  very  deep, 
that  the  spring  freshets  were  abroad,  and  that  in  crossing 
the  swollen  and  tumultuous  Kaskaskia,  the  wagon  and  oxen 
were  nearly  swept  away.  On  the  first  day  of  March,  1830, 
after  fifteen  days'  tedious  and  heavy  travel,  they  arrived  at 
John  Hanks's  house,  four  miles  north-west  of  Decatur.  Lin 
coln  settled  (if  any  thing  he  did  may  be  called  settling)  at  a 
point  ten  miles  west  of  Decatur.  Here  John  Hanks  had  cut 
some  logs  in  1829,  which  he  now  gave  to  Lincoln  to  build 
a  house  with.  With  the  aid  of  John,  Dennis,  Abe,  and  Hall, 
a  house  was  erected  on  a  small  bluff,  on  the  north  bank  of 
the  north  fork  of  the  Sangamon.  Abe  and  John  took  the 
four  yoke  of  oxen  and  "  broke  up  "  fifteen  acres  of  land,  and 
then  split  rails  enough  to  fence  it  in. 

Abe  was  now  over  twenty-one.  There  was  no  "  Uncle 
Wood  to  tell  him  that  his  age  was  against  him :  "  he  had  done 
something  more  than  his  duty  by  his  father  ;  and,  as  that  wor 
thy  was  now  again  placed  in  a  situation  where  he  might  do 
well  if  he  chose,  Abe  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  time 
for  him  to  begin  life  on  his  own  account.  It  must  have  cost 
him  some  pain  to  leave  his  good  step-mother ;  but,  beyond 
that,  all  the  old  ties  were  probably  broken  without  a  single 
regret.  From  the  moment  he  was  a  free  man,  foot-loose,  able 
to  go  where,  and  to  do  what,  he  pleased,  his  success  in  those 
things  which  lay  nearest  his  heart  —  that  is,  public  and  social 
preferment  —  was  astonishing  to  himself,  as  well  as  to  others. 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  that  we  dismiss  Tom  Lincoln,  with 
his  family  and  fortunes,  from  further  consideration  in  these 
pages.  After  Abraham  left  him,  he  moved  at  least  three  times 
in  search  of  a  "  healthy  "  location,  and  finally  got  himself 
fixed  near  Goose  Nest  Prairie,  in  Coles  County,  where  he  died 
of  a  disease  of  the  kidneys,  in  1851,  at  the  ripe  old  age  of 
seventy-three.  The  little  farm  (forty  acres)  upon  which  his 
days  were  ended,  he  had,  with  his  usual  improvidence,  mort 
gaged  to  the  School  Commissioners  for  two  hundred  dollars,  — 


76  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

its  full  value.  Induced  by  love  for  his  step-mother,  Abraham 
had  paid  the  debt,  and  taken  a  deed  for  the  land,  "  with  a 
reservation  of  a  life-estate  therein,  to  them,  or  the  survivor  of 
them."  At  the  same  time  (1841),  he  gave  a  helping  hand  to 
John  Johnston,  binding  himself  to  convey  the  land  to  him,  or 
his  heirs,  after  the  death  of  "  Thomas  Lincoln  and  his  wife," 
upon  payment  of  the  two  hundred  dollars,  which  was  really 
advanced  to  save  John's  mother  from  utter  penury.  No  mat 
ter  how  much  the  land  might  appreciate  in  value,  John  was 
to  have  it  upon  these  terms,  and  no  interest  was  to  be  paid 
by  him,  "  except  after  the  death  of  the  survivor,  as  afore 
said."  This,  to  be  sure,  was  a  great  bargain  for  John,  but  he 
made  haste  to  assign  his  bond  to  another  person  for  "  fifty 
dollars  paid  in  hand." 

As  soon  as  Abraham  got  a  little  up  in  the  world,  he  began 
to  send  his  step-mother  money,  and  continued  to  do  so  until 
his  own  death  ;  but  it  is  said  to  have  "  done  her  no  good," 
for  it  only  served  to  tempt  certain  persons  about  her,  and  with 
whom  she  shared  it,  to  continue  in  a  life  of  idleness.  At 
the  close  of  the  Black  Hawk  War,  Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  see 
them  for  a  few  days,  and  afterwards,  when  a  lawyer,  making 
the  circuits  with  the  courts,  he  visited  them  whenever  the 
necessities  of  his  practice  brought  him  to  their  neighborhood. 
He  did  his  best  to  serve  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  her  son  John,  but 
took  little  notice  of  his  father,  although  he  wrote  him  an 
exhortation  to  believe  in  God  when  he  thought  he  was  on  his 
death-bed. 

But  in  regard  to  the  relations  between  the  family  and  Abe, 
after  the  latter  began  to  achieve  fame  and  power,  nobody  can 
tell  the  truth  more  clearly,  or  tell  it  in  a  more  interesting  and 
suggestive  style,  than  our  friend  Dennis,  with  whom  we  are 
now  about  to  part  forever.  It  will  be  seen,  that,  when  informa 
tion  reached  the  "  Goose  Nest  Prairie  "  that  Abe  was  actually 
chosen  President  of  the  United  States,  a  general  itching  for 
public  employment  broke  out  among  the  Hankses,  and  that 
an  equally  general  disappointment  was  the  result.  Doubtless 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  77 

all  of  them  had  expectations  somewhat  like  Sancho  Panza's, 
when  he  went  to  take  the  government  of  his  island,  and 
John  Hanks,  at  least,  would  not  have  been  disappointed  but 
for  the  little  disability  which  Dennis  mentions  in  the  follow 
ing  extract :  — 

"  Did  Abraham  Lincoln  treat  John  D.  Johnston  well  ?  " 
"  I  will  say  this  much  about  it.  I  think  Abe  done  more  for 
John  than  he  deserved.  John  thought  that  Abe  did  not  do 
enough  for  the  old  people.  They  became  enemies  a  while  on 
this  ground.  I  don't  want  to  tell  all  the  things  that  I  know : 
it  would  not  look  well  in  history.  I  say  this :  Abe  treated 
John  well." 

"  What  kind  of  a  man  was  Johnston  ?  "  —  "I  say  this  much  : 
A  kinder-hearted  man  never  was  in  Coles  County,  Illinois, 
nor  an  honester  man.  I  don't  say  this  because  he  was  my 
brother-in-law  :  I  say  it,  knowing  it.  John  did  not  love  to 
work  any  the  best.  I  flogged  him  for  not  working." 

"Did  Thomas  Lincoln  treat  Abe  cruelly?"  —  "He  loved 
him.  I  never  could  tell  whether  Abe  loved  his  father  very 
well  or  not.  I  don't  think  he  did,  for  Abe  was  one  of  those 
forward  boys.  I  have  seen  his  father  knock  him  down  off  the 
fence  when  a  stranger  would  ask  the  way  to  a  neighbor's 
house.  Abe  always  would  have  the  first  word.  The  old  man 
loved  his  children." 

"  Did  any  of  the  Johnston  family  ask  for  office  ?  "  —  "  No ! 
Thomas  Johnston  went  to  Abe  :  he  got  this  permit  to  take 
daguerrotypes  in  the  army ;  this  is  all,  for  they  are  all  dead 
except  John's  boys.  They  did  not  ask  for  any." 

"  Did  you  or  John  Hanks  ask  Lincoln  for  any  office  ?  "  —  "I 
say  this  :  that  John  Hanks,  of  Decatur,  did  solicit  him  for  an 
Indian  Agency  ;  and  John  told  me  that  Abe  as  good  as  told 
him  he  should  have  one.  But  John  could  not  read  or  write. 
I  think  this  was  the  reason  that  Abe  did  not  give  John  the 
place. 

"  As  for  myself,  I  did  not  ask  Abe  right  out  for  an  office, 
only  this :  I  would  like  to  have  the  post-office  in  Charleston ; 
this  was  my  wife  that  asked  him.  He  told  her  that  much 


78  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

was  understood,  —  as  much  as  to  say  that  I  would  get  it.  I  did 
not  care  much  about  it." 

"  Do  you  think  Lincoln  cared  much  for  his  relations  ?  "  —  "I 
will  say  this  much  :  when  he  was  with  us,  he  seemed  to  think 
a  great  deal  of  us ;  but  I  thought  sometimes  it  was  hypocriti 
cal,  but  I  am  not  sure." 

Abe  left  the  Lincoln  family  late  in  March,  or  early  in  April. 
He  did  not  go  far  away,  but  took  jobs  wherever  he  could  get 
them,  showing  that  he  had  separated  himself  from  the  family, 
not  merely  to  rove,  but  to  labor,  and  be  an  independent  man. 
He  made  no  engagement  of  a  permanent  character  during  this 
summer:  his  work  was  all  done  "by  the  job."  If  he  ever 
split  rails  for  Kirkpatrick,  over  whom  he  was  subsequently 
elected  captain  of  a  volunteer  company  about  to  enter  the 
Black  Hawk  War,  it  must  have  been  at  this  time ;  but  the 
story  of  his  work  for  Kirkpatrick,  like  that  of  his  making  "  a 
crap  of  corn"  for  Mr.  Brown,  is  probably  apocryphal.1  All 
this  while  he  clung  close  to  John  Hanks,  and  either  worked 
where  he  did,  or  not  far  away.  In  the  winter  following,  lie 
was  employed  by  a  Major  Warrick  to  make  rails,  and  walked 
daily  three  miles  to  his  work,  and  three  miles  back  again. 

"  After  Abe  got  to  Decatur,"  says  John  Hanks,  "  or  rather 
to  Macon  (my  country),  a  man  by  the  name  of  Posey  came 
into  our  neighborhood,  and  made  a  speech :  it  was  a  bad  one, 
and  I  said  Abe  could  beat  it.  I  turned  down  a  box,  or  keg, 
and  Abe  made  his  speech.  The  other  man  was  a  candidate. 
Abe  wasn't.  Abe  beat  him  to  death,  his  subject  being  the 
navigation  of  the  Sangamon  River.  The  man,  after  the  speech 
was  through,  took  Abe  aside,  and  asked  him  where  he  had 
learned  so  much,  and  how  he  did  so  well.  Abe  replied,  stat 
ing  his  manner  and  method  of  reading,  and  what  he  had 
read.  The  man  encouraged  Lincoln  to  persevere." 

In  February,  1831,  a  Mr.  Denton  Offutt  wanted  to  engage 
John  Hanks  to  take  a  flatboat  to  New  Orleans.  John  was 
not  well  disposed  to  the  business ;  but  Offutt  came  to  the 

1  See  Holland's  Life  of  Lincoln,  p.  40. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  79 

house,  and  would  take  no  denial ;  made  much  of  John's  fame 
as  a  river-man,  and  at  length  persuaded  him  to  present  the 
matter  to  Abe  and  John  Johnston.  He  did  so.  The  three 
friends  discussed  the  question  with  great  earnestness  :  it  was 
no  slight  affair  to  them,  for  they  were  all  young  and  poor. 
At  length  they  agreed  to  Offutt's  proposition,  and  that  agree 
ment  was  the  turning-point  in  Abe's  career.  They  were  each 
to  receive  fifty  cents  a  day,  and  the  round  sum  of  sixty  dol 
lars  divided  amongst  them  for  making  the  trip.  These  were 
wages  such  as  Abe  had  never  received  before,  and  might  have 
tempted  him  to  a  much  more  difficult  enterprise.  When  he 
went  with  Gentry,  the  pay  was  only  eight  dollars  a  month, 
and  no  such  company  and  assistance  as  he  was  to  have  now. 
But  Offutt  was  lavish  with  his  money,  and  generous  bargains 
like  this  ruined  him  a  little  while  after. 

In  March,  Hanks,  Johnston,  and  Lincoln  went  down  the 
Sangamon  in  a  canoe  to  Jamestown  (then  Judy's  Ferry),  five 
miles  east  of  Springfield.  Thence  they  walked  to  Springfield, 
and  found  Mr.  Offutt  comforting  himself  at  "  Elliott's  tavern 
in  Old  Town."  He  had  contracted  to  have  a  boat  ready  ai 
the  mouth  of  Spring  Creek,  but,  not  looking  after  it  himself, 
was,  of  course,  "  disappointed."  There  was  only  one  wa'y 
out  of  the  trouble  :  the  three  hands  must  build  a  boat.  They 
went  to  the  mouth  of  Spring  Creek,  five  miles  north  of  Spring 
field,  and  there  consumed  two  weeks  cutting  the  timber  from 
"  Congress  land."  In  the  mean  time,  Abe  walked  back  to 
Judy's  Ferry,  by  way  of  Springfield,  and  brought  down  the 
canoe  which  they  had  left  at  the  former  place.  The  timber 
was  hewed  and  scored,  and  then  "  rafted  down  to  Sangamon- 
town."  At  the  mouth  of  Spring  Creek  they  had  been  com 
pelled  to  walk  a  full  mile  for  their  meals  ;  but  at  Sangamon- 
town  they  built  a  shanty,  and  boarded  themselves.  "  Abe 
was  elected  cook,"  and  performed  the  duties  of  the  office 
much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  party.  The  lumber  was  sawed 
at  Kirkpatrick's  mill,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  shanty. 
Laboring  under  many  disadvantages  like  this,  they  managed 


80  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

to  complete  and  launch  the  boat  in  about  four  weeks  from  the 
time  of  beginning. 

Offutt  was  with  the  party  at  this  point.  He  "  was  a  Whig, 
and  so  was  Abe ;  but  he  (Abe)  could^  not  hear  Jackson 
wrongfully  abused,  especially  where  a  lie  and  malice  did  the 
abuse."  Out  of  this  difference  arose  some  disputes,  which 
served  to  enliven  the  camp,  as  well  as  to  arouse  Abe's  ire, 
and  keep  him  in  practice  in  the  way  of  debate. 

In  those  days  Abe,  as  usual,  is  described  as  being  "funny, 
jokey,  full  of  yarns,  stories,  and  rigs  ;  "  as  being  "  long,  tall, 
and  green,"  "  frequently  quoting  poetry,"  and  "  reciting  prose- 
like  orations."  They  had  their  own  amusements.  Abe  ex 
tracted  a  good  deal  of  fun  out  of  the  cooking ;  took  his 
"dram  "  when  asked  to,  and  played  "  seven  up  "  at  night,  at 
which  he  made  "  a  good  game." 

A  juggler  gave  an  exhibition  at  Sangamontown,  in  the 
upper  room  of  Jacob  Carman's  house.  Abe  went  to  it,  dressed 
in  a  suit  of  rough  blue  jeans.  He  had  on  shoes,  but  the 
trousers  did  not  reach  them  by  about  twelve  inches  ;  and 
the  naked  shin,  which  had  excited  John  Romine's  laughter 
years  ago  in  Indiana,  was  still  exposed.  Between  the  rounda 
bout  and  the  waist  of  the  trousers,  there  was  another  wide 
space  uncovered ;  and,  considering  these  defects,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
attire  was  thought  to  be  somewhat  inelegant,  even  in  those 
times.  His  hat,  however,  was  a  great  improvement  on  coon- 
skins  and  opossum.  It  was  woollen,  broad-brimmed,  and  low- 
crowned.  In  this  hat  the  "  showman  cooked  eggs."  Whilst 
Abe  was  handing  it  up  to  him,  after  the  man  had  long 
solicited  a  similar  favor  from  the  rest  of  the  audience,  he 
remarked,  "  Mister,  the  reason  I  didn't  give  you  my  hat  before 
was  out  of  respect  to  your  eggs,  not  care  for  my  hat." 

Loaded  with  barrel-pork,  hogs,  and  corn,  the  boat  set  out 
from  Sangamontown  as  soon  as  finished.  Mr.  Offutt  was  on 
board  to  act  as  his  own  merchant,  intending  to  pick  up  addi 
tions  to  his  cargo  along  the  banks  of  the  two  Illinois  rivers 
down  which  he  was  about  to  pass.  On  the  19th  of  April 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  81 

they  arrived  at  New  Salem,  a  little  village  destined  to  be  the 
scene  of  the  seven  eventful  years  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  life,  which 
immediately  followed  the  conclusion  of  the  present  trip.  Just 
below  New  Salem  the  boat  "  stuck,"  for  one  night  and  the 
better  part  of  a  day  on  Rutledge's  mill-dam,  —  one  end  of  it 
hanging  over  the  dam,  and  the  other  sunk  deep  in  the  water 
behind.  Here  was  a  case  for  Abe's  ingenuity,  and  he  exer 
cised  it  with  effect.  Quantities  of  water  were  being  taken  in 
at  the  stern,  the  lading  was  sliding  backwards,  and  every 
thing  indicated  that  the  rude  craft  was  in  momentary  danger 
of  breaking  in  two,  or  sinking  outright.  But  Abe  suggested 
some  unheard-of  expedient  for  keeping  it  in  place  while  the 
cargo  was  shifted  to  a  borrowed  boat,  and  then,  boring  a 
hole  in  that  part  of  the  bottom  extending  over  the  dam,  he 
"  rigged  up  "  an  equally  strange  piece  of  machinery  for  tilting 
•  and  holding  it  while  the  water  ran  out.  All  New  Salem 
was  assembled  on  shore,  watching  the  progress  of  this  singular 
experiment,  —  and  with  one  voice  affirm  that  Abe  saved  the 
boat ;  although  nobody  is  able  to  tell  us  precisely  how.1  The 
adventure  turned  Abe's  thoughts  to  the  class  of  difficulties, 
one  of  which  he  had  just  surmounted;  and  the  result  of  his 
reflections  was  "  an  improved  method  for  lifting  vessels  over 
shoals."2  Offutt  declared  that  when  he  got  back  from  New 

1  Many  persons  at  New  Salem  describe  in  full  Abe's  conduct  on  this  occasion. 

*  "  Occupying  an  ordinary  and  commonplace  position  in  one  of  the  show-cases  in  the 
targe  hall  of  the  Patent  Office,  is  one  little  model  which,  in  ages  to  come,  will  be  prized  as 
at  once  one  of  the  most  curious  and  one  of  the  most  sacred  relics  in  that  vast  museum  of 
unique  and  priceless  things.  This  is  a  plain  and  simple  model  of  a  steamboat,  roughly 
fashioned  in  wood,  by  the  hand  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  It  bears  date  in  1849,  when  the 
inventor  was  known  simply  as  a  successful  lawyer  and  rising  politician  of  Central  Illi 
nois.  Neither  his  practice  nor  his  politics  took  up  so  much  of  his  time  as  to  prevent  him 
from  giving  much  attention  to  contrivances  which  he  hoped  might  be  of  benefit  to  the 
world,  and  of  profit  to  himself. 

"  The  design  of  this  invention  is  suggestive  of  one  phase  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  early 
life,  when  he  went  up  and  down  the  Mississippi  as  a  flat-boatman,  and  became  familiar  with 
some  of  the  dangers  and  inconveniences  attending  the  navigation  of  the  Western  rivers. 
It  is  an  attempt  to  make  it  an  easy  matter  to  transport  vessels  over  shoals  and  snags,  and 
sawyers.  The  main  idea  is  that  of  an  apparatus  resembling  a  noiseless  bellows,  placed  on 
«ach  side  of  the  hull  of  the  craft,  just  below  the  water-line,  and  worked  by  an  odd  but  not 
complicated  system  of  ropes,  valves,  and  pulleys.  When  the  keel  of  the  vessel  grates 
against  the  sand  or  obstruction,  these  bellows  are  to  be  filled  with  air;  and,  thus  buoyed 

6 


82  LIFE  OP   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Orleans,  he  would  build  a  steamboat  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Sangamon,  and  make  Abe  the  captain ;  he  would  build  it 
with  runners  for  ice,  and  rollers  for  shoals  and  dams,  for  with 
"Abe  in  command,  by  thunder,  she'd  have  to  go." 

Over  the  dam,  and  in  the  deep  pool  beyond,  they  reloaded, 
and  floated  down  to  Blue  Bank,  a  mile  above  the  mouth 
of  Salt  Creek,  where  Offutt  bought  some  more  hogs.  But  the 
hogs  were  wild,  and  refused  to  be  driven.  Abe  again  came 
to  the  rescue ;  and,  by  his  advice,  their  eyes  were  sewed  up 
with  a  needle  and  thread,  so  that,  if  the  animals  fought  any 
more,  they  should  do  it  in  the  dark.  Abe  held  their  heads, 
and  John  Hanks  their  tails,  while  Offutt  did  the  surgery.  They 
were  then  thrown  into  a  cart,  whence  Abe  took  them,  one 
by  one,  in  his  great  arms,  and  deposited  them  on  board. 

From  this  point  they  sped  very  rapidly  down  the  Sanga 
mon  and  the  Illinois.  Having  constructed  curious-looking 
sails  of  plank,  "  and  sometimes  cloth,"  they  were  a  "  sight  to 
see,"  as  they  "  rushed  through  Beardstown,"  where  "  the 
people  came  out  and  laughed  at  them."  They  swept  by 
Alton  and  Cairo,  and  other  considerable  places,  without  tying 
up,  but  stopped  at  Memphis,  Vicksburg,  and  Natchez. 

In  due  time  they  arrived  at  New  Orleans.  "  There  it 
was,"  says  John  Hanks,  "  we  saw  negroes  chained,  mal- 


up,  the  ship  is  expected  to  float  lightly  and  gayly  over  the  shoal,  which  would  otherwise 
have  proved  a  serious  interruption  to  her  voyage. 

"  The  model,  which  is  about  eighteen  or  twenty  inches  long,  and  has  the  air  of  having 
been  whittled  with  a  knife  out  of  a  shingle  and  a  cigar-box,  is  built  without  any  elabora 
tion  or  ornament,  or  any  extra  apparatus  beyond  that  necessary  to  show  the  operation 
of  buoying  the  steamer  over  the  obstructions.  Herein  it  differs  from  very  many  of  the 
models  which  share  with  it  the  shelter  of  the  immense  halls  of  the  Patent  Office,  and 
which  are  fashioned  with  wonderful  nicety  and  exquisite  finish,  as  if  much  of  the  labor  and 
thought  and  affection  of  a  lifetime  had  been  devoted  to  their  construction.  This  is  a 
model  of  a  different  kind;  carved  as  one  might  imagine  a  retired  rail-splitter  would  whit 
tle,  strongly,  but  not  smoothly,  and  evidently  made  with  a  view  solely  to  convey,  by  the 
simplest  possible  means,  to  the  minds  of  the  patent  authorities,  an  idea  of  the  purpose 
and  plan  of  the  simple  invention.  The  label  on  the  steamer's  deck  informs  us  that  the 
patent  was  obtained;  but  we  do  not  learn  that  the  navigation  of  the  Western  rivers  was 
revolutionized  by  this  quaint  conception.  The  modest  little  model  has  reposed  here  six 
teen  years ;  and,  since  it  found  its  resting-place  here  on  the  shelf,  the  shrewd  inventor  has 
found  it  his  task  to  guide  the  Ship  of  State  over  shoals  more  perilous,  and  obstructions 
more  obstinate,  than  any  prophet  dreamed  of  when  Abraham  Lincoln  wrote  his  bold 
autograph  on  the  prow  of  this  miniature  steamer."  —  Correspondent  Boston  Advertiser. 


MR.  LINCOLN"  AS  A  FLATBOAT-MAN. 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  83 

treated,  whipped,  and  scourged.  Lincoln  saw  it;  his  heait 
bled,  said  nothing  much,  was  silent  from  feeling,  was  sad, 
looked  bad,  felt  bad,  was  thoughtful  and  abstracted.  I  can 
say,  knowing  it,  that  it  was  on  this  trip  that  he  formed  his 
opinions  of  slavery.  It  run  its  iron  in  him  then  and  there,  — 
May,  1831.  I  have  heard  him  say  so  often  and  often/' 

Some  time  in  June  the  party  took  passage  on  a  steamboat 
going  up  the  river,  and  remained  together  until  they  reached 
St.  Louis,  where  OfTutt  left  them,  and  Abe,  Hanks,  and  John 
ston  started  on  foot  for  the  interior  of  Illinois.  At  Edwards- 
ville,  twenty-five  miles  out,  Hanks  took  the  road  to  Springfield, 
and  Abe  and  Johnston  took  that  to  Coles  County,  where  Tom 
Lincoln  had  moved  since  Abraham's  departure  from  home. 

Abe  never  worked  again  in  company  with  his  friend  and 
relative,  good  old  John  Hanks.  Here  their  paths  separated : 
Abe's  began  to  ascend  the  heights,  while  John's  continued 
along  the  common  level.  They  were  in  the  Black  Hawk 
War  during  the  same  campaign,  but  not  in  the  same  division. 
But  they  corresponded,  and,  from  1833,  met  at  least  once  a 
year,  until  Abe  was  elected  President.  Then  Abe,  delighting 
to  honor  those  of  his  relatives  who  were  worthy  of  it,  invited 
John  to  go  with  him  to  see  his  step-mother.  John  also  went 
to  the  inauguration  at  Washington,  and  tells,  with  pardonable 
pride,  how  he  "  was  in  his  [Abe's]  rooms  several  times."  He 
then  re  tired  to  his  old  home  in  Macon  County,  until  the  assas 
sination  and  the  great  funeral,  when  he  came  to  Springfield 
to  look  in  the  blackened  face  of  his  old  friend,  and  witness 
the  last  ceremonies  of  his  splendid  burial. 

Scarcely  had  Abe  reached  Coles  County,  and  begun  to 
think  what  next  to  turn  his  hand  to,  when  he  received  a  visit 
from  a  famous  wrestler,  one  Daniel  Needham,  who  regarded 
him  as  a  growing  rival,  and  had  a  fancy  to  try  him  a  fall  or 
two.  He  considered  himself  "  the  best  man  "  in  the  country, 
and  the  report  of  Abe's  achievements  filled  his  big  breast 
with  envious  pains.  His  greeting  was  friendly  and  hearty, 
but  his  challenge  was  rough  and  peremptory.  Abe  valued 
his  popularity  among  "  the  boys "  too  highly  to  decline  it, 


84  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  met  him  by  public  appointment  in  the  "  greenwood,"  at 
Wabash  Point,  where  he  threw  him  twice  with  so  much  ease 
that  Needham's  pride  was  more  hurt  than  his  body.  "  Lin 
coln,"  said  he,  "you  have  thrown  me  twice,  but  you  can't 
whip  me." — "  Needham,"  replied  Abe,  "  are  you  satisfied  that 
I  can  throw  you  ?  If  you  are  not,  and  must  be  convinced 
through  a  threshing,  I  will  do  that,  too,  for  your  s;ike."  Need- 
ham  had  hoped  that  the  youngster  would  shrink  from  the 
extremity  of  a  fight  with  the  acknowledged  "  bully  of  the 
patch ;  "  but  finding  him  willing,  and  at  the  same  time  mag 
nanimously  inclined  to  whip  him  solely  for  his  own  good,  he 
concluded  that  a  bloody  nose  and  a  black  eye  would  be  the 
reverse  of  soothing  to  his  feelings,  and  therefore  surrendered 
the  field  with  such  grace  as  he  could  command. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

ON  the  west  bank  of  the  Sangamon  River,  twenty  miles 
north-west  of  Springfield,  a  traveller  on  his  way  to 
Havana  will  ascend  a  bluff  one  hundred  feet  higher  than  the 
low-water  mark  of  the  stream.  On  the  summit  he  will  find 
a  solitary  log-hut.  The  back-bone  of  the  ridge  is  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  broad  where  it  overlooks  the  river ;  but 
it  widens  gradually  as  it  extends  westerly  toward  the  remains 
of  an  old  forest,  until  it  terminates  in  a  broad  expanse  of 
meadow.  On  either  side  of  this  hill,  and  skirting  its  feet 
north  and  south,  run  streams  of  water  in  very  deep  channels, 
and  tumble  into  the  Sangamon  almost  within  hearing.  The 
hill,  or  more  properly  the  bluff,  rises  from  the  river  in  an 
almost  perpendicular  ascent.  "  There  is  an  old  mill  at  the 
foot  of  the  bluff,  driven  by  water-power.  The  river  washes 
the  base  of  the  bluff  for  about  four  hundred  yards,  the  hill 
breaking  off  almost  abruptly  at  the  north.  The  river  along 
this  line  runs  about  due  north :  it  strikes  the  bluff  coming 
around  a  sudden  bend  from  the  south-east,  the  river  being 
checked  and  turned  by  the  rocky  hill.  The  mill-dam  running 
across  the  Sangamon  River  just  at  the  mill  checks  the  rapidity 
of  the  water.  It  was  here,  and  on  this  dam,  that  Mr.  Lincoln's 
flatboat '  stuck  on  the  19th  of  April,  1831.'  The  dam  is  about 
eight  feet  highi,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long,  and, 
as  the  old  Sangamon  rolls  her  turbid  waters  over  the  dam, 
plunging  them  into  the  whirl  and  eddy  beneath,  the  roar  and 
hiss  of  waters,  like  the  low,  continuous,  distant  thunder,  can  be 
distinctly  heard  through  the  whole  village,  day  and  night, 

86 


86  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

week-day  and  Sunday,  spring  and  fall,  or  other  high-water 
time.  The  river,  at  the  base  of  the  bluff,  is  about  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  the  mill  using  up  thirty  feet,  leaving 
the  dam  only  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long." 

In  every  direction  but  the  West,  the  country  is  broken  into 
hills  or  bluffs,  like  the  one  we  are  attempting  to  describe,  which 
are  washed  by  the  river,  and  the  several  streams  that  empty 
into  it  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  Looking  across  the  river 
from  bluff  to  bluff,  the  distance  is  about  a  thousand  yards ; 
while  here  and  there,  on  both  banks,  are  patches  of  rich  allu 
vial  bottom-lands,  eight  or  nine  hundred  yards  in  width,  en 
closed  on  one  side  by  the  hills,  and  on  the  other  by  the  river. 
The  uplands  of  the  eastern  bank  are  covered  with  original 
forests  of  immemorial  age ;  and,  viewed  from  "  Salem  Hill,"  the 
eye  ranges  over  a  vast  expanse  of  green  foliage,  the  monotony 
of  which  is  relieved  by  the  alternating  swells  and  depressions 
of  the  landscape. 

On  the  ridge  of  that  hill,  where  the  solitary  cabin  now 
stands,  there  was  a  few  years  ago  a  pleasant  village.  How  it 
vanished  like  a  mist  of  the  morning,  to  what  distant  places 
its  inhabitants  dispersed,  and  what  became  of  the  dwellings 
they  left  behind,  shall  be  questions  for  the  local  antiquarian. 
We  have  no  concern  with  any  part  of  the  history,  except  that 
part  which  began  in  the  summer  of  1831  and  ended  in  1837,  — 
the  period  during  which  it  had  the  honor  of  sheltering  a  man 
whose  enduring  fame  contrasts  strangely  with  the  evanescence 
of  the  village  itself. 

In  1829  James  Rutledge  and  John  Cameron  built  the  mill 
on  the  Sangamon,  and  laid  off  the  town  on  the  hill.  The 
place  was  then  called  Cameron's  Mill ;  but  in  process  of  time, 
as  cabins,  stores,  and  groceries  were  added,  it  was  dignified  by 
the  name  of  New  Salem.  "  I  claim,"  says  one  of  the  gentle 
men  who  established  the  first  store,  "  to  be  the  explorer  and 
discoverer  of  New  Salem  as  a  business  point.  Mr.  Hill  (now 
dead)  and  myself  purchased  some  goods  at  Cincinnati,  and 
shipped  them  to  St.  Louis,  whence  I  set  out  on  a  voyage  of 


TOWN  of  NEW  SALEM 

MADE  for 


El  DR.  FRANCIS  RLGNIltfS  Offist 
BAU   &  HILL  -1) 


«L1MCGLN   &  BERRY5    Store 


RUTUOCE:  8,  CAWERON^H  WLU 

(Mow    BALE] 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  87 

discovery  on  the  prairies  of  Illinois.  ...  I,  however,  soon 
came  across  a  noted  character  who  lives  in  this  vicinity,  by 
the  name  of  Thomas  Wadkins,  who  set  forth  the  beauties 
and  other  advantages  of  Cameron's  Mill,  as  it  was  then  called. 
I  accordingly  came  home  with  him,  visited  the  locality,  con 
tracted  for  the  erection  of  a  magnificent  storehouse  for  the 
sum  of  fifteen  dollars ;  and,  after  passing  a  night  in  the  prairie, 
reached  St.  Louis  in  safety.  Others  soon  followed." 

In  1836  New  Salem  contained  about  twenty  houses,  inhab 
ited  by  nearly  a  hundred  people  ;  but  in  1831  there  could  not 
have  been  more  than  two-thirds  or  three-fourths  that  number. 
Many  of  the  houses  cost  not  more  than  ten  dollars,  and  none 
of  them  more  than  one  hundred  dollars. 

When  the  news  flew  through  the  country  that  the  mill-dam 
was  broken,  the  people  assembled  from  far  and  near,  and  made 
a  grand  frolic  of  mending  it.  In  like  manner,  when  a  new 
settler  arrived,  and  the  word  passed  around  that  he  wanted 
to  put  up  a  house,  everybody  came  in  to  the  "  raising ;  "  and, 
after  behaving  like  the  best  of  good  Samaritans  to  the  new 
neighbor,  they  drank  whiskey,  ran  foot-races,  wrestled,  fought, 
and  went  home. 

"  I  first  knew  this  hill,  or  bluff,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  in  his 
remarkable  lecture  on  Ann  Rutledge,  "  as  early  as  1829.  I 
have  seen  it  in  spring-time  and  winter,  in  summer-time  and 
fall.  I  have  seen  it  in  daylight  and  night-time  ;  have  seen  it 
when  the  sward  was  green,  living,  and  vital ;  and  I  have  seen 
it  wrapped  in  snow,  frost,  and  sleet.  I  have  closely  studied 
it  for  more  than  five  long  years.  .  .  . 

"  As  I  sat  on  the  verge  of  the  town,  in  presence  of  its  ruins, 
I  called  to  mind  the  street  running  east  and  west  through  the 
village,  the  river  eastward ;  Green's  Rocky  Branch,  with  its 
hills,  southward ;  Clary's  Grove,  westerly  about  three  miles ; 
Petersburg  northward,  and  Springfield  south-east ;  and  now 
I  cannot  exclude  from  my  memory  or  imagination  the  forms, 
faces,  voices,  and  features  of  those  I  once  knew  so  well.  In 
my  imagination  the  village  perched  on  the  hill  is  astir  with 
the  hum  of  busy  men,  and  the  sharp,  quick  buzz  of  women ; 


88  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  from  the  country  come  men  and  women  on  foot  or  on 
horseback,  to  see  and  be  seen,  to  hear  and  to  be  heard,  to 
barter  and  exchange  what  they  have  with  the  merchant  and 
the  laborer.  There  are  Jack  Armstrong  and  William  Green, 
Kelso  and  Jason  Duncan,  Alley  and  Carman,  Hill  and  McNa- 
mar,  Herndon  and  Rutledge,  Warburton  and  Sincho,  Bale 
and  Ellis,  Abraham  and  Ann.  Oh,  what  a  history !  " 

In  those  days,  which  in  the  progressive  West  would  be 
called  ancient  days,  New  Salem  was  in  Sangamon  County, 
with  Springfield  as  the  county-seat.  Springfield  itself  was 
still  a  mere  village,  having  a  population  of  one  thousand,  or 
perhaps  eleven  hundred.  The  capital  of  the  State  was  yet 
at  Vandalia,  and  waited  for  the  parliamentary  tact  of  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  and  the  "  long  nine  "  to  bring  it  to  Springfield. 
The  same  influence,  which,  after  long  struggles,  succeeded  in 
removing  the  capital,  caused  the  new  County  of  Menard  to  be 
erected  out  of  Sangamon  in  1839,  of  which  Petersburg  was 
made  the  county-seat,  and  within  which  is  included  the  barren 
site  of  New  Salem. 

In  July  or  August,  1831,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  his  second  ap 
pearance  at  New  Salem.  He  was  again  in  company  with 
Denton  Offutt,  who  had  collected  some  goods  at  Beardstown, 
and  now  proposed  to  bring  them  to  this  place.  Mr.  Lincoln 
undoubtedly  came  there  in  the  service  of  Offutt,  but  whilst  the 
goods  were  being  transported  from  Beardstown  he  seemed  to 
be  idling  about  without  any  special  object  in  view.  Many 
persons  who  saw  him  then  for  the  first  time  speak  of  him  as 
"  doing  nothing."  He  has  given  some  encouragement  to  this 
idea  himself  by  the  manner  in  which  he  habitually  spoke  of 
his  advent  there,  —  describing  himself  as  coming  down  the 
river  after  the  winter  of  the  deep  snow,  like  a  piece  of  "  float 
ing  driftwood  "  borne  along  by  the  freshet,  and  accidentally 
lodged  at  New  Salem. 

On  the  day  of  the  election,  in  the  month  of  August,  as 
Minter  Graham,  the  school-teacher,  tells  us,  Abe  was  seen 
loitering  about  the  polling-place.  It  must  have  been  but  a 
few  days  after  his  arrival  in  the  town,  for  nobody  knew  that 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  89 

he  could  write.  They  were  "  short  of  a  clerk"  at  the  polls  ; 
and,  after  casting  about  in  vain  for  some  one  competent  to  fill 
the  office,  it  occurred  to  one  of  the  judges  that  perhaps  the 
tall  stranger  possessed  the  needful  qualifications.  He  there 
upon  accosted  him,  and  asked  if  he  could  write.  He  replied, 
"Yes,  a  little."  —  "Will  you  act  as  clerk  of  the  election  to 
day  ?  "  said  the  judge.  "  I  will  try,"  returned  Abe,  "  and  do  the 
best  I  can,  if  you  so  request."  He  did  try  accordingly,  and, 
in  the  language  of  the  schoolmaster,  "  performed  the  duties 
with  great  facility,  much  fairness  and  honesty  and  impar 
tiality.  This  was  the  first  public  official  act  of  his  life.  I 
clerked  with  him,"  says  Mr.  Graham,  swelling  with  his  theme, 
"  on  the  same  day  and  at  the  same  polls.  The  election-books 
are  now  in  the  city  of  Springfield,  111.,  where  they  can  be 
seen  and  inspected  any  day." 

Whilst  Abe  was  "  doing  nothing,"  or,  in  other  words,  wait 
ing  for  Offutt's  goods,  one  Dr.  Nelson,  a  resident  of  New  Sa 
lem,  built  a  flatboat,  and,  placing  his  family  and  effects  upon 
it,  started  for  Texas.  But  as  the  Sangamon  was  a  turbulent 
and  treacherous  stream  at  best,  and  its  banks  were  now  full 
to  overflowing,  Nelson  needed  a  pilot,  at  least  as  far  as  Beards- 
town.  His  choice  fell  upon  Abe,  who  took  him  to  the  mouth  of 
the  doubtful  river  in  safety,  although  Abe  often  declared  that 
he  occasionally  ran  out  into  the  prairie  at  least  three  miles 
from  the  channel.  Arriving  at  Beardstown,  Nelson  pushed 
on  down  the  Illinois,  and  Abe  walked  back  to  New  Salem. 

The  second  storekeeper  at  New  Salem  was  a  Mr.  George 
Warburton  ;  but,  "  the  country  not  having  improved  his  morals 
in  the  estimation  of  his  friends,"  George  thought  it  advisable 
to  transfer  his  storeroom  and  the  remnant  of  his  stock  to 
Offutt.  In  the  mean  time,  Offutt's  long-expected  goods  were 
received  from  Beardstown.  Abe  unpacked  them,  ranged 
them  on  the  shelves,  rolled  the  barrels  and  kegs  into  their 
places,  and,  being  provided  with  a  brand-new  book,  pen,  and 
ink,  found  himself  duly  installed  as  "  first  clerk  "  of  the  prin 
cipal  mercantile  house  in  New  Salem.  A  country  store  is  an 


90  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

indescribable  collection  of  miscellanies,  —  groceries,  dry  goods, 
hardware,  earthenware,  and  stoneware,  cups  and  saucers, 
plates  and  dishes,  coffee  and  tea,  sugar  and  molasses,  boots 
and  shoes,  whiskey  and  lead,  butter  and  eggs,  tobacco  and 
gunpowder,  with  an  endless  list  of  things  unimaginable  ex 
cept  by  a  housewife  or  a  "  merchant."  Such  was  the  store 
to  the  charge  of  which  Abe  was  now  promoted,  —  promoted 
from  the  rank  of  a  common  laborer  to  be  a  sort  of  brevet 
clerk. 

But  Offutt's  ideas  of  commerce  were  very  comprehensive ; 
and,  as  "his  business  was  already  considerably  scattered  about 
the  country,"  he  thought  he  would  scatter  a  little  more.  He 
therefore  rented  the  mill  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  from  Cameron 
and  Rutledge,  and  set  Abe  to  overlooking  that  as  well  as  the 
store.  This  increase  of  business,  however,  required  another 
clerk,  and  in  a  few  days  Abe  was  given  a  companion  in  the 
person  of  W.  G.  Green.  They  slept  together  on  the  same 
cot  in  the  store ;  and  as  Mr.  Green  observes,  by  way  of  indi 
cating  the  great  intimacy  that  subsisted  between  them,  "  when 
one  turned  over,  the  other  had  to  do  so  likewise."  To  com 
plete  his  domestic  arrangements,  Abe  followed  the  example 
of  Mr.  Offutt,  and  took  boarding  at  John  Cameron's,  one  of 
the  owners  of  the  mill. 

Mr.  Offutt  is  variously,  though  not  differently,  described  as 
a  "  wild,  harum-scarum,  reckless  fellow;"  a  "gusty,  windy, 
brain-rattling  man ; "  a  "  noisy,  unsteady,  fussy,  rattle 
brained  man,  wild  and  improvident."  If  anybody  can  im 
agine  the  character  indicated  by  these  terms,  he  can  imagine 
Mr.  Offutt,  —  Abe's  employer,  friend,  and  patron.  Since  the 
trip  on  the  flatboat,  his  admiration  for  Abe  had  grown  to  be 
boundless.  He  now  declared  that  "  Abe  knew  more  than  any 
man  in  the  United  States ;  "  that  "  he  would  some  day  be 
President  of  the  United  States,"  and  that  he  could,  at  that 
present  moment,  outrun,  whip,  or  throw  down  any  man  in 
Sangamon  County.  These  loud  boasts  were  not  wasted  on 
the  desert  air :  they  were  bad  seed  sown  in  a  rank  soil,  and 


JFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  91 

speedily  raised  up  a  crop  of  sharp  thorns  for  both  Abe  and 
Offutt.  At  New  Salem,  honors  such  as  Offutt  accorded  to 
Abe  were  to  be  won  before  they  were  worn. 

Bill  Clary  made  light  of  Offutt's  opinion  respecting  Abe's 
prowess ;  and  one  day,  when  the  dispute  between  them  had 
been  running  high  in  the  store,  it  ended  by  a  bet  of  ten  dollars 
on  the  part  of  Clary  that  Jack  Armstrong  was  "  a  better  man." 
Now,  "  Jack  was  a  powerful  twister,"  "  square  built,  and 
strong  as  an  ox."  He  had,  besides,  a  great  backing  ;  for  he 
was  the  chief  of  the  "  Clary's  Grove  boys,"  and  the  Clary's 
Grove  boys  were  the  terror  of  the  countryside.  Although 
there  never  was  under  the  sun  a  more  generous  parcel  of 
ruffians  than  those  over  whom  Jack  held  sway,  a  stranger's 
introduction  was  likely  to  be  the  most  unpleasant  part  of  his 
acquaintance  with  them.  In  fact,  one  of  the  objects  of  their 
association  was  to  "initiate  or  naturalize  new-comers,"  as 
they  termed  the  amiable  proceedings  which  they  took  by  way 
of  welcoming  any  one  ambitious  of  admittance  to  the  society 
of  New  Salem.  They  first  bantered  the  gentleman  to  run  a 
foot-race,  jump,  pitch  the  mall,  or  wrestle  ;  and,  if  none  of 
these  propositions  seemed  agreeable  to  him,  they  would 
request  to  know  what  he  would  do  in  case  another  gentleman 
should  pull  his  nose,  or  squirt  tobacco-juice  in  his  face.  If  he 
did  not  seem  entirely  decided  in  his  views  as  to  what  should 
properly  be  done  in  such  a  contingency,  perhaps  he  would  be 
nailed  in  a  hogshead,  and  rolled  down  New-Salem  hill ;  per 
haps  his  ideas  would  be  brightened  by  a  brief  ducking  in  the 
Sangamon  ;  or  perhaps  he  would  be  scoffed,  kicked,  and  cuffed 
by  a  great  number  of  persons  in  concert,  until  he  reached  the 
confines  of  the  village,  and  then  turned  adrift  as  being  unfit 
company  for  the  people  of  that  settlement.  If,  however,  the 
stranger  consented  to  engage  in  a  tussle  with  one  of  his  per 
secutors,  it  was  usually  arranged  that  there  should  be  "  foul 
play,"  with  nameless  impositions  and  insults,  which  would 
inevitably  change  the  affair  into  a  fight ;  and  then,  if  the  sub 
ject  of  all  these  practices  proved  indeed  to  be  a  man  of  met 
tle,  he  would  be  promptly  received  into  "  good  society,"  and 


92  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

in  all  probability  would  never  have  better  friends  on  earth 
than  the  roystering  fellows  who  had  contrived  his  torments. 

Thus  far  Abe  had  managed  to  escape  "  initiation  "  at  the 
hands  of  Jack  and  his  associates.  They  were  disposed  to  like 
him,  and  to  take  him  on  faith,  or  at  least  to  require  no  further 
evidence  of  his  manhood  than  that  which  rumor  had  already 
brought  them.  OfTutt,  with  his  bus}*"  tongue,  had  spread  wide 
the  report  of  his  wondrous  doings  on  the  river ;  and,  better 
still,  all  New  Salem,  including  many  of  the  "  Clary's  Grove 
boys,"  had  witnessed  his  extraordinary  feats  of  strength  and 
ingenuity  at  Rutledge's  mill-dam.  It  was  clear  that  no  par 
ticular  person  was  "  spoiling  "  for  a  collision  with  him  ;  and 
an  exception  to  the  rule  might  have  been  made  in  his  favor, 
but  for  the  offensive  zeal  and  confidence  of  his  employer. 

The  example  of  Offutt  and  Clary  was  followed  by  all  the 
"  boys  ;  "  and  money,  knives,  whiskey,  and  all  manner  of 
things,  were  staked  on  the  result  of  the  wrestle.  The  little 
community  was  excited  throughout,  and  Jack's  partisans 
were  present  in  great  numbers ;  while  Offutt  and  Bill  Green 
were  about  the  only  persons  upon  whom  Abe  could  rely  if  the 
contest  should  take  the  usual  turn,  and  end  in  a  fight.  For 
these,  and  many  other  reasons,  he  longed  to  be  safely  and 
honorably  out  of  the  scrape ;  but  Offutt's  folly  had  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  evade  the  conflict  without  incurring 
the  imputation,  and  suffering  the  penalties,  of  cowardice.  He 
said,  "  I  never  tussle  and  scuffle,  and  I  will  not :  I  don't  like 
this  wooling  and  pulling."  But  these  scruples  only  served 
to  aggravate  his  case  ;  and  he  was  at  last  forced  to  take  hold 
of  Jack,  which  he  did  with  a  will  and  power  that  amazed  the 
fellows  who  had  at  last  baited  him  to  the  point  of  indigna 
tion.  They  took  "side  holds,"  and  stood  struggling,  each 
with  tremendous  but  equal  strength,  for  several  minutes, 
without  any  perceptible  advantage  to  either.  New  trips  or 
unexpected  twists  were  of  no  avail  between  two  such  experi 
enced  wrestlers  as  these.  Presently  Abe  profited  by  his 
height  and  the  length  of  his  arms  to  lift  Jack  clear  off  the 
ground,  and,  swinging  him  about,  thought  to  land  him  on  his 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  93 

back ;  but  this  feat  was  as  futile  as  the  rest,  and  left  Jack 
standing  as  square  and  as  firm  as  ever.  "  Now,  Jack,"  said 
Abe,  "  let's  quit :  you  can't  throw  me,  and  I  can't  throw 
you."  But  Jack's  partisans,  regarding  this  overture  as  a 
signal  of  the  enemy's  distress,  and  being  covetous  of  jack- 
knives,  whiskey,  and  "  smooth  quarters,"  cheered  him  on  to 
greater  exertions.  Rendered  desperate  by  these  expectations 
of  his  friends,  and  now  enraged  at  meeting  more  than  his 
match,  Jack  resolved  on  "  a  foul,"  and,  breaking  holds,  he 
essayed  the  unfair  and  disreputable  expedient  of  "  legging." 
But  at  this  Abe's  prudence  deserted  him,  and  righteous  wrath 
rose  to  the  ascendent.  The  astonished  spectators  saw  him 
take  their  great  bully  by  the  throat,  and,  holding  him  out  at 
arm's-length,  shake  him  like  a  child.  Then  a  score  or  two 
of  the  boys  cried  "  Fight!"  Bill  Clary  claimed  the  stakes, 
and  Offutt,  in  the  fright  and  confusion,  was  about  to  yield 
them ;  but  "  Lincoln  said  they  had  not  won  the  money,  and 
they  should  not  have  it ;  and,  although  he  was  opposed  to 
fighting,  if  nothing  else  would  do  them,  he  would  fight  Arm 
strong,  Clary,  or  any  of  the  set."  Just  at  this  juncture  James 
Rutledge,  the  original  proprietor  of  New  Salern,  and  a  man 
of  some  authority,  "  rushed  into  the  crowd,"  and  exerted 
himself  to  maintain  the  peace.  He  succeeded  ;  but  for  a  few 
moments  a  general  fight  was  impending,  and  Abe  was  seen 
with  his  back  against  Offutt's store  "undismayed  "  and  "res 
olute,"  although  surrounded  by  enemies.1 

Jack  Armstrong  was  no  bad  fellow,  after  all.  A  sort  of 
Western  John  Browdie,  stout  and  rough,  but  great-hearted, 
honest,  and  true :  his  big  hand,  his  cabin,  his  table,  and  his 
purse  were  all  at  the  disposal  of  a  friend  in  need.  He  pob- 
sessed  a  rude  sense  of  justice,  and  felt  an  incredible  respect 
for  a  man  who  would  stand  single-handed,  stanch,  and  defi 
ant,  in  the  midst  of  persecutors  and  foes.  He  had  never  dis 
liked  Abe,  and  had,  in  fact,  looked  for  very  clever  things  from 
him,  even  before  his  title  to  respectability  had  been  made  so 

1  Of  the  fight  and  what  followed,  we  have  the  particulars  from  many  persons  who  were 
witnesses. 


94  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

mcontestably  clear ;  but  his  exhibition  of  pluck  and  muscle 
on  this  occasion  excited  Jack  to  a  degree  of  admiration  far 
beyond  his  power  to  conceal  it.  Abe's  hand  was  hardly 
removed  from  his  throat,  when  he  was  ready  to  grasp  it  in 
friendship,  and  swear  brotherhood  and  peace  between  them. 
He  declared  him,  on  the  spot,  "  the  best  fellow  that  ever 
broke  into  their  settlement ; "  and  henceforth  the  empire 
was  divided,  and  Jack  and  Abe  reigned  like  two  friendly 
Caesars  over  the  roughs  and  bullies  of  New  Salem.  If  there 
were  ever  any  dissensions  between  them,  it  was  because  Jack, 
in  the  abundance  of  his  animal  spirits,  was  sometimes  inclined 
to  be  an  oppressor,  whilst  Abe  was  ever  merciful  and  kind ; 
because  Jack  would  occasionally  incite  the  "  boys"  to  handle 
a  stranger,  a  witless  braggart,  or  a  poor  drunkard  with  a 
harshness  that  shocked  the  just  and  humane  temper  of  his 
friend,  who  was  always  found  on  the  side  of  the  weak  and  the 
unfortunate.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  harmony  that  sub 
sisted  between  them  was  wonderful.  Wherever  Lincoln 
worked,  Jack  "  did  his  loafing  ;  "  and,  when  Lincoln  was  out 
of  work,  he  spent  days  and  weeks  together  at  Jack's  cabin, 
where  Jack's  jolly  wife,  "old  Hannah,"  stuffed  him  with 
bread  and  honey,  laughed  at  his  ugliness,  and  loved  him  for 
his  goodness. 

Abe  rapidly  grew  in  favor  with  the  people  in  and  around 
New  Salem,  until  nearly  everybody  thought  quite  as  much  of 
him  as  Mr.  Offutt  did.  He  was  decidedly  the  most  popular 
man  that  ever  lived  there.  He  could  do  more  to  quell  a  riot, 
compromise  a  feud,  and  keep  peace  among  the  neighbors  gen 
erally,  than  any  one  else ;  and  these  Avere  of  the  class  of 
duties  which  it  appears  to  have  been  the  most  agreeable  for 
him  to  perform.  One  day  a  strange  man  came  into  the  set 
tlement,  and  was  straightway  beset  by  the  same  fellows  who 
had  meditated  a  drubbing  for  Abe  himself.  Jack  Armstrong, 
of  course,  "  had  a  difficulty  with  him  ;  "  "  called  him  a  liar, 
coward,"  and  various  other  names  not  proper  for  print ;  but 
the  man,  finding  himself  taken  at  a  disadvantage,  "  backed 
up  to  a  woodpile,"  got  a  stick,  and  "  struck  Jack  a  blow 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  95 

that  brought  him  to  the  ground."  Being  "  as  strong  as 
two  men,  Jack  wanted  to  whip  the  man  badly,"  but  Abe 
interfered,  and,  managing  to  have  himself  made  "  arbitrator," 
compromised  the  difficulty  by  a  practical  application  of  the 
golden  rule.  "  Well,  Jack,"  said  he,  "  what  did  you  say  to 
the  man  ?  "  Whereupon  Jack  repeated  his  words.  "  Well, 
Jack,"  replied  Abe,  "  if  you  were  a  stranger  in  a  strange 
place,  as  this  man  is,  and  you  were  called  a  d — d  liar,  &c., 
what  would  you  do  ?  "  —  "  Whip  him,  by  God  ! " — "  Then  this 
man  has  done  no  more  to  you  than  you  would  have  done  to 
him." — "  Well,  Abe,"  said  the  honest  bruiser,  "  it's  all  right," 
and,  taking  his  opponent  by  the  hand,  forgave  him  heartily, 
and  "  treated."  Jack  always  treated  his  victim  when  he 
thought  he  had  been  too  hard  upon  him. 

Abe's  duties  in  Offutt's  store  were  not  of  a  character  to 
monopolize  the  whole  of  his  time,1  and  he  soon  began  to  think 
that  here  was  a  fine  opportunity  to  remedy  some  of  the  defects 
in  his  education.  He  could  read,  write,  and  cipher  as  well  as 
most  men ;  but  as  his  popularity  was  growing  daily,  and  his 
ambition  keeping  pace,  he  feared  that  he  might  shortly  be 
called  to  act  in  some  public  capacity  which  would  require 
him  to  speak  his  own  language  with  some  regard  to  the  rules 
of  the  grammar,  —  of  which,  according  to  his  own  confession, 
he  knew  nothing  at  all.  He  carried  his  troubles  to  the  school 
master,  saying,  "  I  have  a  notion  to  study  English  grammar." 
—  "  If  you  expect  to  go  before  the  public  in  any  capacity," 
replied  Mr.  Graham,  "  I  think  it  the  best  thing  you  can  do." — 
"  If  I  had  a  grammar,"  replied  Abe,  "  I  would  commence 
now."  There  was  no  grammar  to  be  had  about  New  Salem  ; 
but  the  schoolmaster,  having  kept  the  run  of  that  species  of 
property,  gladdened  Abe's  heart  by  telling  him  that  he  knew 
where  there  was  one.  Abe  rose  from  the  breakfast  at  which 
he  was  sitting,  and  learning  that  the  book  was  at  Vaner's,  only 

1  "  During  the  time  he  was  working  for  Offutt,  and  hands  being  scarce,  Lincoln  turned  In 
and  cut  down  trees,  and  split  enough  rails  for  Offutt  to  make  a  pen  sufficiently  large  to  con 
tain  a  thousand  hogs.  The  pen  was  built  under  Xcw-Salem  hill,  close  to  the  mill.  .  .  .  J 
know  where  those  rails  are  now;  are  sound  to-day."— MIXTER  GRAHAM. 


96  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

six  miles  distant,  set  off  after  it  as  hard  as  he  could  tramp. 
It  seemed  to  Mr.  Graham  a  very  little  while  until  he  returned 
and  announced,  with  great  pleasure,  that  he  had  it.  "  He 
then  turned  his  immediate  and  most  undivided  attention  "  to 
the  study  of  it.  Sometimes,  when  business  was  not  particu 
larly  brisk,  he  would  lie  under  a  shade-tree  in  front  of  the 
store,  and  pore  over  the  book ;  at  other  times  a  customer 
would  find  him  stretched  on  the  counter  intently  engaged  in 
the  same  way.  But  the  store  was  a  bad  place  for  study; 
and  he  was  often  seen  quietly  slipping  out  of  the  village, 
as  if  he  wished  to  avoid  observation,  when,  if  successful 
in  getting  off  alone,  he  would  spend  hours  in  the  woods, 
"  mastering  a  book,"  or  in  a  state  of  profound  abstrac 
tion.  He  kept  up  his  old  habit  of  sitting  up  late  at  night ; 
but,  as  lights  were  as  necessary  to  his  purpose  as  they  were 
expensive,  the  village  cooper  permitted  him  to  sit  in  his  shop, 
where  he  burnt  the  shavings,  and  kept  a  blazing  fire  to  read 
by,  when  every  one  else  was  in  bed.  The  Greens  lent  him 
books ;  the  schoolmaster  gave  him  instructions  in  the  store, 
on  the  road,  or  in  the  meadows:  every  visitor  to  New  Salem 
who  made  the  least  pretension  to  scholarship  was  waylaid  by 
Abe,  and  required  to  explain  something  which  he  could  not 
understand.  The  result  of  it  all  was,  that  the  village  and 
the  surrounding  country  wondered  at  his  growth  in  knowl 
edge,  and  he  soon  became  as  famous  for  the  goodness  of  his 
understanding  as  for  the  muscular  power  of  his  body,  and  the 
unfailing  humor  of  his  talk. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1832,  some  enterprising  gentlemen 
at  Springfield  determined  to  try  whether  the  Sangamon  was 
a  navigable  stream  or  not.  It  was  a  momentous  question  to 
the  dwellers  along  the  banks ;  and,  when  the  steamboat  "  Tal 
isman  "  was  chartered  to  make  the  experiment,  the  popular 
excitement  was  intense,  and  her  passage  up  and  down  was 
witnessed  by  great  concourses  of  people  on  either  bank.  It 
was  thought  that  Abe's  experience  on  this  particular  river 
would  render  his  assistance  very  valuable  ;  and,  in  company 
with  some  others,  he  was  sent  down  to  Beardstown,  to  meet 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  97 

the  "  Talisman,"  and  pilot  her  up.  With  Abe  at  the  helm, 
she  ran  with  comparative  ease  and  safety  as  far  as  the  New- 
Salem  dam,  a  part  of  which  they  were  compelled  to  tear  away 
in  order  to  let  the  steamer  through.  Thence  she  went  on  as 
high  as  Bogue's  mill ;  but,  having  reached  that  point,  the  rap 
idly-falling  water  admonished  her  captain  and  pilots,  that,  un 
less  they  wished  her  to  be  left  there  for  the  season,  they  must 
promptly  turn  her  prow  down  stream.  For  some  time,  on  the 
return  trip,  she  made  not  more  than  three  or  four  miles  a  day, 
"  on  account  of  the  high  wind  from  the  prairie."  "  I  was 
sent  for,  being  an  old  boatman,"  says  J.  R.  Herndon,  "  and  I 
met  her  some  twelve  or  thirteen  miles  above  New  Salem.  .  .  . 
We  got  to  Salem  the  second  day  after  I  went  on  board.  When 
we  struck  the  dam,  she  hung.  We  then  backed  off,  and  threw 
the  anchor  over  the  dam,  and  tore  away  a  part  of  the  dam, 
and,  raising  steam,  ran  her  over  the  first  trial.  As  soon  as  she 
was  over,  the  company  that  chartered  her  was  done  with  her. 
I  think  the  captain  gave  Mr.  Lincoln  forty  dollars  to  run  her 
down  to  Beardstown.  I  am  sure  I  got  forty  dollars  to  con 
tinue  on  her  until  we  landed  at  Beardstown.  We  that  went 
down  with  her  walked  back  to  New  Salem." 


CHAPTER  V. 

IN  the  spring  of  1832,  Mr.  Offutt's  business  had  gone  to 
ruin :  the  store  was  sold  out,  the  mill  was  handed  over  to 
its  owners,  Mr.  Offutt  himself  departed  for  parts  unknown, 
and  his  "  head  clerk "  was  again  out  of  work.  Just  about 
that  time  a  governor's  proclamation  arrived,  calling  for  vol 
unteers  to  meet  the  famous  chief  Black  Hawk  and  his  war 
riors,  who  were  preparing  for  a  grand,  and,  in  all  likelihood, 
a  bloody  foray,  into  their  old  hunting-grounds  in  the  Rock- 
river  country. 

Black  Hawk  was  a  large  Indian,  of  powerful  frame  and 
commanding  presence.  He  was  a  soldier  and  a  statesman. 
The  history  of  his  diplomacy  with  the  tribes  he  sought  to  con 
federate  shows  that  he  expected  to  realize  on  a  smaller  scale 
the  splendid  plans  of  Pontiac  and  Tecumseh.  In  his  own 
tongue  he  was  eloquent,  and  dreamed  dr,eams  which,  amongst 
the  Indians,  passed  for  prophecy.  The  prophet  is  an  indis 
pensable  personage  in  any  comprehensive  scheme  of  Indian 
politics,  and  no  chief  has  ever  effected  a  combination  of  for 
midable  strength  without  his  aid.  In  the  person  of  Black 
Hawk,  the  chief  and  the  prophet  were  one.  His  power  in 
both  capacities  was  bent  toward  a  single  end,  —  the  great  pur 
pose  of  his  life,  —  the  recovery  of  his  birthplace  and  the  an 
cient  home  of  his  people  from  the  possession  of  the  stranger. 

Black  Hawk  was  born  on  the  Rock  River  in  Wisconsin,  in 
the  year  1767.  His  grandfather  lived  near  Montreal,  whence 
his  father  Pyesa  had  emigrated,  but  not  until  he  had  become 
thoroughly  British  in  his  views  and  feelings.  All  his  life 

93 


BLACK  HAWK,   THE  INDIAN  CHIEF. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  99 

long  he  made  annual  journeys  to  the  councils  of  the  tribes  at 
Maiden,  where  the  gifts  and  persuasions  of  British  agents 
confirmed  him  in  his  inclination  to  the  British  interests. 
When  Pyesa  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  his  son  took  his 
place  as  the  chief  of  the  Sacs,  hated  the  Americans,  loved  the 
friendly  English,  and  went  yearly  to  Maiden,  precisely  as 
he  thought  Pyesa  would  have  had  him  do.  But  Black 
Hawk's  mind  was  infinitely  superior  to  Pyesa's :  his  senti 
ments  were  loftier,  his  heart  more  susceptible ;  he  had  the 
gift  of  the  seer,  the  power  of  the  orator,  with  the  high  cour 
age  and  the  profound  policy  of  a  born  warrior  and  a  natural 
ruler.  He  "  had  brooded  over  the  early  history  of  his  tribe ; 
and  to  his  views,  as  he  looked  down  the  vista  of  years,  the 
former  times  seemed  so  much  better  than  the  present,  that 
the  vision  wrought  upon  his  susceptible  imagination,  which 
pictured  it  to  be  the  Indian  golden  age.  He  had  some 
remembrance  of  a  treaty  made  by  Gen.  Harrison  in  1804,  to 
which  his  people  had  given  their  assent ;  and  his  feelings  were 
with  difficulty  controlled,  when  he  was  required  to  leave  the 
Rock-river  Valley,  in  compliance  with  a  treaty  made  with 
Gen.  Scott.  That  valley,  however,  he  peacefully  abandoned 
with  his  tribe,  on  being  notified,  and  went  to  the  west  of  the 
Mississippi;  but  he  had  spent  his  youth  in  that  locality,  and 
the  more  he  thought  of  it,  the  more  determined  he  was  to 
return  thither.  He  readily  enlisted  the  sympathies  of  the 
Indians,  who  are  ever  prone  to  ponder  on  their  real  or  ima 
ginary  wrongs ;  and  it  may  be  readily  conjectured  that  what 
Indian  counsel  could  not  accomplish,  Indian  prophecy 
would."  1  He  had  moved  when  summoned  to  move,  because 
he  was  then  unprepared  to  fight ;  but  he  utterly  denied  that 
the  chiefs  who  seemed  to  have  ceded  the  lands  long  years 
before  had  any  right  to  cede  them,  or  that  the  tribe  had  ever 
willingly  given  up  the  country  to  the  stranger  and  the  aggres 
sor.  It  was  a  fraud  upon  the  simple  Indians :  the  old  treaty 
was  a  great  lie,  and  the  signatures  it  purported  to  have,  made 
with  marks  and  primitive  devices,  were  not  attached  in  good 

1  Sckoolcraft's  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes. 


100  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

faith,  and  were  not  the  names  of  honest  Sacs.  No  :  he  would 
go  over  the  river,  he  would  have  his  own ;  the  voice  of  the 
Great  Spirit  was  in  the  air  wherever  he  went ;  it  was  in  his 
lodge  through  all  the  night-time,  and  it  said  "  Go ; "  and  Black 
Hawk  must  needs  rise  up  and  tell  the  people  what  the  voice 
said. 

It  was  by  such  arguments  as  these  that  Black  Hawk  easily 
persuaded  the  Sacs.  But  hostilities  by  the  Sacs  alone  would 
be  a  hopeless  adventure.  He  must  find  allies.  He  looked 
first  to  their  kindred,  the  Foxes,  who  had  precisely  the  same 
cause  of  war  with  the  Sacs,  and  after  them  to  the  Winne- 
bagoes,  Sioux,  Kickapoos,  and  many  others.  That  Black 
Hawk  was  a  wise  and  valiant  leader,  all  the  Indians  con 
ceded  ;  and  his  proposals  were  heard  by  some  of  the  tribes 
with  eagerness,  and  by  all  of  them  with  respect.  At  one 
time  his  confederacy  embraced  nine  tribes,  —  the  most  for 
midable  in  the  North-west,  if  we  exclude  the  Sioux  and  the 
Chippewas,  who  were  themselves  inclined  to  accede.  Early 
in  1831,  the  first  chief  of  the  Chippewas  exhibited  a  minia 
ture  tomahawk,  red  with  vermilion,  which,  having  been 
accepted  from  Black  Hawk,  signified  an  alliance  between 
them ;  and  away  up  at  Leech  Lake,  an  obscure  but  numerous 
band  showed  some  whites  a  few  British  medals  painted  in 
imitation  of  blood,  which  meant  that  they  were  to  follow  the 
war-paths  of  Black  Hawk. 

In  1831  Black  Hawk  had  crossed  the  river  in  small  force, 
but  had  retired  before  the  advance  of  Gen.  Gaines,  commanding 
the  United  States  post  at  Rock  Island.  He  then  promised  to 
remain  on  the  other  side,  and  to  keep  quiet  for  the  future.  But 
early  in  the  spring  of  1832  he  re-appeared  with  greater  num 
bers,  pushed  straight  into  the  Rock-river  Valley,  and  said  he 
had  "  come  to  plant  corn."  He  was  now  sixty-seven  years  of 
age :  he  thought  his  great  plots  were  all  ripe,  and  his  allies  fast 
and  true.  They  would  fight  a  few  bloody  battles,  and  then 
he  would  sit  down  in  his  old  age  and  see  the  corn  grow  where 
ke  had  seen  it  in  his  youth.  But  the  old  chief  reckoned  too 
much  upon  Indian  fidelity:  he  committed  the  fatal  error 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  101 

of  trusting  to  their  patriotism  instead  of  their  interests. 
Gen.  Atkinson,  now  in  command  at  Rock  Island,  set  the 
troops  in  motion :  the  governor  issued  his  call  for  volunteers  ; 
and,  as  the  Indians  by  this  time  had  committed  some  fright 
ful  barbarities,  the  blood  of  the  settlers  was  boiling,  and  the 
regiments  were  almost  instantly  filled  with  the  best  possible 
material.  So  soon  as  these  facts  became  known,  the  allies 
of  Black  Hawk,  both  the  secret  and  the  open,  fell  away  from 
him,  and  left  him,  with  the  Sacs  and  the  Foxes,  to  meet  his 
fate. 

In  the  mean  time  Lincoln  had  enlisted  in  a  company  from 
Sangamon.  He  had  not  been  out  in  the  campaign  of  the 
previous  year,  but  told  his  friend  Row  Herndon,  that,  if  he 
had  not  been  down  the  river  with  Offutt,  he  would  certainly 
have  been  with  the  boys  in  the  field.  But,  notwithstanding 
his  want  of  military  experience,  his  popularity  was  so  great, 
that  he  had  been  elected  captain  of  a  militia  company  on  the 
occasion  of  a  muster  at  Clary's  Grove  the  fall  before.  He  was 
absent  at  the  time,  but  thankfully  accepted  and  served.  Very 
much  to  his  surprise,  his  friends  put  him  up  for  the  captaincy 
of  this  company  about  to  enter  active  service.  They  did  not 
organize  at  home,  however,  but  marched  first  to  Beardstown, 
and  then  to  Rushville  in  Schuyler  County,  where  the  election 
took  place.  Bill  Kirkpatrick  was  a  candidate  against  Lincoln, 
but  made  a  very  sorry  showing.  It  has  been  said  that  Lin 
coln  once  worked  for  Kirkpatrick  as  a  common  laborer,  and 
suffered  some  indignities  at  his  hands ;  but  the  story  as  a 
whole  is  supported  by  no  credible  testimony.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  the  planks  for  the  boat  built  by  Abe  and  his 
friends  at  the  mouth  of  Spring  Creek  were  sawed  at  the  mill 
of  a  Mr.  Kirkpatrick.  It  was  then,  likely  enough,  that  Abe 
fell  in  the  way  of  this  man,  and  learned  to  dislike  him.  At 
all  events,  when  he  had  distanced  Kirkpatrick,  and  was  chosen 
his  captain  by  the  suffrages  of  men  who  had  been  intimate 
with  Kirkpatrick  long  before  they  had  ever  heard  of  Abe,  he 
spoke  of  him  spitefully,  and  referred  in  no  gentle  terms  to 
some  old  dispute.  4i  Damn  him,"  said  he  to  Green,  "  I've 


102  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

beat  him :  he  used  me  badly  in  our  settlement  for  my 
toil." 

Capt.  Lincoln  now  made  a  very  modest  speech  to  his  com 
rades,  reciting  the  exceeding  gratification  their  partiality 
afforded  him,  how  undeserved  he  thought  it,  and  how  wholly 
unexpected  it  was.  In  conclusion,  "  he  promised  very  plainly 
that  he  would  do  the  best  he  could  to  prove  himself  worthy 
of  that  confidence." 

The  troops  rendezvoused  at  Beardstown  and  Rushville 
were  formed  into  four  regiments  and  a  spy  battalion.  Capt. 
Lincoln's  company  was  attached  to  the  regiment  of  Col.  Sam 
uel  Thompson.  The  whole  force  was  placed  under  the  com 
mand  of  Gen.  Whiteside,  who  was  accompanied  throughout 
the  campaign  by  the  governor  in  person. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  the  army  marched  toward  the  mouth 
of  Rock  River,  by  way  of  Oquaka  on  the  Mississippi.  The 
route  was  one  of  difficulty  and  danger,  a  great  part  of  it  lying 
through  a  country  largely  occupied  by  the  enemy.  The  men 
were  raw,  and  restive  under  discipline.  In  the  beginning  they 
had  no  more  respect  for  the  "  rules  and  regulations  "  than  for 
Solomon's  Proverbs,  or  the  Westminster  Confession.  Capt. 
Lincoln's  company  is  said  to  have  been  a  particularly  "  hard 
set  of  men,"  who  recognized  no  power  but  his.  They  were 
fighting  men,  and  but  for  his  personal  authority  would  have 
kept  the  camp  in  a  perpetual  uproar. 

At  the  crossing  of  Henderson  River,  —  a  stream  about 
fifty  yards  wide,  and  eight  or  ten  feet  deep,  with  very  precip 
itous  banks,  —  they  were  compelled  to  make  a  bridge  or  cause 
way  with  timbers  cut  by  the  troops,  and  a  filling-in  of  bushes, 
earth,  or  any  other  available  material.  This  was  the  work  of 
a  day  and  night.  Upon  its  completion,  the  horses  and  oxen 
were  taken  from  the  wagons,  and  the  latter  taken  over  by 
hand.  But,  when  the  horses  came  to  cross,  many  of  them  were 
killed  in  sliding  down  the  steep  banks.  "  While  in  camp  here," 
says  a  private  in  Capt.  Lincoln's  company,  "a  general  order 
was  issued  prohibiting  the  discharge  of  fire-arms  within  fifty 
steps  of  the  camp.  Capt.  Lincoln  disobeyed  the  order  by 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  103 

firing  his  pistol  within  ten  steps  of  the  camp,  and  for  this  vio 
lation  of  orders  was  put  under  arrest  for  that  day,  and  his 
sword  taken  from  him ;  but  the  next  day  his  sword  was 
restored,  and  nothing  more  was  done  in  the  matter." 

From  Henderson  River  the  troops  marched  to  Yellow 
Banks,  on  the  Mississippi.  "  While  at  this  place,"  Mr.  Ben 
F.  Irwin  says,  "  a  considerable  body  of  Indians  of  the  Chero 
kee  tribe  came  across  the  river  from  the  Iowa  side,  with  the 
white  flag  hoisted.  These  were  the  first  Indians  we  saw. 
They  were  very  friendly,  and  gave  us  a  general  war-dance. 
We,  in  return,  gave  them  a  Sucker  ho-down.  All  enjoyed 
the  sport,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  no  man  enjoyed  it  more  than 
Capt.  Lincoln." 

From  Yellow  Banks,  a  rapid  and  exhaustive  march  of  a  few 
days  brought  the  volunteers  to  the  mouth  of  Rock  River, 
where  "  it  was  agreed  between  Gen.  Whiteside  and  Gen. 
Atkinson  of  the  regulars,  that  the  volunteers  should  march 
up  Rock  River,  about  fifty  miles,  to  the  Prophet's  Town,  and 
there  encamp,  to  feed  and  rest  their  horses,  and  await  the 
arrival  of  the  regular  troops,  in  keel-boats,  with  provisions. 
Judge  William  Thomas,  who  again  acted  as  quartermaster  to 
the  volunteers,  made  an  estimate  of  the  amount  of  provisions 
required  until  the  boats  could  arrive,  which  was  supplied  ;  and 
then  Gen.  Whiteside  took  up  his  line  of  march."  l  But  Capt. 
Lincoln's  company  did  not  march  on  the  present  occasion  witli 
the  alacrity  which  distinguished  their  comrades  of  other  corps. 
The  orderly  sergeant  attempted  to  "form  company,"  but  the 
company  declined  to  be  formed ;  the  men,  oblivious  of  wars 
and  rumors  of  wars,  mocked  at  the  word  of  command,  and 
remained  between  their  blankets  in  a  state  of  serene  repose. 
For  an  explanation  of  these  signs  of  passive  mutiny,  we  must 
resort  again  to  the  manuscript  of  the  private  who  gave  the 
story  of  Capt.  Lincoln's  first  arrest.  "  About  the  —  of  April, 
we  reached  the  mouth  of  Rock  River.  About  three  or  four 
nights  afterwards,  a  man  named  Rial  P.  Green,  commonly 
called  '  Pot  Green,' belonging  to  a  Green-county  company, 

1  Ford's  History  of  Illinois,  chap.  iv. 


104  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

came  to  oar  company,  and  waked  up  the  men,  and  proposed 
to  them,  that,  if  they  would  furnish  him  with  a  tomahawk 
and  four  buckets,  he  would  get  into  the  officers'  liquors,  and 
supply  the  men  with  wines  and  brandies.  The  desired  articles 
were  furnished  him ;  and,  with  the  assistance  of  one  of  our 
company,  he  procured  the  liquors.  All  this  was  entirely 
unknown  to  Capt.  Lincoln.  In  the  morning,  Capt.  Lincoln 
ordered  his  orderly  to  form  company  for  parade  ;  but  when 
the  orderly  called  the  men  to  '  parade,'  they  called  '  parade,' 
too,  but  couldn't  fall  into  line.  The  most  of  the  men  were  un 
mistakably  drunk.  The  rest  of  the  forces  marched  off,  and  left 
Capt.  Lincoln's  company  behind.  The  company  didn't  make 
a  start  until  about  ten  o'clock,  and  then,  after  marching  about 
two  miles,  the  drunken  ones  lay  down  and  slept  their  drunk 
off.  They  overtook  the  forces  that  night.  Capt.  Lincoln  was 
again  put  under  arrest^  and  was  obliged  to  carry  a  wooden 
sword  for  two  days,  and  this  although  Capt.  Lincoln  was 
entirely  blameless  in  the  matter." 

When  Gen.  Whiteside  reached  Prophetstown,  where  he 
was  to  rest  until  the  arrival  of  the  regulars  and  the  supplies, 
he  disregarded  the  plan  of  operations  concerted  between  him 
and  Atkinson,  and,  burning  the  village  to  the  ground,  pushed 
on  towards  Dixon's  Ferry,  forty  miles  farther  up  the  river. 
Nearing  that  place,  he  left  his  baggage-wagons  behind :  the 
men  threw  away  their  allotments  of  provisions,  or  left  them 
with  the  wagons ;  and  in  that  condition  a  forced  march  was 
made  to  Dixon.  There  Whiteside  found  two  battalions 
of  mounted  men  under  Majors  Stillman  and  Bailey,  who 
clamored  to  be  thrown  forward,  where  they  might  get  up  an 
independent  but  glorious  "  brush  "  with  the  enemy  on  com 
paratively  private  account.  The  general  had  it  not  in  his 
heart  to  deny  these  adventurous  spirits,  and  they  were 
promptly  advanced  to  feel  and  disclose  the  Indian  force  sup 
posed  to  be  near  at  hand.  Stillman  accordingly  moved  up 
the  bank  of  "  Old  Man's  Creek  "  (since  called  "  Stillman's 
Run  "),  to  a  point  about  twenty  miles  from  Dixon,  where,  just 
before  nightfall,  he  went  into  camp,  or  was  about  to  do  so, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  105 

when  several  Indians  were  seen  hovering  along  some  raised 
ground  nearly  a  mile  distant.  Straightway  Stillman's  gallant 
fellows  remounted,  one  by  one,  or  two  and  two,  and,  without 
officers  or  orders,  galloped  away  in  pursuit.  The  Indians  first 
shook  a  red  flag,  and  then  dashed  off  at  the  top  of  their 
speed.  Three  of  them  were  overtaken  and  killed :  but  the 
rest  performed  with  perfect  skill  the  errand  upon  which  they 
were  sent ;  they  led  Stillman's  command  into  an  ambuscade, 
where  lay  Black  Hawk  himself  with  seven  hundred  of  his 
warriors.  The  pursuers  recoiled,  and  rode  for  their  lives : 
Black  Hawk  bore  down  upon  Stillman's  camp  ;  the  fugitives, 
streaming  back  with  fearful  cries  respecting  the  numbers  and 
ferocity  of  the  enemy,  spread  consternation  through  the  entire 
force.  Stillman  gave  a  hasty  order  to  fall  back ;  and  the  men 
fell  back  much  faster  and  farther  than  he  intended,  for  they 
never  faced  about,  or  so  much  as  stopped,  until  they  reached 
Whiteside's  camp  at  Dixon.  The  first  of  them  reached  Dixon 
about  twelve  o'clock ;  and  others  came  straggling  in  all  night 
long  and  part  of  the  next  day,  each  party  announcing  them 
selves  as  the  sole  survivors  of  that  stricken  field,  escaped 
solely  by  the  exercise  of  miraculous  valor.1  The  affair  is 

1  "  It  is  said  that  a  big,  tall  Kentuckian,  with  a  very  loud  voice,  who  was  a  colonel  of  the 
militia,  but  a  private  with  Stillraan.  upon  his  arrival  in  camp,  gave  to  Gen.  Whiteside  and 
the  wondering  multitude  the  following  glowing  and  bombastic  account  of  the  battle. 
'Sirs,'  said  he,  'our  detachment  was  encamped  amongst  some  scattering  timber  on  the 
north  side  of  Old  Man's  Creek,  with  the  prairie  from  the  north  gently  sloping  down  to 
our  encampment.  It  was  just  after  twilight,  in  the  gloaming  of  the  evening,  when  we 
discovered  Black  Hawk's  army  coming  down  upon  us  in  solid  column :  they  displayed  in 
the  form  of  a  crescent  upon  the  brow  of  the  prairie,  and  such  accuracy  and  precision 
of  military  movements  were  never  witnessed  by  man ;  they  were  equal  to  the  best  troops 
of  Wellington  fci  Spain.  I  have  said  that  the  Indians  came  down  in  solid  column,  and 
displayed  in  the  form  of  a  crescent ;  and,  what  was  most  wonderful,  there  were  large 
squares  of  cavalry  resting  upon  the  points  of  the  curve,  which  squares  were  supported 
again  by  other  columns  fifteen  deep,  extending  back  through  the  woods,  and  over  a 
swamp  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  which  again  rested  upon  the  main  body  of  Black  Hawk's 
army  bivouacked  upon  the  banks  of  the  Kishwakee.  It  was  a  terrible  and  a  glorious 
sight  to  see  the  tawny  warriors  as  they  rode  along  our  flanks  attempting  to  outflank  us 
•with  the  glittering  moonbeams  glistening  from  their  polished  blades  and  burnished 
spears.  It  was  a  sight  well  calculated  to  strike  consternation  into  the  stoutest  and 
boldest  heart ;  and  accordingly  our  men  toon  began  to  break  in  small  squuds  for  tall  tim 
ber.  In  a  very  little  time  the  rout  became  general.  The  Indians  were  on  our  flanks,  and 
threatened  the  destruction  of  the  entire  detachment.  About  this  time  Major  Stillman. 
Col.  Stephenson,  Major  Perkins,  Capt.  Adams,  Mr.  Hackelton,  and  myself,  with  some 
others,  threw  ourselves  into  the  rear  to  rally  the  fugitives  and  protect  the  retreat.  But  in 
a  short  time  all  my  companions  fell,  bravely  fighting  hand  to  hand  with  the  savage 


106  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LIXCOLN. 

known  to  history  as  Stillman's  Defeat."  "  Old  John  Hanks" 
was  in  it,  and  speaks  of  it  with  shame  and  indignation, 
attributing  the  disaster  to  "  drunken  men,  cowardice,  and 
folly,"  though  in  this  case  we  should  be  slow  to  adopt  his 
opinion.  Of  folly,  there  was,  no  doubt,  enough,  both  on  the 
part  of  Whiteside  and  Stillman ;  but  of  drunkenness  no 
public  account  makes  any  mention,  and  individual  cowardice 
is  never  to  be  imputed  to  American  troops.  These  men  were 
as  brave  as  any  that  ever  wore  a  uniform,  and  some  of  them 
performed  good  service  afterwards ;  but  when  they  went  into 
this  action,  they  were  "raw  militia,"  —  a  mere  mob;  and  no 
mob  can  stand  against  discipline,  even  though  it  be  but  the 
discipline  of  the  savage. 

The  next  day  Whiteside  moved  with  all  possible  celerity 
to  the  field  of  Stillman's  disaster,  and,  finding  no  enemy,  was 
forced  to  content  himself  with  the  melancholy  duty  of  bury 
ing  the  mutilated  and  unsightly  remains  of  the  dead.  All  of 
them  were  scalped ;  some  had  their  heads  cut  off,  others  had 
their  throats  cut,  and  others  still  were  mangled  and  dishon 
ored  in  ways  too  shocking  to  be  told. 

The  army  was  now  suffering  for  want  of  provisions.  The 
folly  of  the  commander  in  casting  off  his  baggage-train  for 
the  forced  march  on  Dixon,  the  extravagance  and  improvi 
dence  of  the  men  with  their  scanty  rations,  had  exhausted  the 
resources  of  the  quartermasters,  and,  "  except  in  the  messes 

enemy,  and  I  alone  was  left  upon  the  field  of  battle.  About  this  time  I  discovered  not  far 
to  the  left,  a  corps  of  horsemen  which  seemed  to  be  in  tolerable  order.  I  immediately 
deployed  to  the  left,  when,  leaning  down  and  placing  my  body  in  a  recumbent  posture 
upon  the  mane  of  my  horse,  so  as  to  bring  the  heads  of  the  horsemen  between  my  eye  and 
the  horizon,  I  discovered  by  the  light  of  the  moon  that  they  were  gentlemen  who  did 
not  wear  hats,  by  which  token  I  knew  they  were  no  friends  of  mine.  I  therefore  made  a 
retrograde  movement,  and  recovered  my  former  position,  where  I  remained  some  time, 
meditating  what  further  I  could  do  in  the  service  of  my  country,  when  a  random  ball  came 
whistling  by  my  ear,  and  plainly  whispered  to  me,  "Stranger,  you  have  no  further  business 
here."  Upon  hearing  this,  I  followed  the  example  of  my  companions  in  arms,  and  broke 
for  tall  timber,  and  the  way  I  run  was  not  a  little,  and  quit.' 

'•  This  colonel  was  a  lawyer  just  returning  from  the  circuit,  with  a  slight  wardrobe  and 
'  Chitty's  Pleadings  '  packed  in  his  saddle-bags,  all  of  which  were  captured  by  the  Indians. 
lie  afterwards  related,  witli  much  vexation,  that  Black  Hawk  had  decked  himself  out  in 
his  finery,  appearing  in  the  woods  amongst  his  savage  companions  dressed  in  one  of  the 
colonel'a  ruffled  shirts  drawn  over  his  .deer-skin  leggings,  with  a  volume  of  '  Chitty's 
Pleadings '  under  each  arm."  —  Ford's  History  of  Illinois. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  107 

of  the  most  careful  and  experienced,"  the  camp  was  nearly 
destitute  of  food.  "  The  majority  had  been  living  on  parched 
corn  and  coffee  for  two  or  three  days ; "  but,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  last  march  from  Dixon,  Quartermaster  Thomas 
had  succeeded  in  getting  a  little  fresh  beef  from  the  only 
white  inhabitant  of  that  country,  and  this  the  men  were  glad 
to  eat  without  bread.  "  I  can  truly  say  I  was  often  hungry," 
said  Capt.  Lincoln,  reviewing  the  events  of  this  campaign. 
He  was,  doubtless,  as  destitute  and  wretched  as  the  rest,  but 
he  was  patient,  quiet,  and  resolute.  Hunger  brought  with  it  a 
discontented  and  mutinous  spirit.  The  men  complained  bit 
terly  of  all  they  had  been  made  to  endure,  and  clamored  loudly 
for  a  general  discharge.  But  Capt.  Lincoln  kept  the  "even 
tenor  of  his  way ; "  and,  when  his  regiment  was  disbanded, 
immediately  enlisted  as  a  private  soldier  in  another  company. 
From  the  battle-field  Whiteside  returned  to  his  old  camp 
at  Dixon,  but  determined,  before  doing  so,  to  make  one  more 
attempt  to  retrieve  his  ill-fortune.  Black  Hawk's  pirogues 
were  supposed  to  be  lying  a  few  miles  distant,  in  a  bend  of 
the  Rock  River;  and  the  capture  of  these  would  serve  as  some 
relief  to  the  dreary  series  of  errors  and  miscarriages  which 
had  hitherto  marked  the  campaign.  But  Black  Hawk  had 
just  been  teaching  him  strategy  in  the  most  effective  mode, 
and  the  present  movement  was  undertaken  with  an  excess  of 
caution  almost  as  ludicrous  as  Stillman's  bravado.  "  To  pro 
vide  as  well  as  might  be  against  danger,  one  man  was  started 
at  a  time  in  the  direction  of  the  point.  When  he  would  get 
a  certain  distance,  keeping  in  sight,  a  second  would  start,  and 
so  on,  until  a  string  of  men  extending  five  miles  from  the  main 
army  was  made,  each  to  look  out  for  Indians,  and  give  the  sign 
to  right,  left,  or  front,  by  hanging  a  hat  on  a  bayonet,  —  erect 
for  the  front,  and  right  or  left,  as  the  case  might  be.  To  raise 
men  to  go  ahead  was  with  difficulty  done,  and  some  tried  hard 
to  drop  back  ;  but  we  got  through  safe,  and  found  the  place 
deserted,  leaving  plenty  of  Indian  signs, — a  dead  dog  and 
several  scalps  taken  in  Stillman's  defeat,  as  we  supposed  them 
to  have  been  taken."  After  this,  the  last  of  Gen.  Whiteside's 


108  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

futile  attempts,  he  returned  to  the  battle-field,  and  thence  to 
Dixon,  where  he  was  joined  by  Atkinson  with  the  regulars 
and  the  long-coveted  and  much-needed  supplies. 

One  day,  during  these  many  marches  and  countermarches, 
an  old  Indian  found  his  way  into  the  camp,  weary,  hungry, 
and  helpless.  He  professed  to  be  a  friend  of  the  whites ;  and, 
although  it  was  an  exceedingly  perilous  experiment  for  one 
of  his  color,  he  ventured  to  throw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
the  soldiers.  But  the  men  first  murmured,  and  then  broke 
out  into  fierce  cries  for  his  blood.  "  We  have  come  out  to 
fight  the  Indians,"  said  they,  "  and  by  God  we  intend  to  do 
it !  "  The  poor  Indian,  now,  in  the  extremity  of  his  distress 
and  peril,  did  what  he  ought  to  have  done  before  :  he  threw 
down  before  his  assailants  a  soiled  and  crumpled  paper,  which 
he  implored  them  to  read  before  his  life  was  taken.  It  was 
a  letter  of  character  and  safe-conduct  from  Gen.  Cass,  pro 
nouncing  him  a  faithful  man,  who  had  done  good  service  in 
the  cause  for  which  this  army  was  enlisted.  But  it  was  too 
late :  the  men  refused  to  read  it,  or  thought  it  a  forgery,  and 
were  rushing  with  fury  upon  the  defenceless  old  savage,  when 
Capt.  Lincoln  bounded  between  them  and  their  appointed 
victim.  "  Men,"  said  he,  and  his  voice  for  a  moment  stilled 
the  agitation  around  him,  "  this  must  not  be  done  :  he  must  not 
be  shot  and  killed  by  us."  —  "  But,"  said  some  of  them,  "  the 
Indian  is  a  damned  spy."  Lincoln  knew  that  his  own  life  was 
now  in  only  less  danger  than  that  of  the  poor  creature  that 
crouched  behind  him.  During  the  whole  of  this  scene  Capt. 
Lincoln  seemed  to  "  rise  to  an  unusual  height "  of  stature. 
The  towering  form,  the  passion  and  resolution  in  his  face,  the 
physical  power  and  terrible  will  exhibited  in  every  motion  of 
his  body,  every  gesture  of  his  arm,  produced  an  effect  upon 
the  furious  mob  as  unexpected  perhaps  to  him  as  to  any  one 
else.  They  paused,  listened,  fell  back,  and  then  sullenly 
obeyed  what  seemed  to  be  the  voice  of  reason,  as  well  as 
authority.  But  there  were  still  some  murmurs  of  disap 
pointed  rage,  and  half-suppressed  exclamations,  which  looked 
towards  vengeance  of  some  kind.  At  length  one  of  the  men, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  100 

a  little  bolder  than  the  rest,  but  evidently  feeling  that  he  spoke 
for  the  whole,  cried  out,  "  This  is  cowardly  on  your  part, 
Lincoln !  "  Whereupon  the  tall  captain's  figure  stretched 
a  few  inches  higher  again.  He  looked  down  upon  these 
varlets  who  would  have  murdered  a  defenceless  old  Indian, 
and  now  quailed  before  his  single  hand,  with  lofty  contempt. 
The  oldest  of  his  acquaintances,  even  Bill  Green,  who  saw 
him  grapple  Jack  Armstrong  and  defy  the  bullies  at  his  back, 
never  saw  him  so  much  "  aroused  "  before.  "  If  any  man 
thinks  I  am  a  coward,  let  him  test  it,"  said  he.  "  Lincoln," 
responded  a  new  voice,  "  you  are  larger  and  heavier  than  we 
are."  —  "  This  you  can  guard  against :  choose  your  weapons," 
returned  the  rigid  captain.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  choice  of  means  for  the  preservation  of  military 
discipline,  it  was  certainly  very  effectual  in  this  case.  There 
was  no  more  disaffection  in  his  camp,  and  the  word  "  coward" 
was  never  coupled  with  his  name  again.  Mr.  Lincoln  under 
stood  his  men  better  than  those  who  would  be  disposed  to 
criticise  his  conduct.  He  has  often  declared  himself,  that  his 
life  and  character  were  both  at  stake,  and  would  probably 
have  been  lost,  had  he  not  at  that  supremely  critical  moment 
forgotten  the  officer  and  asserted  the  man.  To  have  ordered 
the  offenders  under  arrest  would  have  created  a  formidable 
mutiny  ;  to  have  tried  and  punished  them  would  have  been 
impossible.  They  could  scarcely  be  called  soldiers :  they 
were  merely  armed  citizens,  with  a  nominal  military  organiza 
tion.  They  were  but  recently  enlisted,  and  their  term  of 
service  was  just  about  to  expire.  Had  he  preferred  charges 
against  them,  and  offered  to  submit  their  differences  to  a  court 
of  any  sort,  it  would  have  been  regarded  as  an  act  of  personal 
pusillanimity,  and  his  efficiency  would  have  been  gone  forever. 
Lincoln  was  believed  to  be  the  strongest  man  in  his  regi 
ment,  and  no  doubt  was.  He  was  certainly  the  best  wrestler 
in  it,  and  after  they  left  Beardstown  nobody  ever  disputed  the 
fact.  He  is  said  to  have  "  done  the  wrestling  for  the  compa 
ny  ;"  and  one  man  insists  that  he  always  had  a  handkerchief 
tied  around  his  person,  in  readiness  for  the  sport.  For  a  while 


110  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

it  was  firmly  believed  that  no  man  in  the  army  could  throw 
him  down.  His  company  confidently  pitted  him  "  against  the 
field,"  and  were  willing  to  bet  all  they  had  on  the  result.  At 
length,  one  Mr.  Thompson  came  forward  and  accepted  the 
challenge.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  most  famous  wrestler  in  the 
Western  country.  It  is  not  certain  that  the  report  of  his 
achievements  had  ever  reached  the  ears  of  Mr.  Lincoln  or  his 
friends ;  but  at  any  rate  they  eagerly  made  a  match  with  him 
as  a  champion  not  unworthy  of  their  own.  Thompson's 
power  and  skill,  however,  were  as  well  known  to  certain  per 
sons  in  the  army  as  Mr.  Lincoln's  were  to  others.  Each  side 
was  absolutely  certain  of  the  victory,  and  bet  according  to  their 
faith.  Lincoln's  company  and  their  sympathizers  put  up  all 
their  portable  property,  and  some  perhaps  not  their  own, 
including  "  knives,  blankets,  tomahawks,"  and  all  the  most 
necessary  articles  of  a  soldier's  outfit. 

When  the  men  first  met,  Lirfcoln  was  convinced  that  he 
could  throw  Thompson  ;  but,  after  tussling  with  him  a  brief 
space  in  presence  of  the  anxious  assemblage,  he  turned  to  his 
friends  and  said,  "  This  is  the  most  powerful  man  I  ever  had 
hold  of.  He  will  throw  me,  and  you  will  lose  your  all,  unless 
I  act  on  the  defensive."  He  managed,  nevertheless,  "  to  hold 
him  off  for  some  time  ;  "  but  at  last  Thompson  got  the  "  crotch 
hoist "  on  him,  and,  although  Lincoln  attempted  with  all  his 
wonderful  strength  to  break  the  hold  by  "  sliding  "  away,  a 
few  moments  decided  his  fate  :  he  was  fairly  thrown.  As  it 
required  two  out  of  three  falls  to  decide  the  bets,  Thomp 
son  and  he  immediately  came  together  again,  and  with  very 
nearly  the  same  result.  Lincoln  fell  under,  but  the  other 
man  fell  too.  There  was  just  enough  of  uncertainty  about  it 
to  furnish  a  pretext  for  a  hot  dispute  and  a  general  fight. 
Accordingly,  Lincoln's  men  instantly  began  the  proper  pre 
liminaries  to  a  fracas.  "  We  were  taken  by  surprise,"  says 
Mr.  Green,  "  and,  being  unwilling  to  give  up  our  property 
and  lose  our  bets,  got  up  an  excuse  as  to  the  result.  We 
declared  the  fall  a  kind  of  dog-fall ;  did  so  apparently  angrily." 
The  fight  was  coming  on  apace,  and  bade  fair  to  be  a  big  and 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  Ill 

bloody  one,  when  Lincoln  rose  up  and  said,  "  Boys,  the  man 
actually  threw  me  once  fair,  broadly  so ;  and  the  second  time, 
this  very  fall,  he  threw  me  fairly,  though  not  so  apparently 
so."  He  would  countenance  no  disturbance,  and  his  unex 
pected  and  somewhat  astonishing  magnanimity  ended  all 
attempts  to  raise  one. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  good  friend,  Mr.  Green,  the  principal,  though 
not  the  sole  authority  for  the  present  account  of  his 
adventure  in  behalf  of  the  Indian  and  his  wrestle  with 
Thompson,  mentions  one  important  incident  which  is  found 
in  no  other  manuscript,  and  which  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  a  scene  of  another  sort.  "  One  other  word  in  ref 
erence  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  care  for  the  health,  welfare,  and  jus 
tice  to  his  men.  Some  officers  of  the  United  States  had 
claimed  that  the  regular  army  had  a  preference  in  the  rations 
and  pay.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  ordered  to  do  some  act  which  he 
deemed  unauthorized.  He,  however,  obeyed,  but  went  to 
the  officer  and  said  to  him,  '  Sir,  you  forget  that  we  are  not 
under  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  War  Department  at 
Washington  ;  are  only  volunteers  under  the  orders  and  regu 
lations  of  Illinois.  Keep  in  your  own  sphere,  and  there  will 
be  no  difficulty ;  but  resistance  will  hereafter  be  made  to  your 
unjust  orders :  and,  further,  my  men  must  be  equal  in  all  par 
ticulars,  in  rations,  arms,  camps,  &c.,  to  the  regular  army. 
The  man  saw  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  right,  and  determined  to 
have  justice  done.  Always  after  this  we  were  treated 
equally  well,  and  just  as  the  regular  army  was,  in  every  par 
ticular.  This  brave,  just,  and  humane  act  in  behalf  of  the 
volunteers  at  once  attached  officers  and  rank  to  him,  as  with 
hooks  of  steel." 

When  the  army  reached  Dixon,  the  almost  universal  dis 
content  of  the  men  had  grown  so  manifest  and  so  ominous, 
that  it  could  no  longer  be  safely  disregarded.  They  longed 
"  for  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt,"  and  fiercely  demanded  their 
discharge.  Although  their  time  had  not  expired,  it  was  deter 
mined  to  march  them  by  way  of  Paw-Paw  Grove  to  Ottawa, 
and  there  concede  what  the  governor  feared  he  had  no  powei 
to  withhold. 


112  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  While  on  our  march  from  Dixon  to  Fox  River,"  says  Mr. 
Irwin,  "  one  night  while  in  camp,  which  was  formed  in  a 
square  enclosing  about  forty  acres,  our  horses,  outside  grazing, 
got  scared  about  nine  o'clock  ;  and  a  grand  stampede  took 
place.  They  ran  right  through  our  lines  in  spite  of  us,  and 
ran  over  many  of  us.  No  man  knows  what  noise  a  thousand 
horses  make  running,  unless  he  had  been  there :  it  beats  a 
young  earthquake,  especially  among  scared  men,  and  certain 
they  were  scared  then.  We  expected  the  Indians  to  be  on  us 
that  night.  Fire  was  thrown,  drums  beat,  fifes  played,  which 
added  additional  fright  to  the  horses.  We  saw  no  real  enemy 
that  night,  but  a  line  of  battle  was  formed.  There  were  no 
eyes  for  sleep  that  night :  we  stood  to  our  posts  in  line  ;  and 
what  frightened  the  horses  is  yet  unknown." 

"  During  this  short  Indian  campaign,"  continues  the  same 
gentleman,  "  we  had  some  hard  times,  —  often  hungry  ;  but  we 
had  a  great  deal  of  sport,  especially  of  nights,  —  foot-racing, 
some  horse-racing,  jumping,  telling  anecdotes,  in  which 
Lincoln  beat  all,  keeping  up  a  constant  laughter  and  good- 
humor  all  the  time ;  among  the  soldiers  some  card-playing, 
and  wrestling,  in  which  Lincoln  took  a  prominent  part.  I 
think  it  safe  to  say  he  was  never  thrown  in  a  wrestle.  [Mr. 
Irwin,  it  seems,  still  regards  the  Thompson  affair  as  "  a  dog- 
fall."]  While  in  the  army,  he  kept  a  handkerchief  tied  around 
him  near  all  the  time  for  wrestling  purposes,  and  loved  the 
sport  as  well  as  any  one  could.  He  was  seldom  ever  beat 
jumping.  During  the  campaign,  Lincoln  himself  was  always 
ready  for  an  emergency.  He  endured  hardships  like  a  good 
soldier :  he  never  complained,  nor  did  he  fear  danger.  When 
fighting  was  expected,  or  danger  apprehended,  Lincoln  was 
the  first  to  say,  '  Let's  go.'  He  had  the  confidence  of  every 
man  of  his  company,  and  they  strictly  obeyed  his  orders  at  a 
word.  His  company  was  all  young  men,  and  full  of  sport. 

"  One  night  in  Warren  County,  a  white  hog  —  a  young  sow 
—  came  into  our  lines,  which  showed  more  good  sense,  to  my 
mind,  than  any  hog  I  ever  saw.  This  hog  swam  creeks  and 


LIFE   OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.  113 

rivers,  and  went  with  us  clear  through  to,  I  think,  the  mouth 
of  Fox  River  ;  and  there  the  boys  killed  it,  or  it  would  doubt 
less  have  come  home  with  us.  If  it  got  behind  in  daylight 
as  we  were  marching,  which  it  did  sometimes,  it  would  follow 
on  the  track,  and  come  to  us  at  night.  It  was  naturally  the 
cleverest,  friendly-disposed  hog  any  man  ever  saw,  and  its 
untimely  death  was  by  many  of  us  greatly  deplored,  for  we 
all  liked  the  hog  for  its  friendly  disposition  and  good  manners  ; 
for  it  never  molested  any  thing,  and  kept  in  its  proper  place." 

On  the  28th  of  May  the  volunteers  were  discharged.  The 
governor  had  already  called  for  two  thousand  more  men  to 
take  their  places ;  but,  in  the  mean  time,  he  made  the  most 
strenuous  efforts  to  organize  a  small  force  out  of  the  recently 
discharged,  to  protect  the  frontiers  until  the  new  levies  were 
ready  for  service.  He  succeeded  in  raising  one  regiment  and  a 
spy  company.  Many  officers  of  distinction,  among  them  Gen. 
Whiteside  himself,  enlisted  as  private  soldiers,  and  served  in 
that  capacity  to  the  end  of  the  war.  Capt.  Lincoln  became 
Private  Lincoln  of  the  "  Independent  Spy  Company,"  Capt. 
Early  commanding ;  and,  although  he  was  never  in  an  engage 
ment,  he  saw  some  hard  service  in  scouting  and  trailing,  as 
well  as  in  carrying  messages  and  reports. 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  new  troops  were  ready  for 
the  field,  and  soon  after  moved  up  to  Rock  River.  Mean 
while  the  Indians  had  overrun  the  country.  "  They  had  scat 
tered  their  war-parties  all  over  the  North  from  Chicago  to 
Galena,  and  from  the  Illinois  River  into  the  Territory  of  Wis 
consin  ;  they  occupied  every  grove,  waylaid  every  road,  hung 
around  every  settlement,  and  attacked  every  party  of  white 
men  that  attempted  to  penetrate  the  country."  There  had 
been  some  desultory  fighting  at  various  points.  Capt.  Sny- 
der,  in  whose  company  Gen.  Whiteside  was  a  private,  had 
met  the  Indians  at  Burr  Oak  Grove,  and  had  a  sharp  engage 
ment  ;  Mr.  St.  Vrain,  an  Indian  agent,  with  a  small  party  of 
assistants,  had  been  treacherously  murdered  near  Fort  Arm 
strong  ;  several  men  had  been  killed  at  the  lead  mines,  and 
the  Wisconsin  volunteers  under  Dodge  had  signally  punished 


114  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  Indians  that  killed  them  ;  Galena  had  been  threatened 
and  Fort  Apple,  twelve  miles  from  Galena,  had  sustained  a 
bloody  siege  of  fifteen  hours ;  Capt.  Stephenson  of  Galena 
had  performed  an  act  which  "equalled  any  thing  in  modern 
warfare  in  daring  and  desperate  courage,"  by  driving  a  party 
of  Indians  larger  than  his  own  detachment  into  a  dense 
thicket,  and  there  charging  them  repeatedly  until  he  was 
compelled  to  retire,  wounded  himself,  and  leaving  three  of 
his  men  dead  on  the  ground. 

Thenceforward  the  tide  was  fairly  turned  against  Black 
Hawk.  Twenty-four  hundred  men,  under  experienced  offi 
cers,  were  now  in  the  field  against  him  ;  and,  although  he  suc 
ceeded  in  eluding  his  pursuers  for  a  brief  time,  every  retreat 
was  equivalent  to  a  reverse  in  battle,  and  all  his  manoeuvres 
were  retreats.  In  the  latter  part  of  July  he  was  finally  over 
taken  by  the  volunteers  under  Henry,  along  the  bluffs  of  the 
Wisconsin  River,  and  defeated  in  a  decisive  battle.  His  ruin 
was  complete  :  he  abandoned  all  hope  of  conquest,  and  pressed 
in  disorderly  and  disastrous  retreat  toward  the  Mississippi,  in 
vain  expectation  of  placing  that  barrier  between  him  and  his 
enemy. 

On  the  fourth  day,-  after  crossing  the  Wisconsin,  Gen. 
Atkinson's  advance  reached  the  high  grounds  near  the  Mis 
sissippi.  Henry  and  his  brigade,  having  won  the  previous 
victory,  were  placed  at  the  rear  in  the  order  of  march,  with 
the  ungenerous  purpose  of  preventing  them  from  winning  an 
other.  But  Black  Hawk  here  resorted  to  a  stratagem  which 
very  nearly  saved  the  remnant  of  his  people,  and  in  the  end 
completely  foiled  the  intentions  of  Atkinson  regarding  Henry 
and  his  men.  The  old  chief,  with  the  high  heart  which  even 
such  a  succession  of  reverses  could  not  subdue,  took  twenty 
warriors  and  deliberately  posted  himself,  determined  to  hold 
the  army  in  check  or  lead  it  away  on  a  false  trail,  while  his 
main  body  was  being  transferred  to  the  other  bank  of  the 
river.  He  accordingly  made  his  attack  in  a  place  where  he 
was  favored  by  trees,  logs,  and  tall  grass,  which  prevented 
the  discovery  of  his  numbers.  Finding  his  advance  engaged, 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  115 

Atkinson  formed  a  line  of  battle,  and  ordered  a  charge ;  but 
Black  Hawk  conducted  his  retreat  with  such  consummate 
skill  that  Atkinson  believed  he  was  just  at  the  heels  of  the 
whole  Indian  army,  and  under  this  impression  continued 
the  pursuit  far  up  the  river. 

When  Henry  came  up  to  the  spot  where  the  fight  had  taken 
place,  he  readily  detected  the  trick  by  various  evidences  about 
the  ground.  Finding  the  main  trail  in  the  immediate  vicinity, 
he  boldly  fell  upon  it  without  orders,  and  followed  it  until  he 
came  up  with  the  Indians  in  a  swamp  on  the  margin  of  the 
river,  where  he  easily  surprised  and  scattered  them.  Atkin 
son,  hearing  the  firing  in  the  swamp,  turned  back,  and  arrived 
just  in  time  to  assist  in  the  completion  of  the  massacre.  A 
few  of  the  Indians  had  already  crossed  the  river  :  a  few  had 
taken  refuge  on  a  little  willow  island  in  the  middle  of  the 
stream.  The  island  was  charged,  —  the  men  wading  to  it  in 
water  up  to  their  arm-pits,  —  the  Indians  were  dislodged  and 
killed  on  the  spot,  or  shot  in  the  water  while  attempting  to 
swim  to  the  western  shore.  Fifty  prisoners  only  were  taken, 
and  the  greater  part  of  these  were  squaws  and  children. 
This  was  the  battle  of  the  Bad  Axe,  —  a  terrific  slaughter, 
considering  the  numbers  ensrasred,  and  the  final  ruin  of  Black 

O  O      O  ' 

Hawk's  fortunes. 

Black  Hawk  and  his  twenty  warriors,  among  whom  was  his 
own  son,  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  Dalles  on  the 
Wisconsin,  where  they  seem  to  have  awaited  passively  what 
ever  fate  their  enemies  should  contrive  for  them.  There  were 
some  Sioux  and  Winnebagoes  in  Atkinson's  camp,  —  men 
who  secretly  pretended  to  sympathize  with  Black  Hawk,  and, 
while  acting  as  guides  to  the  army,  had  really  led  it  astray 
on  many  painful  and  perilous  marches.  It  is  certain  that 
Black  Hawk  had  counted  on  the  assistance  of  those  tribes ; 
but  after  the  fight  on  the  Wisconsin,  even  those  who  had 
consented  to  act  as  his  emissaries  about  the  person  of  the 
hostile  commander  not  only  deserted  him,  but  volunteered  to 
hunt  him  down.  They  now  offered  to  find  him,  take  him,  and 
bring  him  in,  provided  that  base  and  cowardly  service  should 


116  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

be  suitably  acknowledged.  They  were  duly  employed.  Black 
Hawk  became  their  prisoner,  and  was  presented  by  them  to 
the  Indian  agent  with  two  or  three  shameless  and  disgusting 
speeches  from  his  captors.  He  and  his  son  were  carried  to 
Washington  City,  and  then  through  the  principal  cities  of  the 
country,  after  which  President  Jackson  released  him  from  cap 
tivity,  and  sent  him  back  to  his  own  people.  He  lived  to  be 
eighty  years  old,  honored  and  beloved  by  his  tribe,  and  after 
his  death  was  buried  on  an  eminence  overlooking  the  Missis 
sippi,  with  such  rites  as  are  accorded  only  to  the  most  distin 
guished  of  native  captains,  —  sitting  upright  in  war  dress  and 
paint,  covered  by  a  conspicuous  mound  of  earth. 

We  have  given  a  rapid  and  perhaps  an  unsatisfactory  sketch 
of  the  comparatively  great  events  which  brought  the  Black 
Hawk  War  to  a  close.  So  much  at  least  was  necessary,  that 
the  reader  might  understand  the  several  situations  in  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  found  himself  during  the  short  term  of  his  second 
enlistment.  We  fortunately  possess  a  narrative  of  his  indi 
vidual  experience,  covering  the  whole  of  that  period,  from 
the  pen  of  George  W.  Harrison,  his  friend,  companion,  and 
messmate.  It  is  given  in  full ;  for  there  is  no  part  of  it  that 
would  not  be  injured  by  the  touch  of  another  hand.  It  is  an 
extremely  interesting  story,  founded  upon  accurate  personal 
knowledge,  and  told  in  a  perspicuous  and  graphic  stj'le,  admi 
rably  suited  to  the  subject. 

"  The  new  company  thus  formed  was  called  the  '  Indepen 
dent  Spy  Company ; '  not  being  under  the  control  of  any 
regiment  or  brigade,  but  receiving  orders  directly  from  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  always,  when  with  the  army,  camping 
within  the  lines,  and  having  many  other  privileges,  such  as 
never  having  camp-duties  to  perform,  drawing  rations  as  much 
and  as  often  as  we  pleased,  &c.  Dr.  Early  (deceased)  of 
Springfield  was  elected  captain.  Five  members  constituted 
a  tent,  or  '  messed '  together.  Our  mess  consisted  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Johnston  (a  half-brother  of  his),  Fanchier,  Wyatt,  and 
myself.  The  '  Independent  Spy  Company '  was  used  chiefly 
to  carry  messages,  to  send  an  express,  to  spy  the  enemy,  and 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  117 

to  ascertain  facts.  I  suppose  the  nearest  we  were  to  doing 
battle  was  at  Gratiot's  Grove,  near  Galena.  The  spy  com 
pany  of  Posey's  brigade  was  many  miles  in  advance  of  the 
brigade,  when  it  stopped  in  the  grove  at  noon  for  refreshments. 
Some  of  the  men  had  turned  loose  their  horses,  and  others 
still  had  theirs  in  hand,  when  five  or  six  Sac  and  Fox  Indians 
came  near  them.  Many  of  the  white  men  broke  after  them, 
some  on  horseback,  some  on  foot,  in  great  disorder  and  con 
fusion,  thinking  to  have  much  sport  with  their  prisoners  im 
mediately.  The  Indians  thus  decoyed  them  about  two  miles 
from  the  little  cabins  in  the  grove,  keeping  just  out  of  danger, 
when  suddenly  up  sprang  from  the  tall  prairie  grass  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  painted  warriors,  with  long  spears  in  hand,  and 
tomahawks  and  butcher-knives  in  their  belts  of  deer-skin  and 
buffalo,  and  raised  such  a  yell  that  our  friends  supposed  them 
to  be  more  numerous  than  Black  Hawk's  whole  clan,  and,  in 
stantly  filled  with  consternation,  commenced  to  retreat.  But 
the  savages  soon  began  to  spear  them,  making  it  necessary 
to  halt  in  the  flight,  and  give  them  a  fire,  at  which  time  they 
killed  two  Indians,  one  of  them  being  a  young  chief  gayly 
apparelled.  Again,  in  the  utmost  horror,  such  as  savage  yells 
alone  can  produce,  they  fled  for  the  little  fort  in  the  grove. 
Having  arrived,  they  found  the  balance  of  their  company, 
terrified  by  the  screams  of  the  whites  and  the  yells  of  the 
savages,  closely  shut  up  in  the  double  cabin,  into  which 
they  quickly  plunged,  and  found  the  much-needed  respite. 
The  Indians  then  prowled  around  the  grove,  shooting  nearly 
all  the  company's  horses,  and  stealing  the  balance  of  them. 
There,  from  cracks  between  the  logs  of  the  cabin,  three  In 
dians  were  shot  and  killed  in  the  act  of  reaching  for  the  reins 
of  bridles  on  horses.  They  endeavored  to  conceal  their 
bodies  by  trees  in  an  old  field  which  surrounded  the  fort ; 
but,  reaching  with  sticks  for  bridles,  they  exposed  their  heads 
and  necks,  and  all  of  them  were  shot  with  two  balls  each 
through  the  neck.  These  three,  and  the  two  killed  where 
our  men  wheeled  and  fired,  make  five  Indians  known  to  be 
killed ;  and  on  their  retreat  from  the  prairie  to  the  grove,  five 


118  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

white  men  were  cut  into  small  pieces.  The  field  of  this  action 
is  the  greatest  battle-ground  we  saw.  The  dead  still  lay 
unburied  until  after  we  arrived  at  sunrise  the  next  day.  The 
forted  men,  fifty  strong,  had  not  ventured  to  go  out  until  they 
saw  us,  when  they  rejoiced  greatly  that  friends  and  not  dreaded 
enemies  had  come.  They  looked  like  men  just  out  of  cholera, 
—  having  passed  through  the  cramping  stage.  The  only  part 
we  could  then  act  was  to  seek  the  lost  men,  and  with  hatchets 
and  hands  to  bury  them.  We  buried  the  white  men,  and 
trailed  the  dead  young  chief  where  he  had  been  drawn  on  the 
grass  a  half-mile,  and  concealed  in  the  thicket.  Those  who 
trailed  this  once  noble  warrior,  and  found  him,  were  Lincoln, 
I  think,  Wyatt,  and  myself.  By  order  of  Gen.  Atkinson,  our 
company  started  on  this  expedition  one  evening,  travelled  all 
night,  and  reached  Gratiot's  at  sunrise.  A  few  hours  after, 
Gen.  Posey  came  up  to  the  fort  with  his  brigade  of  nearly 
a  thousand  men,  when  he  positively  refused  to  pursue  the  In 
dians,  —  being  strongly  solicited  by  Capt.  Early,  Lincoln,  and 
others,  —  squads  of  Indians  still  showing  themselves  in  a 
menacing  manner  one  and  a  half  miles  distant. 

"  Our  company  was  disbanded  at  Whitewater,  Wis.,  a  short 
time  before  the  massacre  at  Bad  Axe  by  Gen.  Henry  ;  and 
most  of  our  men  started  for  home  on  the  following  morning  ; 
but  it  so  happened  that  the  night  previous  to  starting  on  this 
long  trip,  Lincoln's  horse  and  mine  were  stolen,  probably  by 
soldiers  of  our  own  army,  and  we  were  thus  compelled  to 
start  outside  the  cavalcade  ;  but  I  laughed  at  our  fate,  and  he 
joked  at  it,  and  we  all  started  off  merrily.  But  the  generous 
men  of  our  company  walked  and  rode  by  turns  with  us  ;  and 
we  fared  about  equal  with  the  rest.  But  for  this  generosity, 
our  legs  would  have  had  to  do  the  better  work ;  for  in  that 
day,  this  then  dreary  route  furnished  no  horses  to  buy  or  to 
steal ;  and,  whether  on  horse  or  afoot,  we  always  had  company, 
for  many  of  the  horses'  backs  were  too  sore  for  riding. 

"Thus  we  came  to  Peoria:  here  we  bought  a  canoe,  in 
which  we  two  paddled  our  way  to  Pekin.  The  other  mem 
bers  of  our  company,  separating  in  various  directions,  stimu- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  119 

lated  by  the  proximity  of  home,  could  never  have  consented 
to  travel  at  our  usual  tardy  mode.  At  Pekiu,  Lincoln  made 
an  oar  with  which  to  row  our  little  boat,  while  I  went 
through  the  town  in  order  to  buy  provisions  for  the  trip. 
One  of  us  pulled  away  at  the  one  oar,  while  the  other  sat 
astern  to  steer,  or  prevent  circling.  The  river  being  very 
low  was  without  current,  so  that  we  had  to  pull  hard  to  make 
half  the  speed  of  legs  on  land,  —  in  fact,  we  let  her  float  all 
night,  and  on  the  next  morning  always  found  the  objects  still 
visible  that  were  beside  us  the  previous  evening.  The  water 
was  remarkably  clear,  for  this  river  of  plants,  and  the  fish 
appeared  to  be  sporting  with  us  as  we  moved  over  or  near 
them. 

"  On  the  next  day  after  we  left  Pekin,  we  overhauled  a  raft 
of  saw-logs,  with  two  men  afloat  on  it  to  urge  it  on  with 
poles  and  to  guide  it  in  the  channel.  We  immediately  pulled 
up  to  them  and  went  on  the  raft,  where  we  were  made  wel 
come  by  various  demonstrations,  especially  by  that  of  an  invi 
tation  to  a  feast  on  fish,  corn-bread,  eggs,  butter,  and  coffee, 
just  prepared  for  our  benefit.  Of  these  good  things  we  ate 
almost  immoderately,  for  it  was  the  only  warm  meal  we  had 
made  for  several  days.  While  preparing  it,  and  after  dinner, 
Lincoln  entertained  them,  and  they  entertained  us  for  a 
couple  of  hours  very  amusingly. 

"  This  slow  mode  of  travel  was,  at  the  time,  a  new  mode, 
and  the  novelty  made  it  for  a  short  time  agreeable.  We 
descended  the  Illinois  to  Havana,  where  we  sold  our  boat, 
and  again  set  out  the  old  way,  over  the  sand-ridges  for  Peters 
burg.  As  we  drew  near  home,  the  impulse  became  stronger, 
and  urged  us  on  amazingly.  The  long  strides  of  Lincoln, 
often  slipping  back  in  the  loose  sand  six  inches  every  step, 
were  just  right  for  me  ;  and  he  was  greatly  diverted  when  he 
noticed  me  behind  him  stepping  along  in  his  tracks  to  keep 
from  slipping. 

"  About  three  days  after  leaving  the  army  at  Whitewater, 
we  saw  a  battle  in  full  operation  about  two  miles  in  advance 
of  us.  Lincoln  was  riding  a  young  horse,  the  property  of 


120  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

L.  D.  Matheny.  I  was  riding  a  sprightly  animal  belonging 
to  John  T.  Stuart.  At  the  time  we  came  in  sight  of  the 
scene,  our  two  voluntary  footmen  were  about  three-fourths 
of  a  mile  in  advance  of  us,  and  we  about  half  a  mile  behind 
most  of  our  company,  and  three  or  four  on  foot  still  behind 
us,  leading  some  sore-backed  horses.  But  the  owners  of  our 
horses  came  running  back,  and,  meeting  us  all  in  full  speed, 
rightfully  ordered  us  to  dismount.  We  obeyed :  they  mounted, 
and  all  pressed  on  toward  the  conflict,  —  they  on  horseback, 
we  on  foot.  In  a  few  moments  of  hard  walking  and  terribly 
close  observation,  Lincoln  said  to  me,  '  George,  this  can't  be 
a  very  dangerous  battle.'  Reply :  '  Much  shooting,  nothing 
falls.'  It  was  at  once  decided  to  be  a  sham  for  the  purpose 
of  training  cavalry,  instead  of  Indians  having  attacked  a  few 
white  soldiers,  and  a  few  of  our  own  men,  on  their  way  home, 
for  the  purpose  of  killing  them." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

volunteers  from  Sangamon  returned  to  their  homes 
__  shortly  before  the  State  election,  at  which,  among 
other  officers,  assembly-men  were  to  be  chosen.  Lincoln's 
popularity  had  been  greatly  enhanced  by  his  service  in  the 
war,  and  some  of  his  friends  urged  him  with  warm  solicita 
tions  to  become  a  candidate  at  the  coming  election.  He  pru 
dently  resisted,  and  declined  to  consent,  alleging  in  excuse  his 
limited  acquaintance  in  the  county  at  large,  until  Mr.  James 
Rutledge,  the  founder  of  New  Salem,  added  the  weight  of 
his  advice  to  the  nearly  unanimous  desire  of  the  neighborhood. 
It  is  quite  likely  that  his  recent  military  career  was  thought 
to  furnish  high  promise  of  usefulness  in  civil  affairs  ;  but  Mr. 
Rutledge  was  sure  that  he  saw  another  proof  of  his  great 
abilities  in  a  speech  which  Abe  was  induced  to  make,  just 
about  this  time,  before  the  New-Salem  Literary  Society.  The 
following  is  an  account  of  this  speech  by  R.  B.  Rutledge,  the 
son  of  James:  — 

"  About  the  year  1832  or  1833,  Mr.  Lincoln  made  his  first 
effort  at  public  speaking.  A  debating  club,  of  which  James 
Rutledge  was  president,  was  organized,  and  held  regular 
meetings.  As  he  arose  to  speak,  his  tall  form  towered  above 
the  little  assembly.  Both  hands  were  thrust  down  deep  in 
the  pockets  of  his  pantaloons.  A  perceptible  smile  at  once 
lit  up  the  faces  of  the  audience,  for  all  anticipated  the  rela 
tion  of  some  humorous  story.  But  he  opened  up  the  discus 
sion  in  splendid  style,  to  the  infinite  astonishment  of  his 
friends.  As  he  warmed  with  his  subject,  his  hands  would 

121 


122  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

forsake  his  pockets  and  would  enforce  his  ideas  by  awkward 
gestures,  but  would  very  soon  seek  .their  easy  resting-places. 
He  pursued  the  question  with  reason  and  argument  so  pithy 
and  forcible  that  all  were  amazed.  The  president  at  his  fire 
side,  after  the  meeting,  remarked  to  his  wife,  that  there  was 
more  in  Abe's  head  than  wit  and  fun  ;  that  he  was  already  a 
fine  speaker ;  that  all  he  lacked  was  culture  to  enable  him  to 
reach  the  high  destiny  which  he  knew  was  in  store  for  him. 
From  that  time  Mr.  Rutledge  took  a  deeper  interest  in  him. 

"  Soon  after  Mr.  Rutledge  urged  him  to  announce  himself 
as  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  This  he  at  first  declined 
to  do,  averring  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  elected.  It  was 
suggested  that  a  canvass  of  the  county  would  bring  him 
prominently  before  the  people,  and  in  time  would  do  him 
good.  He  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  his  friends, 
and  made  a  partial  canvass." 

In  those  days  political  animosities  were  fierce  enough ;  but, 
owing  to  the  absence  of  nominating  conventions,  party  lines 
were  not,  as  yet,  very  distinctly  drawn  in  Illinois.  Candi 
dates  announced  themselves ;  but,  usually,  it  was  done  after 
full  consultation  with  influential  friends,  or  persons  of  con 
siderable  power  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  candidate's  resi 
dence.  We  have  already  seen  the  process  by  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  induced  to  come  forward.  There  were  often 
secret  combinations  among  a  number  of  candidates,  securing 
a  mutual  support ;  but  in  the  present  case  there  is  no  trace 
of  such  an  understanding. 

This  (1832)  was  the  year  of  Gen.  Jackson's  election.  The 
Democrats  stigmatized  their  opponents  as  "  Federalists,"  while 
the  latter  were  steadily  struggling  to  shuffle  off  the  odious 
name.  For  the  present  they  called  themselves  Democratic 
Republicans ;  and  it  was  not  until  1833  or  1834,  that  they 
formally  took  to  themselves  the  designation  of  Whig.  The 
Democrats  were  known  better  as  Jackson  men  than  as  Demo 
crats,  and  were  inexpressibly  proud  of  either  name.  Four  or 
five  years  afterward  their  enemies  invented  for  their  benefit 
the  meaningless  and  hideous  word  "  Locofoco." 


LIFE   OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.  123 

Since  1826  every  general  election  in  the  State  had  resulted 
in  a  Democratic  victory.  «The  young  men  were  mostly  Demo 
crats;  and  the  most  promising  talents  in  the  State  were 
devoted  to  the  cause,  which  seemed  destined  to  achieve  suc 
cess  wherever  there  was  a  contest.  In  a  new  country  largely 
peopled  by  adventurers  from  older  States,  there  were  neces 
sarily  found  great  numbers  who  would  attach  themselves  to 
the  winning  side  merely  because  it  was  the  winning  side. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  restate  here  the  prevailing  questions  in 
national  politics,  —  Jackson's  stupendous  struggle  with  the 
bank,  "  hard  money,"  "  no  monopoly,"  internal  improvements, 
the  tariff,  and  nullification,  or  the  personal  and  political  rela 
tions  of  the  chieftains,  —  Jackson,  Clay,  and  Calhoun.  Mr. 
Lincoln  will  shortly  disclose  in  one  of  his  speeches  from  the 
stump  which  of  those  questions  were  of  special  interest  to 
the  people  of  Illinois,  and  consequently  which  of  them  prin 
cipally  occupied  his  own  attention. 

The  Democrats  were  divided  into  "  whole-hog  men  "  and 
"nominal  Jackson  men;"  the  former  being  thoroughly 
devoted  to  the  fortunes  and  principles  of  their  leader,  while 
the  latter  were  willing  to  trim  a  little  for  the  sake  of  popular 
support.  It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Lincoln  might  be  fairly 
classed  as  a  "  nominal  Jackson  man,"  although  the  precise 
character  of  some  of  the  views  he  then  held,  or  is  supposed 
to  have  held,  on  national  questions,  is  involved  in  considerable 
doubt.  He  had  not  wholly  forgotten  Jones,  or  Jones's  teach 
ings.  He  still  remembered  his  high  disputes  with  Offutt  in 
the  shanty  at  Spring  Creek,  when  he  effectually  defended 
Jackson  against  the  "  abuse  "  of  his  employer.  He  was  not 
Whig,  but  "  Whiggish,"  as  Dennis  Hanks  expresses  it.  It  is 
not  likely  that  a  man  who  deferred  so  habitually  to  the  popular 
sentiment  around  him  would  have  selected  the  occasion  of 
his  settlement  in  a  new  place  to  go  over  bodily  to  a  hopeless 
political  minority.  At  all  events,  we  have  at  least  three  un 
disputed  facts,  which  make  it  plain  that  he  then  occupied  an 
intermediate  position  between  the  extremes  of  all  parties. 
First,  he  received  the  votes  of  all  parties  at  New  Salem ;  sec- 


124  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ond,  he  was  the  next  year  appointed  postmaster  by  Gen. 
Jackson ;  and,  third,  the  Democrats  ran  him  for  the  legis 
lature  two  years  afterwards  ;  and  he  was  elected  by  a  larger 
majority  than  any  other  candidate. 

"  Our  old  way  of  conducting  elections,"  says  Gov.  Ford, 
"  required  each  aspirant  to  announce  himself  as  a  candidate. 
The  most  prudent,  however,  always  consulted  a  little  caucus 
of  select,  influential  friends.  The  candidates  then  travelled 
around  the  county,  or  State,  in  proper  person,  making 
speeches,  conversing  with  the  people,  soliciting  votes,  whis 
pering  slanders  against  their  opponents,  and  defending  them 
selves  against  the  attacks  of  their  adversaries  ;  but  it  was 
not  always  best  to  defend  against  such  attacks.  A  candidate 
in  a  fair  way  to  be  elected  should  never  deny  any  charge 
made  against  him  ;  for,  if  he  does,  his  adversaries  will  prove 
all  that  they  have  said,  and  much  more.  As  a  candidate  did 
not  offer  himself  as  the  champion  of  any  party,  he  usually 
agreed  with  all  opinions,  and  promised  every  thing  demanded 
by  the  people,  and  most  usually  promised,  either  directly 
or  indirectly,  his  support  to  all  the  other  candidates  at  the 
same  election.  One  of  the  arts  was  to  raise  a  quarrel  with 
unpopular  men  who  were  odious  to  the  people,  and  then  try 
to  be  elected  upon  the  unpopularity  of  others,  as  well  as  upon 
his  own  popularity.  These  modes  of  electioneering  were  not 
true  of  all  the  candidates,  nor  perhaps  of  half  of  them,  very 
many  of  them  being  gentlemen  of  first-class  integrity." 

That  portion  of  the  people  whose  influence  lay  in  their 
fighting  qualities,  and  who  were  prone  to  carry  a  huge  knife 
in  the  belt  of  the  hunting-shirt,  were  sometimes  called  the 
"  butcher-knife  boys,"  and  sometimes  "  the  half-horse  and 
half-alligator  men."  This  class,  according  to  Gov.  Ford, 
"  made  a  kind  of  balance-of-power  party."  Their  favorite 
was  sure  of  success  ;  and  nearly  all  political  contests  were 
decided  by  "  butcher-knife  influence."  "  In  all  elections  and 
in  all  enactments  of  the  Legislature,  great  pains  were  taken 
by  all  candidates,  and  all  men  in  office,  to  make  their  course 
and  measures  acceptable  "  to  these  knights  of  steel  and  muscle. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  125 

At  a  later  date  they  enjoyed  a  succession  of  titles,  such  as 
"  barefoot  boys,"  "  the  flat-footed  boys,"  and  "  the  big-pawed 
boys." 

In  those  times,  Gov.  Ford  avers  that  he  has  seen  all  the 
rum-shops  and  groceries  of  the  principal  places  of  a  county 
chartered  by  candidates,  and  kept  open  for  the  gratuitous 
accommodation  of  the  free  and  independent  electors  for  sev 
eral  weeks  before  the  vote.  Every  Saturday  afternoon  the 
people  flocked  to  the  county-seat,  to  see  the  candidates,  to 
hear  speeches,  to  discuss  prospects,  to  get  drunk  and  fight. 
"  Toward  evening  they  would  mount  their  ponies,  go  reeling 
from  side  to  side,  galloping  through  town,  and  throwing  up 
their  caps  and  hats,  screeching  like  so  many  infernal  spirits 
broke  loose  from  their  nether  prison ;  and  thus  they  sepa 
rated  for  their  homes."  These  observations  occur  in  Ford's 
account  of  the  campaign  of  1830,  which  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  Gov.  Reynolds,  —  two  years  before  Mr.  Lincoln 
first  became  a  candidate,  —  and  lead  us  to  suppose  that  the 
body  of  electors  before  whom  that  gentleman  presented 
himself  were  none  too  cultivated  or  refined. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  first  appearance  on  the  stump,  in  the  course 
of  the  canvass,  was  at  Pappsville,  about  eleven  miles  west 
of  Springfield,  upon  the  occasion  of  a  public  sale  by  the 
firm  of  Poog  &  Knap.  The  sale  over,  speech-making  was 
about  to  begin,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  observed  strong  symptoms 
of  inattention  in  his  audience,  who  had  taken  that  particular 
moment  to  engage  in  what  Mr.  James  A.  Herndon  pronounces 
"  a  general  fight."  Lincoln  saw  that  one  of  his  friends  was 
suffering  more  than  he  liked  in  the  mel£e  ;  and,  stepping  into 
the  crowd,  he  shouldered  them  sternly  away  from  his  man, 
until  he  met  a  fellow  whj  refused  to  fall  back :  him  he  seized 
by  the  nape  of  the  neck  and  the  seat  of  his  breeches,  and 
tossed  him  "  ten  or  twelve  feet  easily."  After  this  episode, 
—  as  characteristic  of  him  as  of  the  times,  —  he  mounted  the 
platform,  and  delivered,  with  awkward  modesty,  the  follow 
ing  speech :  — 

"  Gentlemen  and  Fellow-Citizens,  I  presume  you  all  know 


126  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

who  I  am.  I  am  humble  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  have  been 
solicited  by  many  friends  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  Legis 
lature.  My  politics  are  short  and  sweet,  like  the  old  woman's 
dance.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  national  bank.  I  am  in  favor  of 
the  internal-improvement  system  and  a  high  protective  tariff. 
These  are  my  sentiments  and  political  principles.  If  elected, 
I  shall  be  thankful ;  if  not,  it  will  be  all  the  same." 

In  these  few  sentences  Mr.  Lincoln  adopted  the  leading 
principles  of  the  Whig  party,  —  Clay's  "American  System  "  in 
full.  In  his  view,  as  we  shall  see  by  another  paper  from  him 
when  again  a  candidate  in  1834,  the  internal-improvement 
system  required  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
of  the  public  lands  amongst  the  States.  He  says  nothing  of 
South  Carolina,  of  nullification,  of  disunion ;  and  on  these 
subjects  it  is  quite  probable  his  views  were  like  Mr.  Webster's, 
and  his  sympathies  with  Jackson.  The  opinions  announced 
in  this  speech,  on  all  the  subjects  touched  by  the  speaker,  were 
as  emphatically  Whig  as  they  could  be  made  in  words ;  yet 
as  far  as  they  related  to  internal  improvements,  and  indirectly 
favored  the  increase  of  bank  issues,  they  were  such  as  most 
of  the  "  nominal  Jackson  men  "  in  Illinois  professed  to  hold, 
and  such  as  they  united  with  the  Whigs  to  enforce,  then  and 
afterwards,  in  the  State  Legislature.  The  "  whole-hog  men  " 
would  have  none  of  them,  and  therein  lay  the  distinction. 
Although  the  Democratic  party  continued  to  have  a  numerical 
majority  for  many  years  in  the  Legislature,  the  nominal  men 
and  the  Whigs  coalesced  to  control  legislation  in  accordance 
with  Whig  doctrines.  Even  with  such  a  record  made  and 
making  by  them,  the  "  nominal  men  "  persisted  in  calling 
themselves  Democrats,  while  Jackson  was  vetoing  the  Mays- 
ville  Road  Bill,  grappling  with  the  National  Bank,  and  expos 
ing  the  oppressive  character  of  the  Tariff  Act  then  in  force, 
which  imposed  the  highest  scale  of  duties  since  the  first  enact 
ment  for  "  protection  "  in  1816.  It  was  their  practice  to  run 
men  like  themselves  for  the  State  offices  where  the  chances 
of  a  plain-spoken  Whig  were  hopeless  ;  and,  by  means  of  the 
"nominal"  character  of  the  candidate,  secure  enough  Demo- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  127 

cratic  votes,  united  with  the  Whigs,  to  elect  him.  In  the  very 
next  canvass  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  was  taken  up  by  such  a  com 
bination  and  triumphantly  elected.  Such  things  were  made 
feasible  by  the  prevalent  mode  of  making  nominations  with 
out  the  salutary  intervention  of  regular  party  conventions 
and  committees.  We  repeat  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  position  was 
midway  between  the  extremes  in  local  politics. 

His  i'riend,  Mr.  A.  Y.  Ellis,  who  was  with  him  during  a 
part  of  this  campaign,  says,  "  He  wore  a  mixed  jeans  coat, 
claw-hammer  style,  short  in  the  sleeves,  and  bobtail,  — in  fact, 
it  was  so  short  in  the  tail  he  could  not  sit  on  it,  — flax  and  tow 
linen  pantaloons,  and  a  straw  hat.  I  think  he  wore  a  vest, 
but  do  not  remember  how  it  looked.  He  then  wore  pot-metal 
boots. 

"  I  accompanied  him  on  one  of  his  electioneering  trips  to 
Island  Grove ;  and  he  made  a  speech  which  pleased  his  party 
friends  very  well  indeed,  though  some  of  the  Jackson  men 
tried  to  make  sport  of  it.  He  told  several  anecdotes  in  his 
speech,  and  applied  them,  as  I  thought,  very  well.  He  also 
told  the  boys  several  stories  which  drew  them  after  him.  I 
remember  them ;  but  modesty  and  ray  veneration  for  his  mem 
ory  forbid  me  to  relate  them." 

Mr.  J.  R.  Herndon,  his  friend  and  landlord,  heard  him 
make  several  speeches  about  this  time,  and  gives  us  the  fol 
lowing  extract  from  one,  which  seems  to  have  made  a  special 
impression  upon  the  minds  of  his  auditors :  "  Fellow-citizens, 
I  have  been  told  that  some  of  my  opponents  have  said  that  it 
was  a  disgrace  to  the  county  of  Sangamon  to  have  such  a  look 
ing  man  as  I  am  stuck  up  for  the  Legislature.  Now,  I  thought 
this  was  a  free  country  :  that  is  the  reason  I  address  you  to 
day.  Had  I  have  known  to  the  contrary,  I  should  not  have 
consented  to  run  ;  but  I  will  say  one  thing,  let  the  shoe  pinch 
where  it  may :  when  I  have  been  a  candidate  before  you  some 
five  or  six  times,  and  have  been  beaten  every  time,  I  will  con 
sider  it  a  disgrace,  and  will  be  sure  never  to  try  it  again  ;  but 
I  am  bound  to  beat  that  man  if  I  am  beat  myself.  Mark 
that !  " 


128  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

These  were  not  the  only  speeches  he  made  in  furtherance 
of  his  pi  esent  claims,  but  they  are  all  of  which  we  have  any 
intelligible  account.  There  was  one  subject  upon  which  he 
felt  himself  peculiarly  competent  to  speak,  —  the  practical 
application  of  the  "  internal-improvement  system  "  to  the 
river  which  flowed  by  the  doors  of  the  constituency  he 
addressed.  He  firmly  believed  in  the  right  of  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  or  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  appro 
priate  the  public  money  to  local  improvements  for  the  sole 
advantage  of  limited  districts ;  and  that  he  believed  it  good 
policy  to  exercise  the  right,  his  subsequent  conduct  in  the 
Legislature,  and  an  elaborate  speech  in  Congress,  are  sufficient 
proof.  In  this  doctrine  he  had  the  almost  unanimous  support 
of  the  people  of  Illinois.  Almost  every  man  in  the  State  was 
a  speculator  in  town  lots  or  lands.  Even  the  farmers  had 
taken  up  or  held  the  very  lands  they  tilled  with  a  view  to  a 
speculation  in  the  near  future.  Long  after  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  South  and  East,  leaving  Mr.  Calhoun  in  a  state  of 
isolation,  had  begun  to  inculcate  different  views  of  constitu 
tional  power  and  duty,  it  was  a  dangerous  thing  for  a  politi 
cian  in  Illinois  to  intimate  his  agreement  with  them.  Mr. 
Lincoln  knew  well  that  the  policy  of  local  improvement  at 
the  general  expense  was  at  that  moment  decidedly  the  most 
popular  platform  he  could  mount ;  but  he  felt  that  this  was  not 
enough  for  his  individual  purposes,  since  it  was  no  invention 
of  his,  and  belonged  to  nearly  everybody  else  as  much  as  to 
him.  He  therefore  prudently  ingrafted  upon  it  a  hobby  of 
his  own :  "  The  Improvement  of  the  Sangamon  River,"  —  a 
plan  to  straighten  it  by  means  of  cuts,  to  clear  out  its  obstruc 
tions,  and  make  it  a  commercial  highway  at  the  cost  of  the 
State.  That  the  idea  was  nearly,  if  not  quite  impracticable, 
the  trip  of  "  The  Talisman  "  under  Mr.  Lincoln's  piloting, 
and  the  fact  that  the  river  remained  unimproved  during  all 
the  years  of  the  "  internal-improvement "  mania,  would  seem 
to  be  pretty  clear  evidence.  But  the  theme  was  agreeable  to 
the  popular  ear,  and  had  been  dear  to  Lincoln  from  the 
moment  he  laid  his  eyes  on  the  Sangamon.  It  was  the  great 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  129 

topic  of  his  speech  against  Posey  and  Ewing  in  Macon  County, 
when,  under  the  auspices  of  John  Hanks,  he  "  beat  "  those 
professional  politicians  so  completely  that  they  applauded  him 
themselves.  His  experience  in  navigating  the  river  was  not 
calculated  to  make  him  forget  it,  and  it  had  occupied  his 
thoughts  more  or  less  from  that  day  forward.  Now  that  it 
might  be  turned  to  good  use,  where  he  was  personally  inter 
ested,  he  set  about  preparing  a  written  address  on  it,  and  on 
some  other  questions  of  local  interest,  upon  which  he  bestowed 
infinite  pains.  The  "  grammatical  errors  "  in  the  first  draft 
were  corrected  by  Mr.  McNamar,  the  pioneer  of  New  Salem 
as  a  business  point,  and  the  gentleman  who  was  destined  to 
be  Mr.  Lincoln's  rival  in  the  most  important  love-affair  of  his 
life.  He  may  have  consulted  the  schoolmaster  also ;  but,  if  he 
had  done  so,  it  is  hardly  to  be  surmised  that  the  schoolmaster 
would  have  left  so  important  a  fact  out  of  his  written  remi 
niscences.  It  is  more  probable  that  Mr.  Lincoln  confined  his 
applications  for  assistance  on  this  most  important  matter  to 
the  quarter  where  he  could  get  light  on  politics  as  well  as 
grammar.  However  that  may  have  been,  the  following  is  the 
finished  paper :  — 

To  THE  PEOPLE  OF  SANGAMON  COUNTY. 

Fellow- Citizens,  —  Having  become  a  candidate  for  the 
honorable  office  of  one  of  your  Representatives  in  the  next 
General  Assembly  of  this  State,  in  accordance  with  an  estab 
lished  custom  and  the  principles  of  true  republicanism,  it 
becomes  my  duty  to  make  known  to  you,  the  people,  whom 
I  propose  to  represent,  my  sentiments  with  regard  to  local 
affairs. 

Time  and  experience  have  verified  to  a  demonstration  the 
public  utility  of  internal  improvements.  That  the  poorest  and 
most  thinly-populated  countries  would  be  greatly  benefited  by 
the  opening  of  good  roads,  and  in  the  clearing  of  navigable 
streams  within  their  limits,  is  what  no  person  will  deny.  Yet 
it  is  folly  to  undertake  works  of  this  or  any  other  kind,  with 
out  first  knowing  that  we  are  able  to  finish  them,  — as  half- 


130  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

finished  work  generally  proves  to  be  labor  lost.  There  cannot 
justly  be  any  objection  to  having  railroads  and  canals,  any 
more  than  to  other  good  things,  provided  they  cost  nothing. 
The  only  objection  is  to  paying  for  them ;  and  the  objection 
arises  from  the  want  of  ability  to  pay. 

With  respect  to  the  County  of  Sangamon,  some  more  easy 
means  of  communication  than  it  now  possesses,  for  the  purpose 
of  facilitating  the  task  of  exporting  the  surplus  products  of  its 
fertile  soil,  and  importing  necessary  articles  from  abroad,  are 
indispensably  necessary.  A  meeting  has  been  held  of  the 
citizens  of  Jacksonville  and  the  adjacent  country,  for  the 
purpose  of  deliberating  and  inquiring  into  the  expediency 
of  constructing  a  railroad  from  some  eligible  point  on  the 
Illinois  River,  through  the  town  of  Jacksonville,  in  Morgan 
County,  to  the  town  of  Springfield,  in  Sangamon  County. 
This  is,  indeed,  a  very  desirable  object.  No  other  improve 
ment  that  reason  will  justify  us  in  hoping  for  can  equal  in 
utility  the  railroad.  It  is  a  never-failing  source  of  communi 
cation  between  places  of  business  remotely  situated  from  each 
other.  Upon  the  railroad  the  regular  progress  of  commercial 
intercourse  is  not  interrupted  by  either  high  or  low  water,  or 
freezing  weather,  which  are  the  principal  difficulties  that 
render  our  future  hopes  of  water  communication  precarious 
and  uncertain. 

Yet  however  desirable  an  object  the  construction  of  a 
railroad  through  our  country  may  be ;  however  high  our 
imaginations  may  be  heated  at  thoughts  of  it,  —  there  is 
always  a  heart-appalling  shock  accompanying  the  account 
of  its  cost,  which  forces  us  to  shrink  from  our  pleasing  antici 
pations.  The  probable  cost  of  this  contemplated  railroad  is 
estimated  at  $290,000 ;  the  bare  statement  of  which,  in  my 
opinion,  is  sufficient  to  justify  the  belief  that  the  improvement 
of  the  Sangamon  River  is  an  object  much  better  suited  to  our 
infant  resources. 

Respecting  this  view,  I  think  I  may  say,  without  the  fear 
of  being  contradicted,  that  its  navigation  may  be  rendered 
completely  practicable  as  high  as  the  mouth  of  the  South 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  131 

Fork,  or  probably  higher,  to  vessels  of  from  twenty-five  to 
thirty  tons'  burden,  for  at  least  one-half  of  all  common  years, 
and  to  vessels  of  much  greater  burden  a  part  of  the  time. 
From  my  peculiar  circumstances,  it  is  probable,  that  for  the 
last  twelve  months  I  have  given  as  particular  attention  to 
the  stage  of  the  water  in  this  river  as  any  other  person  in 
the  country.  In  the  month  of  March,  1831,  in  company  with 
others,  I  commenced  the  building  of  a  flatboat  on  the  Sanga- 
mon,  and  finished  and  took  her  out  in  the  course  of  the 
spring.  Since  that  time  I  have  been  concerned  in  the  mill  at 
New  Salem.  These  circumstances  are  sufficient  evidence  that 
I  have  not  been  very  inattentive  to  the  stages  of  the  water. 
The  time  at  which  we  crossed  the  mill-dam  being  in  the  last 
days  of  April,  the  water  was  lower  than  it  had  been  since 
the  breaking  of  winter  in  February,  or  than  it  was  for  several 
weeks  after.  The  principal  difficulties  we  encountered  in 
descending  the  river  were  from  the  drifted  timber,  which 
obstructions  all  know  are  not  difficult  to  be  removed.  Know 
ing  almost  precisely  the  height  of  water  at  that  time,  I 
believe  I  am  safe  in  saying  that  it  has  as  often  been  higher  as 
lower  since. 

From  this  view  of  the  subject,  it  appears  that  my  calcula 
tions  with  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the  Sangamon  cannot 
but  be  founded  in  reason ;  but,  whatever  may  be  its  natural 
advantages,  certain  it  is,  that  it  never  can  be  practically  useful 
to  any  great  extent,  without  being  greatly  improved  by  art. 
The  drifted  timber,  as  I  have  before  mentioned,  is  the  most 
formidable  barrier  to  this  object.  Of  all  parts  of  this  river, 
none  will  require  so  much  labor  in  proportion  to  make  it 
navigable,  as  the  last  thirty  or  thirty-five  miles ;  and  going 
with  the  meanderings  of  the  channel,  when  we  are  this 
distance  above  its  mouth  we  are  only  between  twelve  and 
eighteen  miles  above  Beardstown,  in  something  near  a 
straight  direction  ;  and  this  route  is  upon  such  low  ground  as 
to  retain  water  in  many  places  during  the  season,  and  in  all 
parts  such  as  to  draw  two-thirds  or  three-fourths  of  the  river- 
water  at  all  high  stages. 


132  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

This  route  is  on  prairie  land  the  whole  distance  ;  so  that  it 
appears  to  me,  by  removing  the  turf  a  sufficient  -width,  and 
damming  up  the  old  channel,  the  whole  river  in  a  short  time 
would  wash  its  way  through,  thereby  curtailing  the  distance, 
and  increasing  the  velocity  of  the  current,  very  considerably : 
while  there  would  be  no  timber  on  the  banks  to  obstruct  its 
navigation  in  future ;  and,  being  nearly  straight,  the  timber 
which  might  float  in  at  the  head  would  be  apt  to  go  clear 
through.  There  are  also  many  places  above  this  where  the 
river,  in  its  zigzag  course,  forms  such  complete  peninsulas, 
as  to  be  easier  to  cut  at  the  necks  than  to  remove  the  obstruc 
tions  from  the  bends,  which,  if  done,  would  also  lessen  the 
distance. 

What  the  cost  of  this  work  would  be,  I  am  unable  to  say. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  it  would  not  be  greater  than  is 
common  to  streams  of  the  same  length.  Finally,  I  believe 
the  improvement  of  the  Sangamon  River  to  be  vastly  important 
and  highly  desirable  to  the  people  of  the  county ;  and,  if 
elected,  any  measure  in  the  Legislature  having  this  for  its 
object,  which  may  appear  judicious,  will  meet  my  appro 
bation  and  shall  receive  my  support. 

It  appears  that  the  practice  of  drawing  money  at  exor 
bitant  rates  of  interest  has  already  been  opened  as  a  field 
for  discussion ;  so  I  suppose  I  may  enter  upon  it  without 
claiming  the  honor,  or  risking  the  danger,  which  may  await  its 
first  explorer.  It  seems  as  though  we  are  never  to  have  an 
end  to  this  baneful  and  corroding  system,  acting  almost  as 
prejudicial  to  the  general  interests  of  the  community  as  a 
direct  tax  of  several  thousand  dollars  annually  laid  on  each 
county,  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  individuals  only,  unless  there 
be  a  law  made  fixing  the  limits  of  usury.  A  law  for  this 
purpose,  I  am  of  opinion,  may  be  made,  without  materially 
injuring  any  class  of  people.  In  cases  of  extreme  necessity, 
there  could  always  be  means  found  to  cheat  the  law ;  while 
in  all  other  cases  it  would  have  its  intended  effect.  I  would 
favor  the  passage  of  a  law  on  this  subject  which  might  not  be 
very  easily  evaded.  Let  it  be  such  that  the  labor  and  difii- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  133 

culty  of  evading  it  could  only  be  justified  in  cases  of  greatest 
necessity.1 

Upon  the  subject  of  education,  not  presuming  to  dictate 
any  plan  or  system  respecting  it,  I  can  only  say  that  I  view 
it  as  the  most  important  subject  which  we  as  a  people  can  be 
engaged  in.  That  every  man  may  receive  at  least  a  moderate 
education,  and  thereby  be  enabled  to  read  the  histories  of  his 
own  and  other  countries,  by  which  he  may  duly  appreciate 
the  value  of  our  free  institutions,  appears  to  be  an  object 
of  vital  importance,  even  on  this  account  alone,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  advantages  and  satisfaction  to  be  derived  from 
all  being  able  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  other  works,  both 
of  a  religious  and  moral  nature,  for  themselves. 

For  my  part,  I  desire  to  see  the  time  when  education — and, 
by  its  means,  morality,  sobriety,  enterprise,  and  industry  — 
shall  become  much  more  general  than  at  present,  and  should 
be  gratified  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  contribute  something 
to  the  advancement  of  any  measure  which  might  have  a 
tendency  to  accelerate  the  happy  period. 

With  regard  to  existing  laws,  some  alterations  are  thought 
to  be  necessary.  Many  respectable  men  have  suggested  that 
our  estray  laws  —  the  law  respecting  the  issuing  of  execu 
tions,  the  road-law,  and  some  others  —  are  deficient  in  their 
present  form,  and  require  alterations.  But,  considering  the 
great  probability  that  the  framers  of  those  laws  were  wiser 
than  myself,  I  should  prefer  not  meddling  with  them,  unless 
they  were  first  attacked  by  others ;  in  which  case  I  should 
feel  it  both  a  privilege  and  a  duty  to  take  that  stand,  which, 
in  my  view,  might  tend  most  to  the  advancement  of  justice. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  I  shall  conclude.  Considering  the 
great  degree  of  modesty  which  should  always  attend  youth, 

1  Until  the  year  1833  there  had  been  no  legal  limit  to  the  rate  of  interest  to  be  fixed  by 
contract.  But  usury  had  been  carried  to  such  an  unprecedented  degree  of  extortion  and 
oppression  as  to  cause  the  Legislature  to  enact  severe  usury  laws,  by  which  all  interest 
above  twelve  per. cent  was  condemned.  It  had  been  no  uncommon  thing  before  this  to 
charge  one  hundred  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  and  sometimes  two  and  three 
hundred  per  cent.  But  the  common  rate  of  interest,  by  contract,  had  beeu  about  fifty  per 
cent.  —  ford's  History,  page  203. 


134  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

it  is  probable  I  have  already  been  more  presuming  than 
becomes  me.  However,  upon  the  subjects  of  which  I  have 
treated,  I  have  spoken  as  I  have  thought.  I  may  be  wrong 
in  regard  to  any  or  all  of  them ;  but,  holding  it  a  sound 
maxim,  that  it  is  better  only  sometimes  to  be  right  than  at 
all  times  wrong,  so  soon  as  I  discover  my  opinions  to  be  erro 
neous,  I  shall  be  ready  to  renounce  them. 

Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition.  Whether 
it  be  true  or  not,  I  can  say,  for  one,  that  I  have  no  other  so 
great  as  that  of  being  truly  esteemed  of  my  fellow-men,  by 
rendering  myself  worthy  of  their  esteem.  How  far  I  shall 
succeed  in  gratifying  this  ambition  is  yet  to  be  developed.  I 
am  young,  and  unknown  to  many  of  you.  I  was  born,  and 
have  ever  remained,  in  the  most  humble  walks  of  life.  I 
have  no  wealthy  or  popular  relations  or  friends  to  recommend. 
My  case  is  thrown  exclusively  upon  the  independent  voters 
of  the  county;  and,  if  elected,  they  will  have  conferred  a  favor 
upon  me,  for  which  I  shall  be  unremitting  in  my  labors  to 
compensate.  But,  if  the  good  people  in  their  wisdom  shall 
see  fit  to  keep  me  in  the  background,  I  have  been  too  famil 
iar  with  disappointments  to  be  very  much  chagrined. 

Your  Friend  and  Fellow-Citizen, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

NEW  SALEM,  March  9,  1832. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  defeated  at  the  election,  having  four  hun 
dred  and  seventy  votes  less  than  the  candidate  who  had  the 
highest  number.  But  his  disappointment  was  softened  by  the 
action  of  his  immediate  neighbors,  who  gave  him  an  almost 
unanimous  support.  With  three  solitary  exceptions,  he 
received  the  whole  vote  of  his  precinct,  —  two  hundred  and 
seventy-seven,  —  being  one  more  than  the  whole  number  cast 
for  both  the  candidates  for  Congress. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

rTIHE  results  of  the  canvass  for  the  Legislature  were  pre- 
_JL  cisely  such  as  had  been  predicted,  both  by  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  Mr.  Rutledge :  he  had  been  defeated,  as  he  expected  him 
self ;  and  it  had  done  "him  much  good,"  in  the  politician's 
sense,  as  promised  by  Mr.  Rutledge.  He  was  now  somewhat 
acquainted  with  the  people  outside  of  the  New  Salem  district, 
and  generally  marked  as  a  young  man  of  good  parts  and  popu 
lar  manners.  The  vote  given  him  at  home  demonstrated  his 
local  strength,  and  made  his  favor  a  thing  of  value  to  the 
politicians  of  all  parties. 

Soon  after  his  return  from  the  army,  he  had  taken  quarters 
at  the  house  of  J.  R.  Herndon,  who  loved  him  then,  and 
always,  with  as  much  sincerity  as  one  man  can  love  another. 
Mr.  Herndon's  family  likewise  "became  much  attached  to 
him."  He  "  nearly  always  had  one  "  of  Herndon's  children 
"around  with  him."  Mr.  Herndon  says  of  him  further, 
that  he  was  "  at  home  wherever  he  went ; "  making  himself 
wonderfully  agreeable  to  the  people  he  lived  with,  or  whom 
he  happened  to  be  visiting.  Among  other  things,  "  he  was 
very  kind  to  the  widow  and  orphan,  and  chopped  their 
wood." 

Lincoln,  as  we  have  seen  already,  was  not  enamored  of  the 
life  of  a  common  laborer,  —  mere  hewing  and  drawing.  He 
preferred  to  clerk,  to  go  to  war,  to  enter  politics,  —  any 
thing  but  that  dreary  round  of  daily  toil  and  poor  pay.  But 
he  was  now,  as  he  would  say,  "  in  a  fix :  "  clerks  were  not 
wanted  every  day  in  New  Salem,  and  he  began  to  cast  about 

135 


136  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

for  some  independent  business  of  his  own,  by  which  he  could 
earn  enough  to  pay  board  and  buy  books.  In  every  commu 
nity  where  he  had  lived,  "  the  merchant "  had  been  the  prin 
cipal  man.  He  felt  that,  in  view  of  his  apprenticeship  under 
those  great  masters,  Jones  and  Offutt,  he  was  fully  competent 
f;o  "  run  a  store,"  and  was  impatient  to  find  an  opening  in 
vhat  line. 

Unfortunately  for  him,  the  circumstances  of  the  business 
men  of  New  Salem  were  just  then  peculiarly  favorable  to  his 
views.  At  least  three  of  them  were  as  anxious  to  sell  out  as 
Lincoln  was  to  buy. 

Lincoln,  as  already  stated,  was  at  this  time  living  with 
"  Row  "  Herndon.  Row  and  his  brother  "  Jim  "  had  taken 
"  a  store  down  to  New  Salem  early  in  that  year."  But  Jim 
"didn't  like  the  place,"  and  sold  out  his  interests  to  an  idle, 
convivial  fellow,  named  Berry.  Six  weeks  later  Row  Hern 
don  grew  tired  of  his  new  partner,  and  sold  his  interest  to 
Lincoln.  The  store  was  a  mixed  one,  —  dry  goods  and  gro 
ceries. 

About  the  same  time  Mr.  Radford,  who  kept  one  of  the 
New  Salem  groceries,  fell  into  disfavor  with  the  "  Clary's 
Grove  Boj^s,"  who  generously  determined  that  he  should 
keep  a  grocery  no  longer.  They  accordingly  selected  a  con 
venient  night  for  breaking  in  his  windows,  and,  in  their  own 
elegant  phrase,  "  gutting  his  establishment."  Convinced  that 
these  neighborly  fellows  were  inclined  to  honor  him  with  fur 
ther  attentions,  and  that  his  bones  might  share  the  fate  of  his 
windows,  Radford  determined  to  sell  out  with  the  earliest 
dawn  of  the  coming  day.  The  next  day  he  was  standing 
disconsolate  in  the  midst  of  his  wreck,  when  Bill  Green  rode 
up.  Green  thought  he  saw  a  speculation  in  Radford's  dis 
tress,  and  offered  him  four  hundred  dollars  for  the  whole  con 
cern.  Radford  eagerly  closed  with  him  ;  and  in  a  few  minutes 
Green  owned  the  grocery,  and  Radford  was  ready  for  the 
road  to  a  more  congenial  settlement.  It  is  said  that  Green 
employed  Lincoln  to  make  an  inventory  of  the  stock.  At  all 
events,  Lincoln  was  satisfied  that  Green's  bargain  was  a  very 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  137 

good  one,  and  proposed  that  he  and  Berry  should  take  it  off 
his  hands  at  a  premium  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 
Radford  had  Green's  note  for  four  hundred  dollars ;  but  he 
now  surrendered,  it  and  took  Lincoln  &  Berry's  for  the  same 
amount,  indorsed  by  Green ;  while  Lincoln  &  Berry  gave 
Green  a  note  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  the  latter's 
profit  in  the  trade. 

Mr.  Rutledge  "  also  owned  a  small  grocery  in  the  village  ;  " 
and  this  was  speedily  absorbed  by  the  enterprising  firm  of 
Lincoln  &  Berry,  who  now  had  the  field  to  themselves,  being 
sole  proprietors  "  of  the  only  store  of  the  kind  in  New  Salem." 

Whether  Mr.  Lincoln  sold  liquor  by  the  dram  over  the 
counter  of  this  shop  remains,  and  will  forever  remain,  an 
undetermined  question.  Many  of  his  friends  aver  that  he 
did,  and  as  many  more  aver  that  he  did  not.  When  Doug 
las,  with  that  courtesy  for  which  he  distinguished  himself  in 
the  debates  with  Lincoln,  revived  the  story,  Lincoln  replied, 
that,  even  if  it  were  true,  there  was  but  little  difference 
between  them ;  for,  while  he  figured  on  one  side  of  the 
counter,  Douglas  figured  on  the  other.  It  is  certain  liquors 
were  a  part  of  the  stock  of  all  the  purchases  of  Lincoln  & 
Berry.  Of  course  they  sold  them  by  the  quantity,  and  proba 
bly  by  the  drink.  Some  of  it  they  gave  away,  for  no  man 
could  keep  store  without  setting  out  the  customary  dram  to 
the  patrons  of  the  place.1 

1  Here  is  the  evidence  of  James  Davis,  a  Democrat,  "  aged  sixty,"  who  is  willing  to 
"  give  the  Devil  his  due :  "  — 

"Came  to  Clary's  Grove  in  IS'-iO;  knew  Lincoln  well ;  knew  Jim  and  Row  Herndon : 
they  sold  out  to  Berry, — one  of  them  did;  afterwards  the  other  sold  out  to  Lincoln.  The 
store  was  a  mixtd  one, —  dry  goods,  a  few  groceries,  such  as  sugar,  salt,  &c.,  and  whiskey 
solely  kept  for  their  customers,  or  to  sell  by  the  gallon,  quart,  or  pint,  —  not  otherwise. 
The  Herndons  probably  had  the  Blankenship  goods.  Radford  had  a  grocery-store,  —  salt, 
pepper,  and  suchlike  things,  with  whiskey.  It  is  said  Green  bought  this  out,  and  instantly 
sold  to  Berry  &  Lincoln.  Lincoln  &  Berry  broke.  Berry  subsequently  kept  a  doggery, 
a  whiskey  saloon,  as  I  do  now,  or  did.  Am  a  Democrat;  never  agreed  in  politics  with 
Abe.  He  was  an  honest  man.  Give  the  Devil  his  due ;  he  never  sold  whiskey  by  the  drain 
in  New  Salem  I  I  was  in  town  every  week  for  years;  knew,  I  think,  all  about  it.  I 
always  drank  my  dram,  and  drank  at  Berry's  often;  ought  to  know.  Lincoln  got 
involved,  I  think,  in  the  first  operation.  Salem  Hill  was  a  barren." 

The  difficulty  of  gathering  authentic  evidence  on  this  subject  is  well  illustrated  In  the 
following  extract  from  Mr.  George  Spears  of  Petersburg:  — 

•'  I  took  my  horse  this  morning,  aud  went  over  to  New  Salem,  among  the  P s  and 


138  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

All  that  winter  (1832-3)  Lincoln  struggled  along  with  a 
bad  partner,  and  a  business  which  began  wrong,  and  grew 
worse  every  day.  Berry  had  no  qualities  which  atoned  for 
his  evil  habits.  He  preferred  to  consume  the  liquors  on  hand 
rather  than  to  sell  them,  and  exerted  himself  so  successfully, 
that  in  a  few  months  he  had  ruined  the  credit  of  the  firm, 
squandered  its  assets,  and  destroyed  his  own  health.  The 
"  store  "  was  a  dead  failure ;  and  the  partners  were  weighed 
down  with  a  parcel  of  debts,  against  which  Lincoln  could 
scarcely  have  borne  up,  even  with  a  better  man  to  help  him. 
At  last  they  sold  out  to  two  brothers  named  Trent.  The 
Trents  continued  the  business  for  a  few  months,  when  they 
broke  up  and  ran  away.  Then  Berry,  encouraged  by  the 
example  of  the  Trents,  "  cleared  out "  also,  and,  dying  soon 
after,  left  poor  Lincoln  the  melancholy  task  of  settling  up  the 
affairs  of  their  ill-starred  partnership. 

In  all  the  preceding  transactions,  the  absence  of  any  cash 
consideration  is  the  one  thing  very  striking.  It  is  a  fair  illus 
tration  of  the  speculative  spirit  pervading  the  whole  people. 
Green  bought  from  Radford  on  credit ;  Lincoln  &  Berry 
bought  from  Green  on  credit ;  they  bought  from  the  Hern- 
dons  on  credit ;  they  bought  from  Rutledge  on  credit ;  and 
they  sold  to  the  Trents  on  credit.  Those  that  did  not  die  or 
run  away  had  a  sad  time  enough  in  managing  the  debts 
resulting  from  their  connection  with  this  unlucky  grocery. 
Radford  assigned  Lincoln  &  Berry's  note  to  a  Mr.  Van  Bergen, 
who  got  judgment  on  it,  and  swept  away  all  Lincoln's  little 
personal  property,  including  his  surveying  instruments,  —  his 
very  means  of  livelihood,  as  we  shall  see  at  another  place. 
The  Herndons  owed  E.  C.  Blankenship  for  the  goods  they 
sold,  and  assigned  Lincoln  &  Berry's  note  in  payment.  Mr. 
Lincoln  struggled  to  pay,  by  slow  degrees,  this  harassing 
debt  to  Blankenship,  through  many  long  and  weary  years.  It 

A s,  and  made  all  the  inquiries  I  could,  but  could  learn  nothing.    The  old  ladies  would 

begin  to  count  up  what  had  happened  in  New  Salem  when  such  a  one  of  their  children 
was  born,  and  such  a  one  had  a  bastard  ;  but  it  all  amounted  to  nothing.  I  could  arrive  at 
no  dates,  only  when  those  children  were  born.  Old  Mrs.  Potter  affirms  that  Liucolu  did 
sell  liquors  in  a  grocery.  I  can't  tell  whether  he  did  or  not." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  139 

was  not  until  his  return  from  Congress,  in  1849,  that  he  got 
the  last  dollar  of  it  discharged.  He  paid  Green  his  note  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  in  small  instalments,  beginning 
in  1839,  and  ending  in  1840.  The  history  of  his  debt  to  Rut- 
ledge  is  not  so  well  known.  It  was  probably  insignificant  as 
compared  with  the  others  ;  and  Mr.  Rutledge  proved  a  gener 
ous  creditor,  as  he  had  always  been  a  kind  and  considerate 
friend. 

Certain  that  he  had  no  abilities  for  trade,  Mr.  Lincoln 
took  the  best  resolution  he  could  have  formed  under  the  cir 
cumstances.  He  sat  down  to  his  books  just  where  he  was, 
believing  that  knowledge  would  be  power,  and  power  profit. 
He  had  no  reason  to  shun  bis  creditors,  for  these  were  the 
men  of  all  others  who  most  applauded  the  honesty  of  his  con 
duct  at  the  period  of  his  greatest  pecuniary  misfortune.  He 
talked  to  them  constantly  of  the  "  old  debt,"  "  the  national 
debt,"  as  he  sometimes  called  it,  —  promised  to  pay  when  he 
could,  and  they  devoutly  relied  upon  every  word  he  said. 

Row  Herndon  moved  to  the  country,  and  Lincoln  was  com 
pelled  to  change  his  boarding-place.  Me  now  began  to  live 
at  a  tavern  for  the  first  time  in  his  life.  It  was  kept  by  vari 
ous  persons  during  his  stay,  —  first,  it  seems,  by  Mr.  Rutledge, 
then  by  Henry  Onstatt,  and  last  by  Nelson  Alley.  It  was  a 
small  log-house,  covered  with  clapboards,  and  contained  four 
rooms. 

Lincoln  began  to  read  law  while  he  lived  with  Herndon. 
Some  of  his  acquaintances  insist  that  he  began  even  earlier 
than  this,  and  assert,  by  way  of  proof,  that  he  was  known  to 
borrow  a  well-worn  copy  of  Blackstone  from  A.  V.  Bogue,  a 
pork-dealer  at  Beardstown.  At  all  events,  he  now  went  to 
work  in  earnest,  and  studied  law  as  faithfully  as  if  he  had 
never  dreamed  of  any  other  business  in  life.  As  a  matter  of 
course,  his  slender  purse  was  unequal  to  the  purchase  of  the 
needful  books :  but  this  circumstance  gave  him  little  trouble ; 
for,  although  he  was  short  of  funds,  he  was  long  in  the  legs, 
and  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  walk  off  to  Springfield,  where 
his  friend,  John  T.  Stuart,  cheerfully  supplied  his  wants.  Mr. 


140  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Stuart's  partner,  H.  C.  Dummer,  says,  "  He  was  an  uncouth- 
looking  lad,  did  not  say  much,  but  what  he  did  say  he  said 
straight  and  sharp." 

"  He  used  to  read  law,"  says  Henry  McHenry,  "  in  1832  or 
1833,  barefooted,  seated  in  the  shade  of  a  tree,  and  would 
grind  around  with  the  shade,  just  opposite  Berry's  grocery- 
store,  a  few  feet  south  of  the  door."  He  occasionally  varied 
the  attitude  by  lying  flat  on  his  back,  and  '•'•putting  his  feet  up 
the  tree"  —  a  situation  which  might  have  been  unfavorable  to 
mental  application  in  the  case  of  a  man  with  shorter  extremi 
ties. 

"  The  first  time  I  ever  saw  Abe  with  a  law-book  in  his 
hand,"  says  Squire  Godbey,  "  he  was  sitting  astride  of  Jake 
Bales's  woodpile  in  New  Salem.  Says  I,  '  Abe,  what  are  you 
studying  ?  ' — '  Law,'  says  Abe.  '  Great  God  Almighty  ! '  re 
sponded  I."  It  was  too  much  for  Godbey :  he  could  not  sup 
press  the  blasphemy  at  seeing  such  a  figure  acquiring  science 
in  such  an  odd  situation. 

Minter  Graham  asserts  that  Abe  did  a  little  "  of  what  we  call 
sitting  up  to  the  fine  gals  of  Illinois  ;  "  but,  according  to  other 
authorities,  he  always  had  his  book  with  him  "  when  in  com 
pany,"  and  would  read  and  talk  alternately.  He  carried  it 
along  in  his  walks  to  the  woods  and  the  river  ;  read  it  in  day 
light  under  the  shade-tree  by  the  grocery,  and  at  night  by 
any  friendly  light  he  could  find,  —  most  frequently  the  one  he 
kindled  himself  in  the  shop  of  his  old  benefactor,  the  cooper. 

Abe's  progress  in  the  law  was  as  surprising  as  the  intensity 
of  his  application  to  study.  He  never  lost  a  moment  that 
might  be  improved.  It  is  even  said  that  he  read  and  recited 
to  himself  on  the  road  and  by  the  wayside  as  he  came  down 
from  Springfield  with  the  books  he  had  borrowed  from  Stu 
art.  The  first  time  he  went  up  he  had  "mastered"  forty 
pages  of  Blackstone  before  he  got  back.  It  was  not  long  until, 
with  his  restless  desire  to  be  doing  something  practical,  he 
began  to  turn  his  acquisitions  to  account  in  forwarding  the 
business  of  his  neighbors.  He  wrote  deeds,  contracts,  notes, 
and  other  legal  papers,  for  them,  "  using  a  small  dictionary 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  141 

and  an  old  form-book;"  "petifogged"  incessantly  before  the 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  probably  assisted  that  functionary 
in  the  administration  of  justice  as  much  as  he  benefited  his 
own  clients.  This  species  of  country  "  student's  "  practice 
was  entered  upon  very  early,  and  kept  up  until  long  after  he 
was  quite  a  distinguished  man  in  the  Legislature.  But  in  all 
this  he  was  only  trying  himself:  as  he  was  not  admitted  to 
the  bar  until  1837,  he  did  not  regard  it  as  legitimate  practice, 
and  never  charged  a  penny  for  his  services.  Although  this 
fact  is  mentioned  by  a  great  number  of  persons,  and  the  gene 
rosity  of  his  conduct  much  enlarged  upon,  it  is  seriously  to  be 
regretted  that  no  one  has  furnished  us  with  a  circumstantial 
account  of  any  of  his  numerous  cases  before  the  magistrate. 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  confine  himself  entirely  to  the  law. 
He  was  not  yet  quite  through  with  Kirkham  nor  the  school 
master.  The  "  valuable  copy  "  of  the  grammar  "  he  delighted 
to  peruse  "  is  still  in  the  possession  of  R.  B.  Rutledge,  with 
the  thumb-marks  of  the  President  all  over  it.  "  He  also 
studied  natural  philosophy,  chemistry,  astronomy,  &c.  He 
had  no  regular  teacher,  but  perhaps  received  more  assistance 
from  Minter  Graham  than  from  any  other  person." 

He  read  with  avidity  all  the  newspapers  that  came  to  New 
Salem,  —  chiefly  "The  Sangamon  Journal,"  "The  Missouri 
Republican,"  and  "  The  Louisville  Journal."  l  The  latter  was 
his  favorite :  its  wit  and  anecdotes  were  after  his  own  heart ; 
and  he  was  a  regular  subscriber  for  it  through  several  years 
when  he  could  ill  afford  a  luxury  so  costly. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  never  a  profound  historical  student :  if  he 
happened  to  need  historical  facts  for  the  purposes  of  a  political 
or  legal  discussion,  he  read  them  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion. 
For  this  reason  his  opinions  of  current  affairs  all  through  his 
life  were  based  more  upon  individual  observation  and  reflec 
tion  than  upon  scientific  deductions  from  the  experience  of 
the  world.  Yet  at  this  time,  when  he  probably  felt  more 

1  According  to  Mr.  McXamar,  Lincoln  took  "The  Sangamon  Journal  "  and  "  The  Louis 
ville  Journal"  from  1832  to  1837;  and  Hill  and  Bale  took  "  The  Missouri  Republican  "  and 
"  The  Cincinnati  Gazette."  "  The  Missouri  Republican  "  was  first  Issued  as  a  daily  in  Sep 
tember,  1836.  Its  size  was  then  twenty-five  by  thirty-six  inches. 


142  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

keenly  than  ever  after  the  want  of  a  little  learning  to  embel 
lish  the  letters  and  speeches  he  was  ambitious  to  compose,  he 
is  said  to  have  read  Rollin's  "  Ancient  History,"  Gibbon's 
"  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  and  similar  works, 
with  great  diligence  and  care.  The  books  were  borrowed 
from  William  Green,  Bowlin  Greene,  and  other  parties  in 
and  about  New  Salem. 

But  he  greatly  preferred  literature  of  another  sort,  such  as 
Mrs.  Lee  Hentz's  novels ;  some  of  which  he  found  among  the 
effects  of  Mr.  Ellis,  at  the  time  his  companion  and  occasional 
bedfellow.  "  He  was  very  fond,"  Mr.  Ellis  declares,  "  of  short 
stories,  one  and  two  columns  long,  —  like  '  Cousin  Sally  Dil- 
lard,'  '  Becky  Wilson's  Courtship,'  '  The  Down-easter  and 
the  Bull,'  '  How  a  bashful  man  became  a  married  man,  with 
five  little  bashful  boys,  and  how  he  and  his  red-headed  wife 
became  Millerites,  and  before  they  were  to  ascend  agreed  to 
make  a  clean  breast  of  it  to  each  other ; '  and  how,  when  the 
old  lady  was  through,  the  Down-easter  earnestly  wished  that 
Gabriel  might  blow  his  horn  without  delay."  One  New  Salem- 
ite  insists  that  Mr.  Lincoln  told  this  latter  story  "  with  embezzle 
ments"  (embellishments),  and  therefore  he  is  firmly  convinced 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  "  had  a  hand"  in  originating  it.  The  cata 
logue  of  literature  in  which  he  particularly  delighted  at  New 
Salem  is  completed  by  the  statement  of  Mr.  Rutledge,  that 
he  took  great  pleasure  in  "  Jack  Downing's  Letters." 

Mr.  Lincoln  still  relished  a  popular  song  with  a  broad 
"  point "  or  a  palpable  moral  in  it  as  much  as  he  had  ever 
enjoyed  the  vocal  efforts  of  Dennis  Hanks  and  his  rollicking 
compeers  of  the  Gentryville  grocery.  He  even  continued 
his  own  unhappy  attempts,  although  with  as  little  success  as 
before,  and  quite  as  much  to  the  amusement  of  his  friends. 
To  the  choice  collection  of  miscellaneous  ballads  acquired  in 
Indiana,  he  now  added  several  new  favorites,  like  "  Old  Sukey 
Blue  Skin,"  and  some  selections  from  the  "  Missouri  Harmo 
ny,"  with  variations  by  himself.  He  was  also  singularly  fond 
of  an  Irish  song,  "which  tells  how  St.  Patrick  came  to  be 
born  on  *he  17th  day  of  March." 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  143 

"  You  ask  me,"  says  Mr.  Ellis,  "  if  I  remember  the  first 
time  I  saw  Mr.  Lincoln.  Yes,  I  do.  ...  I  was  out  collect 
ing  back  tax  for  Gen.  James  D.  Henry.  I  went  from  the 
tavern  down  to  Jacob  Bales's  old  mill,  and  then  I  first  saw 
Mr.  Lincoln.  He  was  sitting  on  a  saw-log  talking  to  Jack 
and  Rial  Armstrong  and  a  man  by  the  name  of  Hohammer. 
I  shook  hands  with  the  Armstrongs  and  Hoharamer,  and  was 
conversing  with  them  a  few  minutes,  when  we  were  joined 
by  my  old  friend  and  former  townsman,  George  Warburton, 
pretty  tight  as  usual ;  and  he  soon  asked  me  to  tell  him  the 
old  story  about  Ben  Johnson  and  Mrs.  Dale's  blue  dye,  &c., 
which  I  did.  And  then  Jack  Armstrong  said,  '  Lincoln,  tell 
Ellis  the  story  about  Gov.  J.  Sichner,  his  city-bred  son,  and 
his  nigger  Bob  ; '  which  he  did,  with  several  others,  by  Jack's 
calling  for  them.  I  found  out  then  that  Lincoln  was  a  cousin 
to  Charley  Hanks  of  Island  Grove.  I  told  him  I  knew  three 
of  the  boys,  —  Joe,  Charley,  and  John,  —  and  his  uncle,  old 
Billy  Hanks,  who  lived  up  on  the  North  Fork  of  the  San- 
gamon  River,  afterwards  near  Decatur."  l 

This  interview  took  place  shortly  after  the  Black  Hawk 
War ;  but  it  was  not  until  the  next  year  (1833),  the  period  at 
which  we  have  now  arrived,  that  Lincoln  and  Ellis  became 
"  intimate."  At  that  time  Ellis  went  there  to  keep  a  store, 
and  boarded  "  at  the  same  log-tavern  "  where  Lincoln  was. 
Lincoln,  being  "  engaged  in  no  particular  business,"  merely 
endeavoring  to  make  a  lawyer,  a  surveyor,  and  a  politician  of 
himself,  gave  a  great  deal  of  his  time  to  Ellis  and  Ellis's 
business.  "  He  also  used  to  assist  me  in  the  store,"  says  this 

1  "  I  myself  knew  old  Billy  Hanks,  his  mother's  brother,  and  he  was  a  very  sensible 
old  man.  He  was  father  to  Mrs.  Dillon,  on  Spring  Creek;  and  Charley,  Billy,  jr.,  and 
John  were  his  sons:  they  were  all  low-flung, —  could  neither  read  nor  write.  Some  of 
them  used  to  live  in  Island  Grove,  Sangamon  County.  ...  I  remember  the  time  that  Lin 
coln  and  E.  D.  Baker  ran  in  convention,  to  decide  who  should  run  for  Congress  in  old 
Sangamon;  that  some  of  Baker's  friends  accused  Mr.  Lincoln  of  belonging  to  a  proud 
and  an  aristocratic  family,  —  meaning  the  Edwardses  and  Todds,  I  suppose;  and.  when 
it  came  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  ears,  he  laughed  heartily,  and  remarked,  '  Well,  that  sounds 
strange  to  me :  I  do  not  remember  of  but  one  that  ever  came  to  see  me,  and  while  he 
was  in  town  he  was  accused  of  stealing  a  jew's-harp.'  Josh  Speed  remembers  his  say 
ing  this.  I  think  you  ought  to  remember  it.  Beverly  Powell  and  myself  lived  with  Bell 
and  Speed,  and  I  think  he  said  so  in  their  store.  After  that  a  Miss  Hanks  came  to  spend 
the  winter  with  Mrs.  Lincoln."  —A.  Y.  ELLIS. 


144  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

new  friend,  "  on  busy  days,  but  he  always  disliked  to  wait  on 
the  ladies  :  he  preferred  trading  with  the  men  and  boys,  as 
he  used  to  say.  I  also  remember  that  he  used  to  sleep  in  the 
store,  on  the  counter,  when  they  had  too  much  company  at 
the  tavern. 

"  I  well  remember  how  he  was  dressed :  he  wore  flax  and 
tow  linen  pantaloons,  —  I  thought  about  five  inches  too  short 
in  the  legs,  —  and  frequently  he  had  but  one  suspender,  no 
vest  or  coat.  He  wore  a  calico  shirt,  such  as  he  had  in  the 
Black  Hawk  War ;  coarse  brogans,  tan  color ;  blue  yarn  socks, 
and  straw  hat,  old  style,  and  without  a  band. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  those  days  a  very  shy  man  of  ladies. 
On  one  occasion,  while  we  boarded  at  this  tavern,  there  came 
a  family,  containing  an  old  lady  and  her  son  and  three  stylish 
daughters,  from  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  stopped  there  for 
two  or  three  weeks ;  and,  during  their  stay,  I  do  not  remem 
ber  of  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  eating  at  the  same  table  when  they 
did.  I  then  thought  it  was  on  account  of  his  awkward 
appearance  and  his  wearing  apparel." 

There  lived  at  New  Salem  at  this  time,  and  for  some  years 
afterward,  a  festive  gentleman  named  Kelso,  a  school-teacher, 
a  merchant,  or  a  vagabond,  according  to  the  run  of  his  some 
what  variable  "  luck."  When  other  people  got  drunk  at 
New  Salem,  it  was  the  usual  custom  to  tussle  and  fight,  and 
tramp  each  other's  toes,  and  pull  each  other's  noses ;  but,  when 
Kelso  got  drunk,  he  astonished  the  rustic  community  with 
copious  quotations  from  Robert  Burns  and  William  Shak- 
speare,  —  authors  little  known  to  fame  among  the  literary  men 
of  New  Salem.  Besides  Shakspeare  and  Burns,  Mr.  Kelso 
was  likewise  very  fond  of  fishing,  and  could  .catch  his  game 
"  when  no  other  man  could  get  a  bite."  Mr.  Lincoln  hated 
fishing  with  all  his  heart.  But  it  is  the  testimony  of  the 
country-side,  from  Petersburg  to  Island  Grove,  that  Kelso 
"  drew  Lincoln  after  him  by  his  talk ; "  that  they  became 
exceedingly  intimate ;  that  they  loitered  away  whole  days 
together,  along  the  banks  of  the  quiet  streams  ;  that  Lincoln 
learned  to  love  inordinately  our  "  divine  William  "  and 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  145 

"  Scotia's  Bard,"  whom  his  friend  mouthed  in  his  cups,  or 
expounded  more  soberly  in  the  intervals  of  fixing  bait  and 
dropping  line.  Finally  he  and  Kelso  boarded  at  the  same 
place  ;  and  with  another  "  merchant,"  named  Sincho,  of  tastes 
congenial  and  wits  as  keen  as  Kelso's,  they  were  "  always 
found  together,  battling  and  arguing."  Bill  Green  ventures 
the  opinion,  that  Lincoln's  incessant  reading  of  Shakspeare 
and  Burns  had  much  to  do  in  giving  to  his  mind  the  "  scep 
tical  "  tendency  so  fully  developed  by  the  labors  of  his  pen  in 
1834-5,  and  in  social  conversations  during  many  years  of  his 
residence  at  Springfield. 

Like  Offutt,  Kelso  disappeared  suddenly  from  New  Salem, 
and  apparently  from  the  recollection  of  men.  Each  with  a 
peculiar  talent  of  his  own,  kind-hearted,  eccentric  creatures, 
no  man's  enemy  and  everybody's  prey,  they  strolled  out 
into  the  great  world,  and  left  this  little  village  to  perish  behind 
them.  Of  Kelso  a  few  faint  traces  have  been  found  in  Mis 
souri  ;  but  if  he  ever  had  a  lodging  more  permanent  than 
the  wayside  tavern,  a  haystack,  or  a  hedge,  no  man  was 
able  to  tell  where  it  was.  Of  OfTutt  not  a  word  was  ever 
heard :  the  most  searching  and  cunning  inquiries  have 
failed  to  discover  any  spot  where  he  lingered  for  a  single  hour ; 
and  but  for  the  humble  boy,  to  whom  he  was  once  a  gentle 
master,  no  human  being  that  knew  him  then  would  bestow  a 
thought  upon  his  name.  In  short,  to  use  the  expressive  lan 
guage  of  Mr.  Lincoln  himself,  he  literally  "  petered  out." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  often  annoyed  by  "  company."  His  quar 
ters  at  the  tavern  afforded  him  little  privacy,  and  the  shade 
of  the  tree  in  front  of  the  grocery  was  scarcely  a  sufficiently 
secluded  situation  for  the  purposes  of  an  ardent  student. 
There  were  too  many  people  to  wonder  and  laugh  at  a  man 
studying  law  with  "his  feet  up  a  tree  ;  "  too  many  to  worry 
him  for  the  stories  and  jokes  which  it  was  supposed  he  could 
furnish  on  demand.  For  these  reasons  it  became  necessary 
that  he  should  "  retire  to  the  country  occasionally  to  rest  and 
study."  Sometimes  he  went  to  James  Short's  on  the  Sand 
Ridge  ;  sometimes  to  Minter  Graham's ;  sometimes  to  Bowlin 
10 


146  LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Greene's ;  sometimes  to  Jack  Armstrong's,  and  as  often, 
perhaps,  to  Abie's  or  Row  Herndon's.  All  of  these  men 
served  him  faithfully  and  signally  at  one  time  and  another, 
and  to  all  of  them  he  was  sincerely  attached.  When  Bowlin 
Greene  died,  in  1842,  Mr.  Lincoln,  then  in  the  enjoyment  of 
great  local  reputation,  undertook  to  deliver  a  funeral  oration 
over  the  remains  of  his  beloved  friend ;  but,  when  he  rose  to 
speak,  his  voice  was  choked  with  deep  emotion  :  he  stood  a 
few  moments,  while  his  lips  quivered  in  the  effort  to  form  the 
words  of  fervent  praise  he  sought  to  utter,  and  the  tears  ran 
down  his  yellow  and  shrivelled  cheeks.  Some  of  those  who 
came  to  hear  him,  and  saw  his  tall  form  thus  sway  in  silence 
over  the  body  of  Bowlin  Greene,  say  he  looked  so  helpless, 
so  utterly  bereft  and  pitiable,  that  every  heart  in  the  audience 
was  hushed  at  the  spectacle.  After  repeated  efforts,  he  found 
it  impossible  to  speak,  and  strode  away,  openly  and  bitterly 
sobbing,  to  the  widow's  carriage,  in  which  he  was  driven  from 
the  scene.  Mr.  Herndon's  papers  disclose  less  than  we 
should  like  to  know  concerning  this  excellent  man:  they 
give  us  only  this  burial  scene,  with  the  fact  that  Bowlin 
Greene  had  loaned  Mr.  Lincoln  books  from  their  earliest 
acquaintance,  and  on  one  occasion  had  taken  him  to  his  home, 
and  cared  for  him  with  the  solicitude  of  a  devoted  friend 
through  several  weeks  of  great  suffering  and  peril.  The  cir 
cumstances  of  the  attempted  eulogy  are  mentioned  here  to 
show  the  relations  which  subsisted  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
some  of  the  benefactors  we  have  enumerated. 

But  all  this  time  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  living  to  make,  a  run 
ning  board-bill  to  pay,  and  nothing  to  pay  it  with.  He  was,  it 
is  true,  in  the  hands  of  excellent  friends,  so  far  as  the  greater 
part  of  his  indebtedness  was  concerned ;  but  he  was  indus 
trious  by  nature,  and  wanted  to  be  working,  and  paying  as  he 
went.  He  would  not  have  forfeited  the  good  opinion  of  those 
confiding  neighbors  for  a  lifetime  of  ease  and  luxury.  It  was 
therefore  a  most  happy  thing  for  him,  and  he  felt  it  to  be  so, 
when  he  attracted  the  attention  of  John  Calhoun,  the  sur 
veyor  of  Sangamon  County. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  147 

Calhoun  was  the  t}*pe  of  a  perfect  gentleman, — brave, 
courteous,  able,  and  cultivated.  He  was  a  Democrat  then, 
and  a  Democrat  when  he  died.  All  the  world  knows  how  he 
was  president  of  the  Lecompton  Convention  ;  how  he  admin 
istered  the  trust  in  accordance  with  his  well-known  convic 
tions  ;  and  how,  after  a  life  of  devotion  to  Douglas,  he  Avas 
adroitly  betrayed  by  that  facile  politician,  and  left  to  die  in 
the  midst  of  obloquy  and  disaster.  At  the  time  we  speak 
of,  he  was  one  of  the  most  popular  men  in  the  State  of  Illinois, 
and  was  one  of  the  foremost  chieftains  of  the  political  party 
which  invariably  carried  the  county  and  the  district  in  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  lived.  He  knew  Lincoln,  and  admired  him.  He 
was  well  assured  that  Lincoln  knew  nothing  of  surveying ; 
but  he  was  equally  certain  that  he  could  soon  acquire  it.  The 
speculative  fever  was  at  its  height ;  he  was  overrun  with 
business :  the  country  was  alive  with  strangers  seeking  land  ; 
and  every  citizen  was  buying  and  selling  with  a  view  to  a  great 
fortune  in  the  "  flush  times  "  coming.  He  wanted  a  deputy 
with  common  sense  and  common  honesty  :  he  chose  Lincoln, 
because  nobody  else  possessed  these  qualities  in  a  more  eminent 
degree.  He  hunted  him  up  ;  gave  him  a  book  ;  told  him  to 
study  it,  and  said,  that,  as  soon  as  he  was  ready,  he  should 
have  as  much  work  as  Ife  could  do. 

Lincoln  took  the  book,  and  "  retired  to  the  country  ;  "  that 
is,  he  went  out  to  Minter  Graham's  for  about  six  weeks,  in 
which  time,  by  the  aid  of  that  good  master,  he  became  an. 
expert  surveyor,  and  was  duly  appointed  Calhoun's  deputy,. 
Of  course  he  made  some  money,  merely  his  pay  for  work ;. 
but  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that,  with  his  vast  knowledge  of 
the  lands  in  Sangamon  and  adjacent  counties,  he  never  made 
a  single  speculation  on  his  own  account.  It  was  not  long 
until  he  acquired  a  considerable  private  business.  The 
accuracy  of  his  surveys  were  seldom,  if  ever,  questioned. 
Disputes  regarding  " corners  "  and  "lines"  were  frequently 
submitted  to  his  arbitration  ;  and  the  decision  was  invariably 
accepted  as  final.  It  often  happened  that  his  business  kept 
him  away  from  New  Salem,  and  his  other  studies,  for  weeks 


148  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

at  a  time ;  but  all  this  while  he  was  gathering  friends  against 
the  day  of  election. 

In  after  years  —  from  1844  onward  —  it  was  his  good  or 
bad  fortune  frequently  to  meet  Calhoun  on  the  stump  ;  but 
he  never  forgot  his  benefaction  to  him,  and  always  regarded 
him  as  the  ablest  and  best  man  with  whom  he  ever  had  crossed 
steel.  To  the  day  of  Calhoun's  death  they  were  warmly 
attached  to  each  other.  In  the  times  when  it  was  most 
fashionable  and  profitable  to  denounce  Calhoun  and  the  Le- 
compton  Constitution,  when  even  Douglas  turned  to  revile  his 
old  friend  and  coadjutor,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  never  known  to 
breathe  a  word  of  censure  on  his  personal  character. 

On  the  7th  of  May,  1833,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  appointed  post 
master  at  New  Salem.  His  political  opinions  were  not 
extreme ;  and  the  Jackson  administration  could  find  no  man 
who  was  at  the  same  time  more  orthodox  and  equally  com 
petent  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office.  He  Avas  not  able 
to  rent  a  room,  for  the  business  is  said  to  have  been  carried 
on  in  his  hat ;  but,  from  the  evidence  before  us,  we  imagine 
that  he  kept  the  office  in  Mr.  Hill's  store,  Mr.  Hill's  partner, 
McNamar,  having  been  absent  since  1832.  He  held  the 
place  until  late  in  1836,  when  New  Salem  partially  disap 
peared,  and  the  office  was  removed  to  Petersburg.  For  a 
little  while  before  his  own  appointment,  he  is  said  to  have 
acted  as  "  deputy-postmaster  "  under  Mr.  Hill. 

The  mail  arrived  duly  once  a  week  ;  and  the  labors  of  dis 
tributing  and  delivering  it  were  by  no  means  great.  But  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  determined  that  the  dignity  of  the  place  should 
not  suffer  while  he  was  the  incumbent.  He  therefore  made 
up  for  the  lack  of  real  business  by  deciphering  the  letters  of 
the  uneducated  portion  of  the  community,  and  by  reading 
the  newspapers  aloud  to  the  assembled  inhabitants  in  front 
of  Hill's  store. 

But  his  easy  good-nature  was  sometimes  imposed  upon  by 
inconsiderate  acquaintances ;  and  Mr.  Hill  relates  one  of  the 
devices  by  which  he  sought  to  stop  the  abuse.  "  One  El- 
more  Johnson,  an  ignorant  but  ostentatious,  proud  man,  used 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  149 

to  go  to  Lincoln's  post-office  every  day,  —  sometimes  three  or 
four  times  a  day,  if  in  town,  — and  inquire,  '  Any  thing  for 
me  ?  '  This  bored  Lincoln,  yet  it  amused  him.  Lincoln 
fixed  apian,  —  wrote  a  letter  to  Johnson  as  coming  from  a 
negress  in  Kentucky,  saying  many  good  things  about  opos 
sum,  dances,  corn  -  shuckings,  &c. ;  'John's!  come  and  see 
me ;  and  old  master  won't  kick  you  out  of  the  kitchen  any 
more  ! '  Elmore  took  it  out ;  opened  it ;  couldn't  read  a 
word ;  pretended  to  read  it ;  went  away ;  got  some  friends 
to  read  it :  they  read  it  correctly ;  he  thought  the  reader  was 
fooling  him,  and  went  to  others  with  the  same  result.  At 
last  he  said  he  would  get  Lincoln  to  read  it,  and  presented  it 
to  Lincoln.  It  was  almost  too  much  for  Lincoln,  but  he  read 
it.  The  man  never  asked  afterwards,  '  Any  thing  here  for 
me  ? '" 

It  was  in  the  latter  part  of  1834  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  personal 
property  was  sold  under  the  hammer,  and  by  due  process  of 
law,  to  meet  the  judgment  obtained  by  Van  Bergen  on  the 
note  assigned  to  him  by  Radford.  Every  thing  he  had  was 
taken ;  but  it  was  the  surveyor's  instruments  which  it  hurt 
him  most  to  part  with,  for  by  their  use  he  was  making  a 
tolerable  living,  and  building  up  a  respectable  business.  This 
time,  however,  rescue  came  from  an  unexpected  quarter. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  first  came  to  New  Salem,  he  employed 
a  woman  to  make  him  a  pair  of  pantaloons,  which,  probably 
from  the  scarcity  of  material,  were  cut  entirely  too  short,  as 
his  garments  usually  were.  Soon  afterwards  the  woman's 
brother  came  to  town,  and  she  pointed  Abe  out  to  him  as 
he  walked  along  the  street.  The  brother's  name  was  James 
Short.  "  Without  the  necessity  of  a  formal  introduction," 
says  Short,  "  we  fell  in  together,  and  struck  up  a  conversation, 
the  purport  of  which  I  have  now  forgotten.  He  made  a 
favorable  impression  upon  me  by  his  conversation  on  first 
acquaintance  through  his  intelligence  and  sprightliness,  which 
impression  was  deepened  from  time  to  time,  as  I  became  better 
acquainted  with  him."  This  was  a  lucky  "  impression  "  for 
Abe.  Short  was  a  fast  friend,  and  in  the  day  of  trouble  a 


150  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

sure  and  able  one.  At  the  time  the  judgment  was  obtained, 
Short  lived  on  the  Sand  Ridge,  four  miles  from  New  Salem ; 
and  Lincoln  was  in  the  habit  of  walking  out  there  almost- 
daily.  Short  was  then  unconscious  of  the  main  reason  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  remarkable  devotion  to  him :  there  was  a  lady 
in  the  house  whom  Lincoln  secretly  but  earnestly  loved,  and 
of  whom  there  is  much  to  be  said  at  another  place.  If  the 
host  had  known  every  thing,  however,  poor  Abe  would  have 
been  equally  welcome  ;  for  he  made  himself  a  strangely  agree 
able  guest  here,  as  he  did  everywhere  else.  In  busy  times 
he  pulled  off  his  roundabout,  and  helped  Short  in  the  field 
with  more  energy  than  any  hired  man  would  have  displayed. 
"  lie  was,"  said  Short,  "the  best  hand  at  basking  corn  on 
the  stalk  I  ever  saw.  I  used  to  consider  myself  very  good  ; 
but  he  would  gather  two  loads  to  my  one." 

These  visits  increased  Short's  disposition  to  serve  him  ;  and 
it  touched  him  sorely  when  he  heard  Lincoln  moaning  about 
the  catastrophe  that  hung  over  him  in  the  form  of  Van  Ber- 
gen's  judgment.  "  An  execution  was  issued,"  says  he,  "  and 
levied  on  Lincoln's  horse,  saddle,  bridle,  compass,  chain,  and 
other  surveyor's  instruments.  He  was  then  very  much  dis 
couraged,  and  said  he  would  let  the  whole  thing  go  by  the 
board.  He  was  at  my  house  very  much,  —  half  the  time.  I 
did  all  I  could  to  put  him  in  better  spirits.  I  went  on  the 
delivery-bond  with  him ;  and  when  the  sale  came  off,  which 
Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  attend,  I  bid  in  the  above  property 
at  a  hundred  and  twenty  dollars,  and  immediately  gave  it 
up  again  to  him.  Mr.  Lincoln  afterwards  repaid  me  when 
he  had  moved  to  Springfield.  Greene  also  turned  in  on 
this  judgment  his  horse,  saddle,  and  bridle  at  a  hundred 
and  twenty -five  dollars  ;  and  Lincoln  afterwards  repaid 
him." 

But,  after  all,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  friend  more  intimate 
than  Jack  Armstrong,  and  none  that  valued  him  more  highly. 
Until  he  finally  left  New  Salem  for  Springfield,  he  "rus 
ticated"  occasionally  at  Jack's  hospitable  cabin,  situated 
"  four  miles  in  the  country,"  as  the  polished  metropolitans 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  151 

of  New  Salem  would  say.  Jack's  wife,  Hannah,  before 
alluded  to,  liked  Abe,  and  enjoyed  his  visits  not  less  than 
Jack  did.  "  Abe  would  come  out  to  our  house,"  she  says, 
44  drink  milk,  eat  mush,  corn-bread,  and  butter,  bring  the 
children  candy,  and  rock  the  cradle  while  I  got  him  some 
thing  to  eat.  ...  I  foxed  his  pants  ;  made  his  shirts  .  .  .  He 
has  gone  with  us  to  father's  ;  he  would  tell  stories,  joke 
people,  girls  and  boys,  at  parties.  He  would  nurse  babies, 
—  do  any  thing  to  accommodate  anybody.  ...  I  had  no 
books  about  my  house  ;  loaned  him  none.  We  didn't  think 
about  books  and  papers.  We  worked  ;  had  to  live.  Lincoln 
has  staid  at  our  house  two  or  three  weeks  at  a  time." 

If  Jack  had  "  to  work  to  live,"  as  his  wife  has  it,  he  was 
likewise  constrained  to  fight  and  wrestle  and  tumble  about 
with  his  unhappy  fellow-citizens,  in  order  to  enjoy  the  life  he 
earned  by  labor.  He  frequently  came  "  to  town,"  where  his 
sportive  inclinations  ran  riot,  except  as  they  were  checked  and 
regulated  by  the  amicable  interposition  of  Abe,  —  the  prince 
of  his  affections,  and  the  only  man  who  was  competent  to 
restrain  him. 

44  The  children  at  school  had  made  a  wide  sliding  walk," 
from  the  top  of  Salem  Hill  to  the  river-bank,  down  which 
they  rode  on  sleds  and  boards,  —  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  or  three  hundred  yards.  Now,  it  was  one  of  the 
suggestions  of  Jack's  passion  for  innocent  diversion  to  nail 
up  in  hogsheads  such  of  the  population  as  incurred  his  dis 
pleasure,  and  send  them  adrift  along  this  frightful  descent. 
Sol.  Spears  and  one  Scanlon  were  treated  to  an  adventure 
of  this  kind  ;  but  the  hogshead  in  which  the  two  were  caged 
44  leaped  over  an  embankment,  and  came  near  killing  Scan- 
Ion."  After  that  the  sport  was  considered  less  amusing,  and 
was  very  much  discouraged  by  that  portion  of  the  community 
who  feared,  that,  in  the  absence  of  more  convenient  victims, 
4'  the  boys  "  might  light  on  them.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  Jack,  for  once  in  his  life,  thought  it  best  to  abandon 
coercion,  and  negotiate  for  subjects.  He  selected  an  elderly 
person  of  bibulous  proclivities,  and  tempted  him  with  a  great 


152  LIFE   OP   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

temptation.  '  Old  man  Jordan  agreed  to  be  rolled  down  the 
hill  for  a  gallon  of  whiskey  ;  "  but  Lincoln,  fully  impressed 
with  the  brutality  of  the  pastime,  and  the  danger  to  the  old 
sot,  "  stopped  it."  Whether  he  did  it  by  persuasion  or  force, 
we  know  not,  but  probably  by  a  judicious  employment  of 
both. 

"  I  remember  once,"  says  Mr.  Ellis,  "  of  seeing  Mr.  Lincoln 
out  of  temper,  and  laughing  at  the  same  time.  It  was  at 
New  Salem.  The  boys  were  having  a  jollification  after  an 
election.  They  had  a  large  fire  made  of  shavings  and  hemp- 
stalks  ;  and  some  of  the  boys  made  a  bet  with  a  fellow  that 
I  shall  call  '  Ike,'  that  he  couldn't  run  his  little  bob-tail  pony 
through  the  fire.  Ike  took  them  up,  and  trotted  his  pony 
back  about  one  hundred  yards,  to  give  him  a  good  start,  as 
he  said.  The  boys  all  formed  a  line  on  either  side,  to  make 
way  for  Ike  and  his  pony.  Presently  here  he  come,  full  tilt, 
with  his  hat  off ;  and,  just  as  he  reached  the  blazing  fire,  Ike 
raised  in  his  saddle  for  the  jump  straight  ahead  ;  but  pony 
was  not  of  the  same  opinion,  so  he  flew  the  track,  and  pitched 
poor  Ike  into  the  devouring  element.  Mr.  Lincoln  saw  it, 
and  ran  to  his  assistance,  saying,  '  You  have  carried  this  thing 
far  enough.'  I  could  see  he  was  mad,  though  he  could  not 
help  laughing  himself.  The  poor  fellow  was  considerably 
scorched  about  the  head  and  face.  Jack  Armstrong  took 
him  to  the  doctor,  who  shaved  his  head  to  fix  him  up,  and  put 
salve  on  the  burn.  I  think  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  little  mad  at 
Armstrong,  and  Jack  himself  was  very  sorry  for  it.  Jack 
gave  Ike  next  morning  a  dram,  his  breakfast,  and  a  seal-skin 
cap,  and  sent  him.  home." 

One  cold  winter  day,  Lincoln  saw  a  poor  fellow  named  "Ab 
Trent "  hard  at  work  chopping  up  "  a  house,"  which  Mr.  Hill 
had  employed  him  to  convert  into  firewood.  Ab  was 
barefooted,  and  shivered  pitifully  while  he  worked.  Lincoln 
watched  him  a  few  moments,  and  asked  him  what  he  was  to 
get  for  the  job.  Ab  answered,  '  One  dol/ar ;  '  and,  pointing 
to  his  naked  and  suffering  feet,  said  that  he  wished  to  buy  a 
pair  of  shoes.  Lincoln  seized  the  axe,  and,  ordering  the 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  153 

boy  to  comfort  himself  at  the  nearest  fire,  chopped  up  '  the 
house '  so  fast  that  Ab  and  the  owner  were  both  amazed 
when  they  saw  it  done."  According  to  Mr.  Rutledge,  "  Ab 
remembered  this  act  with  the  liveliest  gratitude.  Once  he, 
being  a  cast-iron  Democrat,  determined  to  vote  against  his 

o  o 

party  and  for  Mr.  Lincoln ;  but  the  friends,  as  he  afterwards 
said  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  made  him  drunk,  and  he  had  voted 
against  Abe.  Thus  he  did  not  even  have  an  opportunity 
to  return  the  noble  conduct  of  Mr.  Lincoln  by  this  small 
measure  of  thanks." 

We  have  given  some  instances  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  unfailing 
disposition  to  succor  the  weak  and  the  unfortunate.  He 
never  seems  to  have  hesitated  on  account  of  actual  or  fancied 
danger  to  himself,  but  boldly  espoused  the  side  of  the 
oppressed  against  the  oppressor,  whoever  and  whatever  the 
latter  might  be.  In  a  fisticuff  or  a  rough-and-tumble  fight,  he 
was  one  of  the  most  formidable  men  of  the  region  in  which 
he  lived.  It  took  a  big  bully,  and  a  persevering  one,  to  force 
him  into  a  collision ;  but,  being  in,  his  enemy  found  good  rea 
son  to  beware  of  him.  He  was  cool,  calculating,  but  swift  in 
action,  and  terribly  strong.  Nevertheless,  he  never  promoted 
a  quarrel,  and  would  be  at  infinite  trouble  any  time  to  com 
pose  one.  An  unnecessary  broil  gave  him  pain  ;  and  when 
ever  there  was  the  slightest  hope  of  successful  mediation, 
whether  by  soft  speech  or  by  the  strong  hand,  he  was  instant 
and  fearless  for  peace.  His  good-nature,  his  humor,  his  fertility 
in  expedients,  and  his  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  with 
Jack  Armstrong,  made  him  almost  irresistible  in  his  benevo 
lent  efforts  to  keep  the  ordinary  ruffian  of  New  Salem  within 
decent  bounds.  If  he  was  talking  to  Squire  Godbey  or  Row 
Herndon  (each  of  them  give  incidents  of  the  kind),  and  he 
heard  the  sounds  or  saw  the  signs  which  betoken  a  row  in 
the  street,  he  would  jump  up,  saying,  "  Let's  go  and  stop  it." 
He  would  push  through  the  "  ring "  which  was  generally 
formed  around  the  combatants,  and,  after  separating  the 
latter,  would  demand  a  truce  and  "a  talk;"  and  so  soon  as 
he  got  them  to  talking,  the  victory  was  his.  If  it  happened  to 


154  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

be  rough  Jack  himself  who  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  disturb 
ance,  he  usually  became  very  much  ashamed  of  his  conduct, 
and  offered  to  "  treat,"  or  do  any  thing  else  that  would  atone 
for  his  brutality. 

Lincoln  has  often  been  seen  in  the  old  mill  on  the  river- 
bank  to  lift  a  box  of  stones  weighing  from  a  thousand  to 
twelve  hundred  pounds.  Of  course  it  was  not  done  by  a 
straight  lift  of  the  hands :  he  "  was  harnessed  to  the  box  with 
ropes  and  straps."  It  was  even  said  he  could  easily  raise  a 
barrel  of  whiskey  to  his  mouth  when  standing  upright,  and 
take  a  drink  out  of  the  bung-hole ;  but  of  course  one  cannot 
believe  it.  Frequent  exhibitions  of  such  strength  doubtless 
had  much  to  do  with  his  unbounded  influence  over  the 
rougher  class  of  men. 

He  possessed  the  judicial  quality  of  mind  in  a  degree  so 
eminent,  and  it  was  so  universally  recognized,  that  he  never 
could  attend  a  horse-race  without  being  importuned  to  act  as 
a  judge,  or  witness  a  bet  without  assuming  the  responsibility 
of  a  stakeholder.  "  In  the  spring  or  summer  of  1832,"  says 
Henry  McIIenry,  "  I  had  a  horse-race  with  George  Warbur- 
ton.  I  got  Lincoln,  who  was  at  the  race,  to  be  a  judge  of 
the  race,  much  against  his  will  and  after  hard  persuasion. 
Lincoln  decided  correctly  ;  and  the  other  judge  said,  '  Lincoln 
is  the  fairest  man  I  ever  had  to  deal  with:  if  Lincoln  is  in 
this  county  when  I  die,  I  want  him  to  be  my  administrator, 
for  he  is  the  only  man  I  ever  met  with  that  was  wholly  and 
unselfishly  honest.' ':  His  ineffable  purity  in  determining  the 
result  of  a  scrub-race  had  actually  set  his  colleague  to  thinking 
of  his  latter  end. 

But  Lincoln  endured  another  annoyance  much  worse  than 
this.  He  was  so  generally  esteemed,  and  so  highly  admired, 
that,  when  any  of  his  neighbors  had  a  fight  in  prospect,  one 
of  the  parties  was  sure  to  insist  upon  his  acting  as  his  second. 
Lincoln  was  opposed  to  fights,  but  there  were  some  fights  that 
had  to  be  fought ;  and  these  were  "  set,"  a  day  fixed,  and  the 
neighborhood  notified.  In  these  cases  there  was  no  room  for 
the  offices  of  a  mediator ;  and  when  the  affair  was  pre-ordained, 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  155 

"  and  must  come  off,"  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  excuse  for  denying 
the  request  of  a  friend. 

"  Two  neighbors,  Harry  Clark  and  Ben  Wilcox,"  says  Mr. 
Rutledge,  "  had  had  a  lawsuit.  The  defeated  declared,  that, 
although  he  was  beaten  in  the  suit,  he  could  whip  his  oppo 
nent.  This  was  a  formal  challenge,  and  was  at  once  carried 
to  the  ears  of  the  victor  (Wilcox),  and  as  promptly  accepted. 
The  time,  place,  and  seconds  were  chosen  with  due  regu 
larity  ;  Mr.  Lincoln  being  Clark's,  and  John  Brewer,  Wilcox's 
second.  The  parties  met,  stripped  themselves  all  but  their 
breeches,  went  in,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  principal  was  beautifully 
whipped.  These  combats  were  conducted  with  as  much  cere 
mony  and  punctiliousness  as  ever  graced  the  duelling-ground. 
After  the  conflict,  the  seconds  conducted  their  respective 
principals  to  the  river,  washed  off  the  blood,  and  assisted 
them  to  dress.  During  this  performance,  the  second  of  the 
party  opposed  to  Mr.  Lincoln  remarked,  '  Well,  Abe,  my  man 
has  whipped  yours,  and  I  can  whip  you.'  Now,  this  challenge 
came  from  a  man  who  was  very  small  in  size.  Mr.  Lincoln 
agreed  to  fight,  provided  he  would  chalk  out  his  size  on  Mr. 
Lincoln's  person,  and  every  blow  struck  outside  of  that  mark 
should  be  counted  foul.  After  this  sally,  there  was  the  best 
possible  humor,  and  all  parties  were  as  orderly  as  if  they  had 
been  engaged  in  the  most  harmless  amusement." 

In  1834  Lincoln  was  again  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature, 
and  this  time  was  elected  by  a  larger  majority  than  any  other 
man  on  the  ticket.  By  this  time  the  party  with  which  he 
acted  in  the  future  was  "  discriminated  as  Whig;  "  and  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  call  himself  a  Whig,  although  he  sought  and 
received  the  votes  of  a  great  many  Democrats.  Just  before 
the  time  had  arrived  for  candidates  to  announce  themselves, 
he  went  to  John  T.  Stuart,  and  told  him  "  the  Democrats 
wanted  to  run  him."  He  made  the  same  statement  to  Ninian 
W.  Edwards.  Edwards  and  Stuart  were  both  his  personal 
and  political  friends,  and  they  both  advised  him  to  let  the 
Democrats  have  their  way.  Major  Stuart's  advice  was  cer 
tainly  disinterested;  for,  in  pursuance  of  it,  two  of  the  Whig 


156  LIFE   OP   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

candidates,  Lincoln  and  Dawson,  made  a  bargain  with  the 
Democrats  which  very  nearly  proved  fatal  to  Stuart  himself. 
He  was  at  that  time  the  favorite  candidate  of  the  Whigs  for 
the  Legislature ;  but  the  conduct  of  Lincoln  and  Dawson  so 
demoralized  the  party,  that  his  vote  was  seriously  diminished. 
Up  to  this  time  Sangamon  had  been  stanchly  Democratic ; 
but  even  in  this  election  of  1834  we  perceive  slight  evidences 
of  that  party's  decay,  and  so  early  as  1836  the  county  became 
thoroughly  Whig. 

We  shall  give  no  details  of  this  campaign,  since  we  should 
only  be  repeating  what  is  written  of  the  campaign  of  1832. 
But  we  cannot  withhold  one  extract  from  the  reminiscences 
of  Mr.  Row  Herndon  :  — 

"  He  (Lincoln)  came  to  my  house,  near  Island  Grove,  dur 
ing  harvest.  There  were  some  thirty  men  in  the  field.  He 
got  his  dinner,  and  went  out  in  the  field  where  the  men  were 
at  work.  I  gave  him  an  introduction,  and  the  boys  said 
that  they  could  not  vote  for  a  man  unless  he  could  make  a 
hand.  '  Well,  boys,'  said  he, '  if  that  is  all,  I  am  sure  of  your 
votes.'  He  took  hold  of  the  cradle,  and  led  the  way  all  the 
round  with  perfect  ease.  The  boys  were  satisfied,  and  I  don't 
think  he  lost  a  vote  in  the  crowd. 

"  The  next  day  was  speaking  at  Berlin.  He  went  from 
my  house  with  Dr.  Barnett,  the  man  that  had  asked  me  who 
this  man  Lincoln  was.  I  told  him  that  he  was  a  candidate 
for  the  Legislature.  He  laughed  and  said,  '  Can't  the  party 
raise  no  better  material  than  that  ?  '  I  said,  '  Go  to-morrow, 
and  hear  all  before  you  pronounce  judgment.'  When  he 
came  back,  I  said,  '  Doctor,  what  say  you  now  ?  '  '  Why,  sir,' 
said  he,  '  he  is  a  perfect  take-in :  he  knows  more  than  all  of 
them  put  together.' ' 

Lincoln  got  1,376  votes,  Dawson  1,370,  Carpenter  1,170, 
Stuart  1,164.  Lincoln  was  at  last  duly  elected  a  Representa 
tive  by  a  very  flattering  majorit}r,  and  began  to  look  about  for 
the  pecuniary  means  necessary  to  maintain  his  new  dignity. 
In  this  extremity  he  had  recourse  to  an  old  friend  named 
Coleman  Smoot. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  157 

One  day  in  1832,  while  he  was  clerking  for  Offutt,  a  stran 
ger  came  into  the  store,  and  soon  disclosed  the  fact  that  his 
name  was  Smoot.  Abe  was  behind  the  counter  at  the  mo 
ment  ;  but,  hearing  the  name,  he  sprang  over  and  introduced 
himself.  Abe  had  often  heard  of  Smoot,  and  Smoot  had  often 
heard  of  Abe.  They  had  been  as  anxious  to  meet  as  ever 
two  celebrities  were  ;  but  hitherto  they  had  never  been  able  to 
manage  it.  "  Smoot,"  said  Lincoln,  after  a  steady  survey  of 
his  person,  "  I  am  very  much  disappointed  in  you :  I  expected 
to  see  an  old  Probst  of  a  fellow."  (Probst,  it  appears,  was  the 
most  hideous  specimen  of  humanity  in  all  that  country.) 
"  Yes,"  replied  Smoot ;  "  and  I  am  equally  disappointed,  for 
I  expected  to  see  a  good-looking  man  when  I  saw  you."  A 
few  neat  compliments  like  the  foregoing  laid  the  foundation 
of  a  lasting  intimacy  between  the  two  men,  and  in  his  pres 
ent  distress  Lincoln  knew  no  one  who  would  be  more  likely 
than  Smoot  to  respond  favorably  to  an  application  for  money. 

"After  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,"  says  Mr.  Smoot, 
"  he  came  to  my  house  one  day  in  company  with  Hugh  Arm 
strong.  Says  he,  '  Smoot,  did  you  vote  for  me  ?  '  I  told  him 
I  did.  '  Well,'  says  he,  '  you  must  loan  me  money  to  buy 
suitable  clothing,  for  I  want  to  make  a  decent  appearance  in 
the  Legislature.'  I  then  loaned  him  two  hundred  dollars, 
which  he  returned  to  me  according  to  promise." 

The  interval  between  the  election  and  his  departure  for  the 
seat  of  government  was  employed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  partly  in 
reading,  partly  in  writing. 

The  community  in  which  he  lived  was  pre-eminently  a 
community  of  free-thinkers  in  matters  of  religion  ;  and  it  was 
then  no  secret,  nor  has  it  been  a  secret  since,  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln  agreed  with  the  majority  of  his  associates  in  denying  to 
the  Bible  the  authority  of  divine  revelation.  It  was  his  hon 
est  belief,  —  a  belief  which  it  was  no  reproach  to  hold  at  New 
Salem,  Anno  Domini  1834,  and  one  which  he  never  thought 
of  concealing.  It  was  no  distinction,  either  good  or  bad,  no 
honor,  and  no  shame.  But  he  had  made  himself  thoroughly 
fainrliar  with  the  writings  of  Paine  and  Volney,  —  the  "Ruins" 


158  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

by  one,  and  "  The  Age  of  Reason "  by  the  other.  His  mind 
•was  full  of  the  subject,  and  he  felt  an  itching  to  write.  He 
did  write,  and  the  result  was  a  "  little  book."  It  was  proba 
bly  merely  an  extended  essay ;  but  it  is  ambitiously  spoken  of 
as  "  a  book  "  by  himself  and  by  the  persons  who  were  made 
acquainted  with  its  contents.  In  this  work  he  intended  to 
demonstrate,  — 

"  First,  that  the  Bible  was  not  God's  revelation  ;  and, 
"  Secondly,  that  Jesus  was  not  the  Son  of  God." 
These  were  his  leading  propositions,  and  surely  they  were 
comprehensive  enough  ;  but  the  reader  will  be  better  able  to 
guess  at  the  arguments  by  which  they  were  sustained,  when  he 
has  examined  some  of  the  evidence  recorded  in  Chapter  XIX. 
No  leaf  of  this  little  volume  has  survived.  Mr.  Lincoln 
carried  it  in  manuscript  to  the  store  of  Mr.  Samuel  Hill, 
where  it  was  read  and  discussed.  Hill  was  himself  an  unbe 
liever',  but  his  son  considered  this  book  "  infamous."  It  is 
more  than  probable  that  Hill,  being  a  warm  personal  friend  of 
Lincoln,  feared  that  the  publication  of  the  essay  would  some 
day  interfere  with  the  political  advancement  of  his  favorite. 
At  all  events,  he  snatched  it  out  of  his  hand,  and  thrust  it  into 
the  fire,  from  which  not  a  shred  escaped.  The  sequel  will 
show  that  even  Mr.  Hill's  provident  forethought  was  not  alto 
gether  equal  to  the  prevention  of  the  injury  he  dreaded. 


CHAPTER 


THE  reader  is  already  familiar  with  the  name  of  James 
Rutledge,  the  founder  of  New  Salem,  and  the  owner  in 
part  of  the  famous  mill  on  the  Sangamon.  He  was  born  in 
South  Carolina,  and  Avas  of  the  illustrious  Rutledge  family 
of  that  State.  From  South  Carolina  he  emigrated  to  Ken 
tucky,  and  thence  to  Illinois.  In  1828  he  settled  at  New 
Salem,  built  the  mill  and  laid  out  the  village  in  conjunction 
with  Mr.  Cameron,  a  retired  minister  of  the  Cumberland 
Presbyterians.  Mr.  Rutledge's  character  seems  to  have  been 
pure  and  high;  for  wherever  his  name  occurs  in  the  volu 
minous  records  before  us,  —  in  the  long  talks  and  the  numerous 
epistles  of  his  neighbors,  —  it  is  almost  invariably  coupled  with 
some  expression  of  genuine  esteem  and  respect. 

At  one  time,  and  along  with  his  other  business,  —  which 
appears  to  have  been  quite  extensive  and  various,  —  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge  kept  the  tavern,  the  small  house  with  four  rooms  on  the 
main  street  of  New  Salem,  just  opposite  Lincoln's  grocery. 
There  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  board  late  in  1832,  or  early  in 
1833.  The  family  consisted  of  the  father,  mother,  and  nine 
children,  —  three  of  them  born  in  Kentucky  and  six  in  Illinois; 
three  grown  up,  and  the  rest  quite  young.  Ann,  the  princi 
pal  subject  of  this  chapter,  was  the  third  child.  She  Avas 
born  on  the  7th  of  January,  1813,  and  Avas  about  nineteen 
years  of  age  Avhen  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to  live  in  the  house. 

When  Ann  Avas  a  little  maiden  just  turned  of  seventeen,  and 
still  attending  the  school  of  that  redoubtable  pedagogue  Min- 
ter  Graham,  there  came  to  NCAV  Salem  a  young  gentleman 

169 


160  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  singular  enterprise,  tact,  and  capacity  for  business.  He  is 
identical  with  the  man  whom  we  have  already  quoted  as  "  the 
pioneer  of  New  Salem  as  a  business  point,"  and  who  built 
the  first  storehouse  there  at  the  extravagant  cost  of  fifteen 
dollars.  He  took  boarding  with  Mr.  Rutledge's  friend  and 
partner,  James  Cameron,  and  gave  out  his  name  as  John 
McNeil.  He  came  to  New  Salem  with  no  other  capital  than 
good  sense  and  an  active  and  plucky  spirit ;  but  somehow 
fortune  smiled  indiscriminately  on  all  his  endeavors,  and  very 
soon  —  as  early  as  the  latter  part  of  1832  —  he  found  him 
self  a  well-to-do  and  prosperous  man,  owning  a  snug  farm 
seven  miles  north  of  New  Salem,  and  a  half-interest  in  the 
largest  store  of  the  place.  This  latter  property  his  partner, 
Samuel  Hill,  bought  from  him  at  a  good  round  sum ;  for 
McNeil  now  announced  his  intention  of  being  absent  for  a 
brief  period,  and  his  purpose  was  such  that  he  might  need  all 
his  available  capital. 

In  the  mean  time  the  partners,  Hill  and  McNeil,  had  both 
fallen  in  love  with  Ann  Rutledge,  and  both  courted  her  with 
devoted  assiduity.  But  the  contest  had  long  since  been 
decided  in  favor  of  McNeil,  and  Ann  loved  him  with  all  her 
susceptible  and  sensitive  heart.  When  the  time  drew  near 
for  McNeil  to  depart,  he  confided  to  Ann  a  strange  story,  — 
and,  in  the  eyes  of  a  person  less  fond,  a  very  startling  story. 
His  name  was  not  John  McNeil  at  all,  but  John  McNamar. 
His  family  was  a  highly  respectable  one  in  the  State  of  New 
York  ;  but  a  few  years  before  his  father  had  failed  in  business, 
and  there  was  great  distress  at  home.  He  (John)  then  con 
ceived  the  romantic  plan  of  running  away,  and,  at  some  unde 
fined  place  in  the  far  West,  making  a  sudden  fortune  with 
which  to  retrieve  the  family  disaster.  He  fled  accordingly, 
changed  his  name  to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  his  father,  found 
his  way  to  New  Salem,  and  —  she  knew  the  rest.  He  was 
now  able  to  perform  that  great  act  of  filial  piety  which  he  set 
out  to  accomplish,  would  return  at  once  to  the  relief  of  his 
parents,  and,  in  all  human  probability,  bring  them  back  with 
him  to  his  new  home  in  Illinois.  At  all  events,  she  might 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  161 

look  for  his  return  as  speedily  as  the  journey  could  be  made 
with  ordinary  diligence ;  and  thenceforward  there  should  be 
no  more  partings  between  him  and  his  fair  Ann.  She  believed 
this  tale,  because  she  loved  the  man  that  told  it ;  and  she 
would  have  believed  it  all  the  same  if  it  had  been  ten  times 
as  incredible.  A  wise  man  would  have  rejected  it  with 
scorn,  but  the  girl's  instinct  was  a  better  guide ;  and  McNa- 
mar  proved  to  be  all  that  he  said  he  was,  although  poor  Ann 
never  saw  the  proof  which  others  got  of  it. 

McNamar  rode  away  "  on  old  Charley,"  an  antiquated 
steed  that  had  seen  hard  usage  in  the  Black  Hawk  War. 
Charley  was  slow,  stumbled  dreadfully,  and  caused  his  rider 
much  annoyance  and  some  hard  swearing.  On  this  provok 
ing  animal  McNamar  jogged  through  the  long  journey  from 
New  Salem  to  New  York,  and  arrived  there  after  many 
delays,  only  to  find  that  his  broken  and  dispirited  father  was 
fast  sinking  into  the  grave.  After  all  his  efforts,  he  was  too 
late :  the  father  could  never  enjoy  the  prosperity  which  the 
long-absent  and  long-silent  son  had  brought  him.  McNamar 
wrote  to  Ann  that  there  was  sickness  in  the  family,  and  he 
could  not  return  at  the  time  appointed.  Then  there  were 
other  and  still  other  postponements ;  "  circumstances  over 
which  he  had  no  control "  prevented  his  departure  from  time 
to  time,  until  years  had  rolled  away,  and  Ann's  heart  had 
grown  sick  with  hope  deferred.  She  never  quite  gave  him 
up,  but  continued  to  expect  him  until  death  terminated  her 
melancholy  watch.  His  inexplicable  delay,  however,  the 
infrequency  of  his  letters,  and  their  unsatisfactory  character, 
—  these  and  something  else  had  broken  her  attachment,  and 
toward  the  last  she  waited  for  him  only  to  ask  a  release  from 
her  engagement,  and  to  say  that  she  preferred  another  and  a 
more  urgent  suitor.  But  without  his  knowledge  and  formal 
renunciation  of  his  claim  upon  her,  she  did  not  like  to  marry  ; 
and,  in  obedience  to  this  refinement  of  honor,  she  postponed 
her  union  with  the  more  pressing  lover  until  Aug.  25, 
1835,  when,  as  many  persons  believe,  she  died  of  a  broken 

heart. 

11 


IG2  LIFE   OF   ABKAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Lincoln's  friend  Short  was  in  some  way  related  to  the  Rut- 
ledges,  and  for  a  while  Lincoln  visited  Ann  two  or  three  times 
a  week  at  his  house.  According  to  him,  "  Miss  Rutledge  was 
a  good-looking,  smart,  lively  girl,  a  good  housekeeper,  with  a 
moderate  education,  and  without  any  of  the  so-called  accom 
plishments."  L.  M.  Greene,  who  knew  her  well,  talks  about 
her  as  "  a  beautiful  and  very  amiable  young  woman  ;  "  and 
"  Nult "  Greene  is  even  more  enthusiastic.  "  This  young 
lady,"  in  the  language  of  the  latter  gentleman,  "  was  a  woman 
of  exquisite  beauty ;  but  her  intellect  was  quick,  sharp,  deep, 
and  philosophic,  as  well  as  brilliant.  She  had  as  gentle  and 
kind  a  heart  as  an  angel,  full  of  love,  kindliness,  and  sympa 
thy.  She  was  beloved  by  everybody,  and  everybody  respected 
and  loved  her,  so  sweet  and  angelic  was  she.  Her  charac 
ter  was  more  than  good :  it  was  positively  noted  throughout 
the  county.  She  was  a  woman  worthy  of  Lincoln's  love." 
McNamar,  her  unfortunate  lover,  says,  "  Miss  Ann  was  a  gen 
tle,  amiable  maiden,  without  any  of  the  airs  of  your  city 
belles,  but  winsome  and  comely  withal ;  a  blonde  in  complex 
ion,  with  golden  hair,  cherry-red  lips,  and  a  bonny  blue  eye." 
Even  the  women  of  the  neighborhood  united  with  the  men  to 
praise  the  name  of  this  beautiful  but  unhappy  girl.  Mrs. 
Hardin  Bale  "  knew  her  well.  She  had  auburn  hair,  blue 
eyes,  fair  complexion ;  was  a  slim,  prett}^,  kind,  tender,  good- 
hearted  woman  ;  in  height  about  five  feet  three  inches,  and 
weighed  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  pounds.  She  was  be 
loved  by  all  who  knew  her.  McNamar,  Hill,  and  Lincoln  all 
courted  her  near  the  same  time.  She  died  as  it  were  of  grief. 
Miss  Rutledge  was  beautiful."  Such  was  Ann  Rutledge,  the 
girl  in  whose  grave  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  My  heart  lies  buried." 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  first  saw  Ann,  she  was  probably  the 
most  refined  woman  with  whom  he  had  then  ever  spoken,  —  a 
modest,  delicate  creature,  fascinating  by  reason  of  the  mere  con 
trast  with  the  rude  people  by  whom  they  were  both  sur 
rounded.  She  had  a  secret,  too,  and  a  sorrow,  —  the  unex 
plained  and  painful  absence  of  McNamar,  —  which  no  doubt 
made  her  all  the  more  interesting  to  him  whose  spirit  was  often 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  163 

even  more  melancholy  than  her  own.  It  would  be  hard  to 
trace  the  growth  of  such  an  attachment  at  a  time  and  place  so 
distant ;  but  that  it  actually  grew,  and  became  an  intense  and 
mutual  passion,  the  evidence  before  us  is  painfully  abundant. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  always  Avelcome  at  the  little  tavern,  at 
Short's  on  the  Sand  Ridge,  or  at  the  farm,  half  a  mile  from 
Short's,  where  the  Rutledges  finally  abode.  Ann's  father  was 
his  devoted  friend,  and  the  mother  he  called  affectionately 
"  Aunt  Polly."  It  is  probable  that  the  family  looked  upon 
McNamar's  delay  with  more  suspicion  than  Ann  did  herself. 
At  all  events,  all  her  adult  relatives  encouraged  the  suit  which 
Lincoln  early  began  to  press ;  and  as  time,  absence,  and  ap 
parent  neglect,  gradually  told  against  McNamar,  she  listened 
to  him  with  augmenting  interest,  until,  in  1835,  we  find  them 
formally  and  solemnly  betrothed.  Ann  now  waited  only  for 
the  return  of  McNamar  to  marry  Lincoln.  David  Rutledge 
urged  her  to  marry  immediately,  without  regard  to  any  thing 
but  her  own  happiness ;  but  she  said  she  could  not  consent 
to  it  until  McNamar  came  back  and  released  her  from  her 
pledge.  At  length,  however,  as  McNamar's  re-appearance 
became  more  and  more  hopeless,  she  took  a  different  view  of 
it,  and  then  thought  she  would  become  Abe's  wife  as  soon  as 
he  found  the  means  of  a  decent  livelihood.  "  Ann  told  me 
once,"  says  James  M.  in  a  letter  to  R.  B.  Rutledge,  in  com 
ing  from  camp-meeting  on  Rock  Creek,  "  that  engagements 
made  too  far  ahead  sometimes  failed ;  that  one  had  failed 
(meaning  her  engagement  with  McNamar),  and  gave  me  to> 
understand,  that,  as  soon  as  certain  studies  were  completed,, 
she  and  Lincoln  would  be  married." 

In  the  summer  of  1835  Ann  showed  unmistakable  symptoms 
of  failing  health,  attributable,  as  most  of  the  neighborhood 
believed,  to  the  distressing  attitude  she  felt  bound  to  maintain 
between  her  two  lovers.  On  the  25th  of  August,  in  that  year, 
she  died  of  what  the  doctors  chose  to  call  "  brain-fever."  In 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Herndon,  her  brother  says,  "  You  suggest  that 
the  probable  cause  of  Ann's  sickness  was  her  conflicts,  emo 
tions,  &c.  As  to  this  I  cannot  say.  I,  however,  have  my 


164  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

own  private  convictions.  The  character  of  her  sickness  was 
brain-fever."  A  few  days  before  her  death  Lincoln  was  sum 
moned  to  her  bedside.  What  happened  in  that  solemn  con 
ference  was  known  only  to  him  and  the  dying  girl.  But 
when  he  left  her,  and  stopped  at  the  house  of  John  Jones,  on 
his  way  home,  Jones  saw  signs  of  the  most  terrible  distress  in 
his  face  and  his  conduct.  When  Ann  actually  died,  and  was 
buried,  his  grief  became  frantic :  he  lost  all  self-control,  even 
the  consciousness  of  identity,  and  every  friend  he  had  in 
New  Salem  pronounced  him  insane,  mad,  crazy.  "  He  was 
watched  with  especial  vigilance,"  as  William  Green  tells  us, 
"  during  storms,  fogs,  damp,  gloomy  weather,  for  fear  of  an 
accident."  At  such  times  he  raved  piteously,  declaring, 
among  other  wild  expressions  of  his  woe,  '  I  can  never  be 
reconciled  to  have  the  snow,  rains,  and  storms  to  beat  upon 
her  grave  ! ' ' 

About  three-quarters  of  a  mile  below  New  Salem,  at  the 
foot  of  the  main  bluff,  and  in  a  hollow  between  two  lateral 
bluffs,  stood  the  house  of  Bowlin  Greene,  built  of  logs  and 
weather-boarded.  Thither  the  friends  of  Lincoln,  who  appre 
hended  a  total  abdication  of  reason,  determined  to  transport 
him,  partly  for  the  benefit  of  a  mere  change  of  scene,  and 
partly  to  keep  him  within  constant  reach  of  his  near  and 
noble  friend,  Bowlin  Greene.  During  this  period  of  his  dark 
ened  and  wavering  intellect,  when  "  accidents "  were  mo 
mentarily  expected,  it  was  discovered  that  Bowlin  Greene  pos 
sessed  a  power  to  persuade  and  guide  him  proportioned  to  the 
affection  that  had  subsisted  between  them  in  former  and  bet 
ter  times.  Bowlin  Greene  came  for  him,  but  Lincoln  was  cun 
ning  and  obstinate  :  it  required  the  most  artful  practices  of  a 
general  conspiracy  of  all  his  friends  to  "  disarm  his  suspicions," 
and  induce  him  to  go  and  stay  with  his  most  anxious  and 
devoted  friend.  But  at  last  they  succeeded ;  and  Lincoln 
remained  down  under  the  bluff  for  two  or  three  weeks,  the 
object  of  undisguised  solicitude  and  of  the  strictest  surveil 
lance.  At  the  end  of  that  time  his  mind  seemed  to  be  restored, 
and  it  was  thought  safe  to  let  him  go  back  to  his  old  haunts,  — 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  165 

to  the  study  of  law,  to  the  writing  of  legal  papers  for  his 
neighbors,  to  pettifogging  before  the  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
perhaps  to  a  little  surveying.  But  Mr.  Lincoln  was  never 
precisely  the  same  man  again.  At  the  time  of  his  release  he 
was  thin,  haggard,  and  careworn,  —  like  one  risen  from  the 
verge  of  the  grave.  He  had  always  been  subject  to  fits  of 
great  mental  depression,  but  after  this  they  were  more  frequent 
and  alarming.  It  was  then  that  he  began  to  repeat,  with  a 
feeling  which  seemed  to  inspire  every  listener  with  awe,  and 
to  carry  him  to  the  fresh  grave  of  Ann  at  every  one  of  his 
solemn  periods,  the  lines  entitled,  "  Immortalit}7- ;  or,  Oh  !  why 
should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud?  "  None  heard  him  but 
knew  that  he  selected  these  curiously  empty,  yet  wonderfully 
sad,  impressive  lines,  to  celebrate  a  grief  which  lay  with  con 
tinual  heaviness  on  his  heart,  but  to  which  he  could  not  with 
becoming  delicacy  directly  allude.  He  muttered  them  as  he 
rambled  through  the  woods,  or  walked  by  the  roaring  San- 
gamon.  He  was  heard  to  murmur  them  to  himself  as  he 
slipped  into  the  village  at  nightfall,  after  a  long  walk  of 
six  miles,  and  an  evening  visit  to  the  Concord  graveyard  ;  and 
he  would  suddenly  break  out  with  them  in  little  social  assem 
blies  after  noticeable  periods  of  silent  gloom.  They  came 
unbidden  to  his  lips,  while  the  air  of  affliction  in  face  and  ges 
ture,  the  moving  tones  and  touching  modulations  of  his  voice, 
made  it  evident  that  every  syllable  of  the  recitation  was 
meant  to  commemorate  the  mournful  fate  of  Ann.  The  poem 
is  now  his :  the  name  of  the  obscure  author  is  forgotten,  and 
his  work  is  imperishably  associated  with  the  memory  of  a 
great  man,  and  interwoven  with  the  history  of  his  greatest 
sorrow.  Mr.  Lincoln's  adoption  of  it  has  saved  it  from  mer 
ited  oblivion,  and  translated  it  from  the  "poet's  corner"  of 
the  country  newspaper  to  a  place  in  the  story  of  his  own  life, 
—  a  story  that  will  continue  to  be  written,  or  written  about, 
as  long  as  our  language  exists. 

Many  years  afterwards,  when  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  best  lawyer 
of  his  section,  with  one  exception,  travelled  the  circuit  with  the 
court  and  a  crowd  of  his  jolly  brethren,  he  always  rose  early,  be 


166  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

fore  any  one  else  was  stirring,  and,  raking  together  a  few  glow 
ing  coals  on  the  hearth,  he  would  sit  looking  into  them,  musing 
and  talking  with  himself,  for  hours  together.  One  morning, 
in  the  year  of  his  nomination,  his  companions  found  him  in 
this  attitude,  when  "  Mr.  Lincoln  repeated  aloud,  and  at 
length,  the  poem  '  Immortality,'  "  indicating  his  preference  for 
the  two  last  stanzas,  but  insisting  that  the  entire  composition 
"  sounded  to  him  as  much  like  true  poetry  as  any  thing  that 
he  had  ever  heard." 

In  Carpenter's  "  Anecdotes  and  Reminiscences  of  President 
Lincoln,"  occurs  the  following  passage  :  — 

"  The  evening  of  March  22,  1864,  was  a  most  interesting 
one  to  me.  I  was  with  the  President  alone  in  his  office  for 
several  hours.  Busy  with  pen  and  papers  when  I  went  in, 
he  presently  threw  them  aside,  and  commenced  talking  to  me 
of  Shakspeare,  of  whom  he  was  very  fond.  Little  '  Tad,' 
his  son,  coming  in,  he  sent  him  to  the  library  for  a  copy  of 
the  plays,  and  then  read  to  me  several  of  his  favorite  passages. 
Relapsing  into  a  sadder  strain,  he  laid  the  book  aside,  and, 
leaning  back  in  his  chair,  said,  — 

"  '  There  is  a  poem  which  has  been  a  great  favorite  with  me 
for  years,  which  was  first  shown  to  me  when  a  young  man  by 
a  friend,  and  which  I  afterwards  saw  and  cut  from  a  news 
paper,  and  learned  by  heart.  I  would,'  he  continued,  '  give  a 
great  deal  to  know  who  wrote  it ;  but  I  have  never  been  able 
to  ascertain.' 
"  Then,  half  closing  his  eyes,  he  repeated  the  verses  to  me :  — 

" '  Oh  1  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ? 
Like  a  swift-fleeting  meteor,  a  fast-flying  cloud, 
A  flash  of  the  lightning,  a  break  of  the  wave, 
lie  passeth  from  life  to  his  rest  in  the  grave. 

The  leaves  of  the  oak  and  the  willow  shall  fade, 
Be  scattered  around,  and  together  be  laid ; 
And  the  young  and  the  old,  and  the  low  and  the  high, 
Shall  moulder  to  dust,  and  together  shall  lie. 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  107 

The  infant  a  mother  attended  and  loved  ; 
The  mother  that  infant's  affection  who  proved ; 
The  husband  that  mother  and  infant  who  blest,  — 
Each,  all,  are  away  to  their  dwellings  of  rest 

[The  maid  on  whose  cheek,  on  whose  brow,  in  whose  eye, 
Shone  beauty  and  pleasure,  her  triumphs  are  by ; 
And  the  memory  of  those  who  loved  her  and  praised, 
Arc  alike  from  the  minds  of  the  living  erased.] 

The  hand  of  the  king  that  the  sceptre  hath  borne, 
The  brow  of  the  priest  that  the  mitre  hath  worn, 
The  eye  of  the  sage,  and  the  heart  of  the  brave, 
Are  hidden  and  lost  in  the  depths  of  the  grave. 

The  peasant  whose  lot  was  to  sow  and  to  reap, 
The  herdsman  who  climbed  with  his  goats  up  the  steep, 
The  beggar  who  wandered  in  search  of  his  bread, 
Have  faded  away  like  the  grass  that  we  tread. 

[The  saint  who  enjoyed  the  communion  of  Heaven, 
The  sinner  who  dared  to  remain  unforgiven, 
The  wise  and  the  foolish,  the  guilty  and  just, 
Have  quietly  mingled  their  bones  in  the  dust.] 

So  the  multitude  goes,  like  the  flower  or  the  weed, 
That  withers  away  to  let  others  succeed ; 
So  the  multitude  comes,  even  those  we  behold, 
To  repeat  every  tale  that  has  often  been  told. 

For  we  are  the  same  our  fathers  have  been  ; 
We  see  the  same  sights  our  fathers  have  seen ; 
We  drink  the  same  stream,  we  view  the  same  sun, 
And  run  the  same  course  our  fathers  have  run. 

The  thoughts  we  are  thinking  our  fathers  would  think; 
From  the  death  we  arc  shrinking  our  fathers  would  shrink ; 
To  the  life  we  are  clinging  they  also  would  cling; 
But  it  speeds  from  us  all  like  a  bird  on  the  wing. 

They  loved,  but  the  story  we  cannot  unfold ; 
They  scorned,  but  the  heart  of  the  haughty  is  cold  ; 
They  grieved,  but  no  wail  from  their  slumber  will  come ; 
They  joyed,  but  the  tongue  of  their  gladness  is  dumb. 


168  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

They  died,  ay,  they  died  :  we  things  that  are  now, 
That  walk  on  the  turf  that  lies  over  their  brow, 
And  make  in  their  dwellings  a  transient  abode, 
Meet  the  things  that  they  met  on  their  pilgrimage  road. 

Yea,  hope  and  despondency,  pleasure  and  pain, 
Are  mingled  together  in  sunshine  and  rain ; 
And  the  smile  and  the  tear,  the  song  and  the  dirge, 
Still  follow  each  other  like  surge  upon  surge. 

'Tis  the  wink  of  an  eye,  'tis  the  draught  of  a  breath, 
From  the  blossom  of  health  to  the  paleness  of  death, 
From  the  gilded  saloon  to  the  bier  and  the  shroud,  — 
Oh !  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ? ' " 

It  was  only  a  year  or  two  after  the  death  of  Ann  Rutledge 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  told  Robert  L.  Wilson,  a  distinguished 
colleague  in  the  Legislature,  parts  of  whose  letter  will  be 
printed  in  another  place,  that,  although  "  he  appeared  to  enjoy 
life  rapturously,"  it  was  a  mistake  ;  that,  "  when  alone,  he  was 
so  overcome  by  mental  depression,  that  he  never  dared  to 
carry  a  pocket-knife."  And  during  all  Mr.  Wilson's  extended 
acquaintance  with  him  he  never  did  own  a  knife,  notwith 
standing  he  was  inordinately  fond  of  whittling. 

Mr.  Herndon  says,  "  He  never  addressed  another  woman, 
in  my  opinion,  '  Yours  affectionately,'  and  generally  and  char 
acteristically  abstained  from  the  use  of  the  word  '  love.'  That 
word  cannot  be  found  more  than  a  half-dozen  times,  if  that 
often,  in  all  his  letters  and  speeches  since  that  time.  I  have 
seen  some  of  his  letters  to  other  ladies,  but  he  never  says 
'love.'  He  never  ended  his  letters  with  'Yours  affection 
ately,'  but  signed  his  name,  '  Your  friend,  A.  Lincoln.' ' 

After  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  to  the  Presidency,  he  one  day 
met  an  old  friend,  Isaac  Cogdale,  who  had  known  him  inti 
mately  in  the  better  days  of  the  Rutledges  at  New  Salem. 
"Ike,"  said  he,  "call  at  my  office  at  the  State  House  about 
an  hour  by  sundown.  The  company  will  then  all  be  gone." 

Cogdale  went  according  to  request ;  "  and  sure  enough,"  as 
he  expressed  it,  "the  company  dropped  off  one  by  one,  includ 
ing  Lincoln's  clerk." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  1G9 

"  '  I  want  to  inquire  about  old  times  and  old  acquaintances,' 
began  Mr.  Lincoln.  *  When  we  lived  in  Salem,  there  were 
the  Greenes,  Potters,  Armstrongs,  and  Rutledges.  These 
folks  have  got  scattered  all  over  the  world,  — some  are  dead. 
Where  are  the  Rutledges,  Greenes,  &c.  ?  ' 

"  After  we  had  spoken  over  old  times,"  continues  Cogdale, 
—  "persons,  circumstances,  —  in  which  he  showed  a  won 
derful  memory,  I  then  dared  to  ask  him  this  question  :  — 

"  '  May  I  now,  in  turn,  ask  you  one  question,  Lincoln  ?  ' 

"  'Assuredl}-.  I  will  answer  your  question,  if  a  fair  one, 
with  all  my  heart.' 

" '  Well,  Abe,  is  it  true  that  you  fell  in  love  and  courted 
Ann  Rutledge  ? ' 

"  '  It  is  true,  —  true :  indeed  I  did.  I  have  loved  the 
name  of  Rutledge  to  this  day.  I  have  kept  my  mind  on  their 
movements  ever  since,  and  love  them  dearly.' 

"  *  Abe,  is  it  true,'  "  still  urged  Cogdale,  "  that  you  ran  a 
little  wild  about  the  matter?  ' 

"  '  I  did  really.  I  ran  off  the  track.  It  was  my  first.  I 
loved  the  woman  dearly.  She  was  a  handsome  girl ;  would 
have  made  a  good,  loving  wife ;  was  natural  and  quite  intel 
lectual,  though  not  highly  educated.  I  did  honestly  and  truly 
love  the  girl,  and  think  often,  often,  of  her  now.' ' 

A  few  weeks  after  the  burial  of  Ann,  McNamar  returned 
to  New  Salem.  He  saw  Lincoln  at  the  post-office,  and  was 
struck  with  the  deplorable  change  in  his  appearance.  A  short 
time  afterwards  Lincoln  wrote  him  a  deed,  which  he  still  has, 
and  prizes  highly,  in  memory  of  his  great  friend  and  rival. 
His  father  was  at  last  dead ;  but  he  brought  back  with  him 
his  mother  and  her  family.  In  December  of  the  same  year 
his  mother  died,  and  was  buried  in  the  same  graveyard  with 
Ann.  During  his  absence,  Col.  Rutledge  had  occupied  his 
farm,  and  there  Ann  died ;  but  "  the  Rutledge  farm  "  proper 
adjoined  this  one  to  the  south.  "  Some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  cor 
ners,  as  a  surveyor,  are  still  visible  on  lines  traced  by  him  on 
both  farms." 

On  Sunday,  the  fourteenth  day  of  October,  1866,  William 


170  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

H.  Herndon  knocked  at  the  door  of  John  McNamar,  at  his 
residence,  but  a  few  feet  distant  from  the  spot  where  Ann 
Rutledge  breathed  her  last.  After  some  preliminaries  not 
necessary  to  be  related,  Mr.  Herndon  says,  "  I  asked  him  the 
question :  — 

" '  Did  you  know  Miss  Rutledge  ?  If  so,  where  did  she 
die?' 

"  He  sat  by  his  open  window,  looking  westerly ;  and, 
pulling  me  closer  to  himself,  looked  through  the  window  and 
said,  '  There,  by  that,'  —  choking  up  with  emotion,  pointing 
his  long  forefinger,  nervous  and  trembling,  to  the  spot,  — 
'  there,  by  that  currant-bush,  she  died.  The  old  house  in 
which  she  and  her  father  died  is  gone.' 

"  After  further  conversation,  leaving  the  sadness  to  momen 
tarily  pass  away,  I  asked  this  additional  question :  — 

"  '  Where  was  she  buried  ?  ' 

"  '  In  Concord  burying-ground,  one  mile  south-east  of  this 
place.' " 

Mr.  Herndon  sought  the  grave.  "  S.  C.  Berry,"  says  he, 
"  James  Short  (the  gentleman  who  purchased  in  Mr.  Lincoln's 
compass  and  chain  in  1834,  under  an  execution  against  Lin 
coln,  or  Lincoln  &  Berry,  and  gratuitously  gave  them  back  to 
Mr.  Lincoln),  James  Miles,  and  myself  were  together. 

"  I  asked  Mr.  Berry  if  he  knew  where  Miss  Rutledge  was 
buried,  —  the  place  and  exact  surroundings.  He  replied,  '  I 
do.  The  grave  of  Miss  Rutledge  lies  just  north  of  her  broth 
er's,  David  Rutledge,  a  young  lawyer  of  great  promise,  who 
died  in  1842,  in  his  twenty-seventh  year.' 

"  The  cemetery  contains  but  an  acre  of  ground,  in  a  beauti 
ful  and  secluded  situation.  A  thin  skirt  of  timber  lies  on  the 
east,  commencing  at  the  fence  of  the  cemetery.  The  ribbon 
of  timber,  some  fifty  yards  wide,  hides  the  sun's  early  rise. 
At  nine  o'clock  the  sun  pours  all  his  rays  into  the  cemetery. 
An  extensive  prairie  lies  west,  the  forest  north,  a  field  on  the 
east,  and  timber  and  prairie  on  the  south.  In  this  lonely 
ground  lie  the  Berrys,  the  Rutledges,  the  Clarys,  the  Arm- 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  171 

strongs,  and  the  Joneses,  old  and  respected  citizens,  —  pioneers 
of  an  early  day.  I  write,  or  rather  did  write,  the  original 
draught  of  this  description  in  the  immediate  presence  of  the 
ashes  of  Miss  Ann  Rutledge,  the  beautiful  and  tender  dead. 
The  village  of  the  dead  is  a  sad,  solemn  place.  Its  very  pres 
ence  imposes  truth  on  the  mind  of  the  living  writer.  Ann 
Rutledge  lies  buried  north  of  her  brother,  and  rests  sweetly 
on  his  left  arm,  angels  to  guard  her.  The  cemetery  is  fast 
filling  with  the  hazel  and  the  dead." 

A  lecture  delivered  by  William  H.  Herndon  at  Springfield, 
in  1866,  contained  the  main  outline,  without  the  minuter 
details,  of  the  story  here  related.  It  was  spoken,  printed,  and 
circulated  without  contradiction  from  any  quarter.  It  was 
sent  to  the  Rutledges,  McNeeleys,  Greenes,  Short,  and  many 
other  of  the  old  residents  of  New  Salem  and  Petersburg,  with 
particular  requests  that  they  should  correct  any  error  they 
might  find  in  it.  It  was  pronounced  by  them  all  truthful  and 
accurate  ;  but  their  replies,  together  with  a  mass  of  additional 
evidence,  have  been  carefully  collated  with  the  lecture,  and 
the  result  is  the  present  chapter.  The  story  of  Ann  Rut- 
ledge,  Lincoln,  and  McNamar,  as  told  here,  is  as  well  proved 
as  the  fact  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  to  the  Presidency. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TjlOLLOWING  strictly  the  chronological  order  hitherto 
JJ  observed  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  we  should  be 
compelled  to  break  off  the  story  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  love-affairs 
at  New  Salem,  and  enter  upon  his  public  career  in  the  Legis 
lature  and  before  the  people.  But,  while  by  that  means  we 
should  preserve  continuity  in  one  respect,  we  should  lose  it 
in  another ;  and  the  reader  would  perhaps  prefer  to  take  in  at 
one  view  all  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  courtships,  save  only  that  one 
which  resulted  in  marriage. 

Three-quarters  of  a  mile,  or  nearly  so,  north  of  Bowlin 
Greene's,  and  on  the  summit  of  a  hill,  stood  the  house  of 
Bennett  Able,  a  small  frame  building  eighteen  by  twenty 
feet.  Able  and  his  wife  were  warm  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln ; 
and  many  of  his  rambles  through  the  surrounding  country, 
reading  and  talking  to  himself,  terminated  at  their  door,  where 
he  always  found  the  latch-string  on  the  outside,  and  a  hearty 
welcome  within.  In  October,  1833,  Mr.  Lincoln  met  there 
Miss  Mary  Owens,  a  sister  of  Mrs.  Able,  and,  as  we  shall 
presently  learn  from  his  own  words,  admired  her,  although 
not  extravagantly.  She  remained  but  four  weeks,  and  then 
went  back  to  her  home  in  Kentucky. 

Miss  Owens's  mother  being  dead,  her  father  married  again  ; 
and  Miss  Owens,  for  good  reasons  of  her  own,  thought  she 
would  rather  live  with  her  sister  than  with  her  stepmother. 
Accordingly,  in  the  fall  of  1836,  she  re-appeared  at  Abie's, 
passing  through  New  Salem  on  the  day  of  the  presidential 
election,  where  the  men  standing  about  the  polls  stared  and 

172 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  173 

wondered  at  her  "  beauty."  Twenty  eight  or  nine  years  of 
age,  "  she  was,"  in  the  language  of  Mr.  L.  M.  Greene,  "  tall 
and  portly ;  weighed  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds, 
and  had  large  blue  eyes,  with  the  finest  trimmings  I  ever  saw. 
She  was  jovial,  social,  loved  wit  and  humor,  had  a  liberal  Eng 
lish  education,  and  was  considered  wealthy.  Bill,"  continues 
our  excellent  friend,  "  I  am  getting  old  ;  have  seen  too  much 
trouble  to  give  a  lifelike  picture  of  this  woman.  I  won't  try 
it.  None  of  the  poets  or  romance-writers  has  ever  given  to  us 
a  picture  of  a  heroine  so  beautiful  as  a  good  description  of 
Miss  Owens  in  1836  would  be." 

Mrs.  Hardin  Bale,  a  cousin  to  Miss  Owens,  says  "  she  was 
blue-eyed,  dark-haired,  handsome,  — not  pretty,  — was  rather 
large  and  tall,  handsome,  truly  handsome,  matronly  looking, 
over  ordinary  size  in  height  and  weight.  .  .  .  Miss  Owens 
was  handsome,  that  is  to  say,  noble-looking,  matronly  seem- 
ing." 

Respecting  her  age  and  looks,  Miss  Owens  herself  makes 
the  following  note,  Aug.  6,  1866  :  — 

"  Born  in  the  year  eight ;  fair  skin,  deep-blue  eyes,  with 
dark  curling  hair ;  height  five  feet  five  inches,  weighing  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds." 

Johnson  G.  Greene  is  Miss  Owens's  cousin ;  and,  whilst  on 
a  visit  to  her  in  1866,  he  contrived  to  get  her  version  of  the 
Lincoln  courtship  at  great  length.  It  does  not  vary  in  any 
material  part  from  the  account  currently  received  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  given  by  various  persons,  whose  oral  or 
written  testimony  is  preserved  in  Mr.  Herndon's  collection  of 
manuscripts.  Greene  (J.  G.)  described  her  in  terms  about 
the  same  as  those  used  by  Mrs.  Bale,  adding  that  "she  was  a 
nervous  and  muscular  woman,"  very  a  intellectual,"  —  "  the 
most  intellectual  woman  he  ever  saw,"  —  "  with  a  forehead 
massive  and  angular,  square,  prominent,  and  broad." 

After  Miss  Owens's  return  to  New  Salem,  in  the  fall  of  1813, 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  unremitting  in  his  attentions ;  and  wherever 
she  went  he  was  at  her  side.  She  had  many  relatives  in  the 
neighborhood,  —  the  Bales,  the  Greenes,  the  Grahams:  and, 


174  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

if  she  went  to  spend  an  afternoon  or  an  evening  with  any  of 
these,  Abe  was  very  likely  to  be  on  hand  to  conduct  her 
home.  He  asked  her  to  marry  him  ;  but  she  prudently  evaded 
a  positive  answer  until  she  could  make  up  her  mind  about 
questionable  points  of  his  character.  She  did  not  think  him 
coarse  or  cruel ;  but  she  did  think  him  thoughtless,  careless, 
not  altogether  as  polite  as  he  might  be,  —  in  short,  "defi 
cient,"  as  she  expresses  it,  "  in  those  little  links  which  make 
up  the  great  chain  of  woman's  happiness."  His  heart  was 
good,  his  principles  were  high,  his  honor  sensitive  ;  but  still, 
in  the  eyes  of  this  refined  young  lady,  he  did  not  seem  to  be 
quite  the  gentleman.  "  He  was  lacking  in  the  smaller  atten 
tions;"  and,  in  fact,  the  whole  affair  is  explained  when  she 
tells  us  that  "  his  education  was  different  from  "  hers. 

One  day  Miss  Owens  and  Mrs.  Bowlin  Greene  were  making 
their  way  slowly  and  tediously  up  the  hill  to  Abie's  house, 
when  they  were  joined  by  Lincoln.  Mrs.  Bowlin  Greene 
was  carrying  "  a  great  big  fat  child,  heavy,  and  crossly  dis 
posed."  Although  the  woman  bent  pitiably  under  her  bur 
den,  Lincoln  offered  her  no  assistance,  but,  dropping  behind 
with  Miss  Owens,  beguiled  the  way  according  to  his  wishes. 
When  they  reached  the  summit,  "  Miss  Owens  said  to  Lin 
coln  laughingly,  '  You  would  not  make  a  good  husband. 
Abe.'  They  sat  on  the  fence ;  and  one  word  brought  ou 
another,  till  a  split  or  breach  ensued." 

Immediately  after  this  misunderstanding,  Lincoln  went  off 
toward  Havana  on  a  surveying  expedition,  and  was  absent 
about  three  weeks.  On  the  first  day  of  his  return,  one  of 
Abie's  boys  was  sent  up  "to  town"  for  the  mail.  Lincoln 
saw  him  at  the  post-office,  and  "  asked  if  Miss  Owens  was  ai 
Mr.  Abie's."  The  boy  said  "  Yes."  —  "  Tell  her,"  said  Lin- 
3oln,  "  that  I'll  be  down  to  see  her  in  a  few  minutes."  Now, 
Miss  Owens  had  determined  to  spend  that  evening  at  Min- 
ter  Graham's;  and  when  the  boy  gave  in  the  report,  "she 
thought  a  moment,  and  said  to  herself,  '  If  I  can  draw  Lincoln 
up  there  to  Graham's,  it  will  be  all  right.' "  This  scheme 
was  to  operate  as  a  test  of  Abe's  love  ;  but  it  shared  the  fate 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  175 

of  some  of  "  the  best-laid  schemes  of  mice  and  men,"  and 
went  "all  agley." 

Lincoln,  according  to  promise,  went  down  to  Abie's,  and 
asked  if  Miss  Owens  was  in.  Mrs.  Able  replied  that  she  had 
gone  to  Graham's,  about  one  and  a  half  miles  from  Abie's  due 
south-west.  Lincoln  said,  "  Didn't  she  know  I  was  com 
ing  ?  "  Mrs.  Able  answered,  "  No  ;  "  but  one  of  the  children 
said,  "  Yes,  ma,  she  did,  for  I  heard  Sam  tell  her  so."  Lin 
coln  sat  a  while,  and  then  went  about  his  business.  "'  The 
fat  was  now  in  the  fire.  Lincoln  thought,  as  he  was  extremely 
poor,  and  Miss  Owens  very  rich,  it  was  a  fling  on  him  on 
that  account.  Abe  was  mistaken  in  his  guesses,  for  wealth 
cut  no  figure  in  Miss  Owens's  eyes.  Miss  Owens  regretted 
her  course.  Abe  would  not  bend;  and  Miss  Owens  wouldn't. 
She  said,  if  she  had  it  to  do  over  again  she  would  play  tho 
cards  differently.  .  .  .  She  had  two  sons  in  the  Southern 
army.  She  said  that  if  either  of  them  had  got  into  diffi 
culty,  she  would  willingly  have  gone  to  old  Abe  for  re 
lief." 

In  Miss  Owens's  letter  of  July  22,  18G6,  it  will  be  observed 
that  she  tacitly  admitted  to  Mr.  Gaines  Greene  "  the  circum 
stances  in  connection  with  Mrs.  Greene  and  child."  Al 
though  she  here  denies  the  precise  words  alleged  to  have  been 
used  by  her  in  the  little  quarrel  at  the  top  of  the  hill,  she 
does  not  deny  the  impression  his  conduct  left  upon  her  mind, 
but  presents  additional  evidence  of  it  by  the  relation  of 
another  incident  of  similar  character,  from  which  her  infer- 
enq^s  were  the  same. 

Fortunately  we  are  not  compelled  to  rely  upon  tradition, 
however  authentic,  for  the  facts  concerning  this  interesting 
episode  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  life.  Miss  Owens  is  still  alive  to  tell 
her  own  tale,  and  we  have  besides  his  letters  to  the  lady  her 
self.  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  his  account  of  it  as  early  as  1838. 
As  in  duty  bound,  we  shall  permit  the  lady  to  speak  first. 
At  her  particular  request,  her  present  name  and  residence 
are  suppressed. 


176  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

,  May  I,  1866. 

MR.  W.  H.  HERNDON. 

Dear  S7r,  —  After  quite  a  struggle  with  my  feelings,  I  have  at  last  decided 
to  send  you  the  letters  in  my  possession  written  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  believing,  as 
I  do,  that  you  are  a  gentleman  of  honor,  and  will  faithfully  abide  by  all  you 
have  said. 

My  associations  with  your  lamented  friend  were  in  Menard  County,  whilst 
visiting  a  sister,  who  then  resided  near  Petersburg.  I  have  learned  that  my 
maiden  name  is  now  in  your  possession ;  and  you  have  ere  this,  no  doubt, 
been  informed  that  I  am  a  native  Kentuckian. 

As  regards  Miss  Rutledge,  I  cannot  tell  you  any  thing,  she  having  died 
previous  to  my  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  and  I  do  not  now  recollect 
of  ever  hearing  him  mention  her  name.  Please  return  the  letters  at  your 

earliest  convenience. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

MARY  S. . 


,  May  22,  1866. 

MR.  W.  H.  HERNDON. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  Really  you  catechise  me  in  true  lawyer  style  ;  but  I  feel 
you  will  have  the  goodness  to  excuse  me  if  I  decline  answering  all  your 
questions  in  detail,  being  well  assured  that  few  women  would  have  ceded  as 
much  as  I  have  under  all  the  circumstances. 

You  say  you  have  heard  why  our  acquaintance  terminated  as  it  did.  I, 
too,  have  heard  the  same  bit  of  gossip ;  but  I  never  used  the  remark  which 
Madam  Rumor  says  I  did  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  think  I  did  on  one  occasion 
say  to  my  sister,  who  was  very  anxious  for  us  to  be  married,  that  I  thought 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  deficient  in  those  little  links  which  make  up  the  chain  of 
woman's  happiness,  —  at  least,  it  was  so  in  my  case.  Not  that  I  believed  it 
proceeded  from  a  lack  of  goodness  of  heart :  but  his  training  had  been  dif 
ferent  from  mine ;  hence  there  was  not  that  congeniality  which  would  other 
wise  have  existed. 

From  his  own  showing,  you  perceive  that  his  heart  and  hand  were  at  my 
disposal ;  and  I  suppose  that  my  feelings  were  not  sufficiently  enlisted  to 
have  the  matter  consummated.  About  the  beginning  of  the  year  1838  I  left 
Illinois,  at  which  time  our  acquaintance  and  correspondence  ceased  with 
out  ever  again  being  renewed. 

My  father,  who  resided  in  Green  County,  Kentucky,  was  a  gentleman  of 
considerable  means  ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  few  persons  placed  a  higher 
estimate  on  education  than  he  did 

Respectfully  yours, 

MARY  S. . 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  177 

,  July  22,  1866. 

MR.  W.  H.  HERNDON. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  do  not  think  that  you  are  pertinacious  in  asking  the  question 
relative  to  old  Mrs.  Bowlin  Greene,  because  I  wish  to  set  you  right  on  that 
question.  Your  information,  no  doubt,  came  through  my  cousin,  Mr.  Gaines 
Greene,  who  visited  us  last  winter.  Whilst  here,  he  was  laughing  at  me 
about  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  among  other  things  spoke  about  the  circumstance  in 
connection  with  Mrs.  Greene  and  child.  My  impression  is  now  that  I  tacitly 
admitted  it,  for  it  was  a  season  of  trouble  with  me,  and  I  gave  but  little 
heed  to  the  matter.  We  never  had  any  hard  feelings  toward  each  other  that 
I  know  of.  On  no  occasion  did  I  say  to- Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  did  not  believe 
he  would  make  a  kind  husband,  because  he  did  not  tender  his  services  to 
Mrs.  Greene  in  helping  of  her  carry  her  babe.  As  I  said  to  you  in  a  former 
letter,  I  thought  him  lacking  in  smaller  attentions.  One  circumstance  pre 
sents  itself  just  now  to  my  mind's  eye.  There  was  a  company  of  us  going 
to  Uncle  BHly  Greene's.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  riding  with  me  ;  and  we  had  a 
very  bad  branch  to  cross.  The  other  gentlemen  were  very  officious  in  seeing 
that  their  partners  got  over  safely.  We  were  behind,  he  riding  in,  never 
looking  back  to  see  how  I  got  along.  When  I  rode  up  beside  him,  I 
remarked,  "  You  are  a  nice  fellow  1  I  suppose  you  did  not  care  whether  my 
neck  was  broken  or  not."  He  laughingly  replied  (I  suppose  by  way  of  com 
pliment)  that  he  knew  I  was  plenty  smart  to  take  care  of  myself. 

In  many  things  he  was  sensitive,  almost  to  a  fault.  He  told  me  of  an 
incident :  that  he  was  crossing  a  prairie  one  day,  and  saw  before  him  "  a  hog 
mired  down,"  to  use  his  own  language.  He  was  rather  "  fixed  up  ;  "  and 
he  resolved  that  he  would  pass  on  without  looking  towards  the  shoat.  After 
he  had  gone  by,  he  said  the  feeling  was  irresistible  ;  and  he  had  to  look 
back,  and  the  poor  thing  seemed  to  say  wistfully,  "  There,  now,  my  last  hope 
is  gone  ; "  that  he  deliberately  got  down,  and  relieved  it  from  its  difficulty. 

In  many  things  we  were  congenial  spirits.  In  politics  we  saw  eye  to  eye, 
though  since  then  we  differed  as  widely  as  the  South  is  from  the  North. 
But  methinks  I  hear  you  say,  "  Save  me  from  a  political  woman  !  "  So  say  I. 

The  last  message  I  ever  received  from  him  was  about  a  year  after  we 
parted  in  Illinois.  Mrs.  Able  visited  Kentucky  ;  and  he  said  to  her  in  Spring 
field,  "  Tell  your  sister  that  I  think  she  was  a  great  fool,  because  she  did 
not  stay  here,  and  marry  me."  Characteristic  of  the  man. 

Respectfully  yours, 

MARY  S. . 


VANDALIA,  Dec.  13,  1836. 

MARY,  —  I  have  been  sick  ever  since  my  arrival,  or  I  should  have  written 
sooner.  It  is  but  little  difference,  however,  as  I  have  very  little  even  yet  to 
write.  And  more,  the  longer  I  can  avoid  the  mortification  of  looking  in  the 


178  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

post-office  for  your  letter,  and  not  finding  it,  the  better.  You  see  I  am  mad 
about  that  old  letter  yet.  I  don't  like  very  well  to  risk  you  again.  I'll  try 
you  once  more,  anyhow. 

The  new  State  House  is  not  yet  finished,  and  consequently  the  Legisla 
ture  is  doing  little  or  nothing.  The  Governor  delivered  an  inflammatory 
political  message,  and  it  is  expected  there  will  be  some  sparring  between  the 
parties  about  it  as  soon  as  the  two  Houses  get  to  business.  Taylor  delivered 
up  his  petitions  for  the  new  county  to  one  of  our  members  this  morning.  I 
am  told  he  despairs  of  its  success,  on  account  of  all  the  members  from  Mor 
gan  County  opposing  it.  There  are  names  enough  on  the  petition,  I  think, 
to  justify  the  members  from  our  county  in  going  for  it ;  but  if  the  members 
from  Morgan  oppose  it,  which  they  say  they  will,  the  chance  will  be  bad. 

Our  chance  to  take  the  seat  of  government  to  Springfield  is  better  than  I 
expected.  An  internal-improvement  convention  was  held  here  since  we  met, 
which  recommended  a  loan  of  several  million  of  dollars,  on  the  faith  of  the 
State,  to  construct  railroads.  Some  of  the  Legislature  are  for  it,  and  some 
against  it :  which  has  the  majority  I  cannot  tell.  There  is  great  strife  and 
struggling  for  the  office  of  the  United  States  Senator  here  at  this  time.  It  is 
probable  we  shall  ease  their  pains  in  a  few  days.  The  opposition  men  have  no 
candidate  of  their  own;  and  consequently  they  will  smile  as  complacently  at 
the  angry  snarl  of  the  contending  Van-Buren  candidates  and  their  respective 
friends,  as  the  Christian  does  at  Satan's  rage.  You  recollect  that  I  men 
tioned  at  the  outset  of  this  letter  that  I  had  been  unwell.  That  is  the  fact, 
though  I  believe  I  am  about  well  now ;  but  that,  with  other  things  I  cannot 
account  for,  have  conspired,  and  have  gotten  my  spirits  so  low  that  I  feel 
that  I  would  rather  be  any  place  in  the  world  than  here.  I  really  cannot 
endure  the  thought  of  staying  here  ten  weeks.  Write  back  as  soon  as  you 
get  this,  and,  if  possible,  say  something  that  will  please  me ;  for  really  I  have 
not  been  pleased  since  I  left  you.  This  letter  is  so  dry  and  stupid  that  I 
am  ashamed  to  send  it,  but  with  my  present  feelings  I  cannot  do  any  better. 

Give  my  best  respects  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Able  and  family. 

Your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 


SPEINGFIELD,  May  7,  1837. 
Miss  MARY  S.  OWENS. 

Friend  Mary,  —  I  have  commenced  two  letters  to  send  you  before  this, 
both  of  which  displeased  me  before  I  got  half  done,  and  so  I  tore  them  up. 
The  first  I  thought  was  not  serious  enough,  and  the  second  was  on  the  other 
extreme.  I  shall  send  this,  turn  out  as  it  may. 

This  thing  of  living  in  Springfield  is  rather  a  dull  business,  after  all ;  at 
least,  it  is  so  to  me.  I  am  quite  as  lonesome  here  as  I  ever  was  anywhere  ia 
my  life.  I  have  been  spoken  to  by  but  one  woman  since  I've  been  here,  and 
should  no*  have  been  by  her,  if  she  could  have  avoided  it.  I've  never  been 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLX.  179 

to  church  yet,  nor  probably  shall  not  be  soon.     I  stay  away  because  I  am 
conscious  I  should  not  know  how  to  behave  myself. 

I  am  often  thinking  about  what  we  said  of  your  coining  to  live  at  Spring 
field.  I  am  afraid  you  would  not  be  satisfied.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  flour 
ishing  about  in  carriages  here,  which  it  would  be  your  doom  to  see  without 
sharing  it.  You  would  have  to  be  poor,  without  the  means  of  hiding  your 
poverty.  Do  you  believe  you  could  bear  that  patiently?  AVhatever  woman 
may  cast  her  lot  with  mine,  should  any  ever  do  so,  it  is  my  intention  to  do 
all  in  my  power  to  make  her  h:ippy  and  contented;  and  there  is  nothing 
I  can  imagine  that  would  make  me  more  unhappy  than  to  fail  in  the  effort.  I 
know  I  should  be  much  happier  with  you  than  the  way  I  am,  provided  I  saw 
no  signs  of  discontent  in  you.  What  you  have  said  to  me  may  have  been 
in  the  way  of  jest,  or  I  may  have  misunderstood  it.  If  so,  then  let  it  be 
forgotten ;  if  otherwise,  I  much  wish  you  would  think  seriously  before  you 
decide.  For  my  part,  I  have  already  decided.  What  I  have  said  I  will 
most  positively  abide  by,  provided  you  wish  it.  My  opinion  is,  that  you  had 
better  not  do  it.  You  have  not  been  accustomed  to  hardship,  and  it  may  be 
more  severe  than  you  now  imagine.  I  know  you  are  capable  of  thinking 
correctly  on  any  subject ;  and,  if  you  deliberate  maturely  upon  this  before  you 
decide,  then  I  am  willing  to  abide  your  decision. 

You  must  write  me  a  good  long  letter  after  you  get  this.  You  have 
nothing  else  to  do ;  and,  though  it  might  not  seem  interesting  to  you  after 
you  have  written  it,  it  would  be  a  good  deal  of  company  to  me  in  this 
"  busy  wilderness."  Tell  your  sister,  I  don't  want  to  hear  any  more  about 
selling  out  and  moving,  That  gives  me  the  hypo  whenever  I  think  of  it. 

Yours,  &c., 

LINCOLN. 


.   "  SPRINGFIELD,  Aug.  16,  1837. 

FRIKXD  MARY,  —  You  will  no  doubt  think  it  rather  strange  that  I  should 
write  you  a  letter  on  the  same  day  on  which  we  parted ;  and  I  can  only 
account  for  it  by  supposing  that  seeing  you  lately  makes  me  think  of  you  more 
than  usual ;  while  at  our  late  meeting  we  had  but  few  expressions  of  thoughts. 
You  must  know  that  I  cannot  see  you,  or  think  of  you,  with  entire  indiffcr- 
ence ;  and  yet  it  may  be  that  you  are  mistaken  in  regard  to  what  my  real 
feelings  toward  you  are.  If  I  knew  you  were  not,  I  should  not  trouble  you 
with  this  letter.  Perhaps  any  other  man  would  know  enough  without  further 
information  ;  but  I  consider  it  my  peculiar  right  to  plead  ignorance,  and  your 
bounden  duty  to  allow  the  plea.  I  want  in  all  cases  to  do  right ;  and  most 
particularly  so  in  all  cases  with  women.  I  want,  at  this  particular  time, 
more  than  any  thing  else,  to  do  right  with  you :  and  if  I  knew  it  would  be 
doing  right,  as  I  rather  suspect  it  would,  to  let  you  alone,  I  would  do  it. 
And,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  matter  as  plain  as  possible,  I  uow  say 


180  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

that  you  can  now  drop  the  subject,  dismiss  your  thoughts  (if  you  ever  had 
any)  from  me  forever,  and  leave  this  letter  unanswered,  without  calling  forth 
one  accusing  murmur  from  me.  And  I  will  even  go  further,  and  say,  that, 
if  it  will  add  any  thing  to  your  comfort  or  peace  of  mind  to  do  so,  it  is 
my  sincere  wish  that  you  should.  Do  not  understand  by  this  that  I  wish  to 
cut  your  acquaintance.  I  mean  no  suoh  thing.  What  I  do  wish  is,  that 
our  further  acquaintance  shall  depend  upon  yourself.  If  such  further  acquaint 
ance  would  constitute  nothing  to  your  happiness,  I  am  sure  it  would  not  to 
mine.  If  you  feel  yourself  in  any  degree  bound  to  me,  I  am  now  willing 
to  release  you,  provided  you  wish  it ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  I  am  willing, 
and  even  anxious,  to  bind  you  faster,  if  I  can  be  convinced  that  it  will,  in 
any  considerable  degree,  add  to  your  happiness.  This,  indeed,  is  the  whole 
question  with  me.  Nothing  would  make  me  more  miserable  than  to  believe 
you  miserable,  —  nothing  more  happy  than  to  know  you  were  so. 

In  what  I  have  now  said,  I  think  I  cannot  be  misunderstood ;  and  to  make 
myself  understood  is  the  only  object  of  this  letter. 

If  it  suits  you  best  to  not  answer  this,  farewell.  A  long  life  and  a 
merry  one  attend  you.  But,  if  you  conclude  to  write  back,  speak  as  plainly 
as  I  do.  There  can  be  neither  harm  nor  danger  in  saying  to  me  any  thing 
you  think,  just  in  the  manner  you  think  it. 

My  respects  to  your  sister.  Your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 

After  his  second  meeting  with  Mary,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  little 
time  to  prosecute  his  addresses  in  person ;  for  early  in  Decem 
ber  he  was  called  away  to  his  seat  in  the  Legislature  ;  but,  if 
his  tongue  was  silent  in  the  cause,  his  pen  was  busy. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  18-36-7,  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Mrs.  O.  H.  Browning,  whose  hus 
band  was  also  a  member.  The  acquaintance  ripened  into  friend 
ship,  and  that  winter  and  the  next  Mr.  Lincoln  spent  a  great 
deal  of  time  in  social  intercourse  with  the  Brownings.  Mrs. 
Browning  knew  no  thing  as  yet  of  the  affair  with  Miss  Owens  ; 
but  as  the  latter  progressed,  and  Lincoln  became  more  and 
more  involved,  she  noticed  the  ebb  of  his  spirits,  and  often 
rallied  him  as  the  victim  of  some  secret  but  consuming  pas 
sion.  With  this  for  his  excuse,  Lincoln  wrote  her,  after  the 
adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  a  full  and  connected  account 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  latterly  been  making  "  a  fool 
of"  himself.  For  many  reasons  the  publication  of  this  letter 
is  an  extremely  painful  duty.  If  it  could  be  withheld,  and 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  181 

the  act  decently  reconciled  to  the  conscience  of  a  biographer 
professing  to  be  honest  and  candid,  it  should  never  see  the 
light  in  these  pages.  Its  grotesque  humor,  its  coarse  exagger 
ations  in  describing  the  person  of  a  lady  whom  the  writer  was 
willing  to  marry,  its  imputation  of  toothless  and  weather- 
beaten  old  age  to  a  woman  really  young  and  handsome,  its 
utter  lack  of  that  delicacy  of  tone  and  sentiment  which  one 
naturally  expects  a  gentleman  to  adopt  when  he  thinks  proper 
to  discuss  the  merits  of  his  late  mistress,  —  all  these,  and  its 
defective  orthography,  it  would  certainly  be  more  agreeable 
to  suppress  than  to  publish.  But,  if  we  begin  by  omitting 
or  mutilating  a  document  which  sheds  so  broad  a  light  upon 
one  part  of  his  life  and  one  phase  of  his  character,  why 
may  we  not  do  the  like  as  fast  and  as  often  as  the  tempta 
tions  arise  ?  and  where  shall  the  process  cease  ?  A  biography 
worth  writing  at  all  is  worth  writing  fully  and  honestly ;  and 
the  writer  who  suppresses  or  mangles  the  truth  is  no  better 
than  he  who  bears  false  witness  in  any  other  capacity. 

In  April,  1838,  Miss  Owens  finally  departed  from  Illinois ; 
and  in  that  same  month  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  Mrs.  Browning  :  — 

SPEJNGFIELD,  April  1,  1838. 

DEAR  MADAM,  — Without  appologising  for  being  egotistical,  I  shall  make 
the  history  of  so  much  of  my  life  as  has  elapsed  since  I  saw  you  the  subject 
of  this  letter.  And,  by  the  way,  I  now  discover,  that,  in  order  to  give  a  full 
and  inteligiblc  account  of  the  things  I  have  done  and  suffered  since  I  saw 
you,  I  shall  necessarily  have  to  relate  some  that  happened  before. 

It  was,  then,  in  the  autumn  of  1836,  that  a  married  lady  of  my  acquaint 
ance,  and  who  was  a  great  friend  of  mine,  being  about  to  pay  a  visit  to  her 
father  &  other  relatives  residing  in  Kentucky,  proposed  to  me  that  on  her 
return  she  would  bring  a  sister  of  hers  with  her  oil  condition  that  I  woul.l 
engage  to  become  her  brother-in-law  with  all  convenient  despatch.  I,  of 
course,  accepted  the  proposal,  for  you  know  I  could  not  have  done  oilier- 
wise,  had  I  really  been  averse  to  it ;  but  privately,  between  you  and  me, 
I  was  most  confoundedly  well  pleased  with  the  project.  I  had  seen  the 
said  sister  some  three  years  before,  thought  her  inteligcnt  and  agreeable, 
and  saw  no  good  objection  to  plodding  life  through  hand  in  hand  with  her. 
Time  passed  on,  the  lady  took  her  journey,  and  in  due  time  returned,  sister 
in  company,  sure  enough.  This  astonished  me  a  little ;  for  it  appeared  to  me 
that  her  coming  so  readily  showed  that  she  was  a  trifle  too  willing ;  but,  on 


182  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

reflection,  it  occurred  to  me  that  she  might  have  been  prevailed  on  by  her 
married  sister  to  come,  without  any  thing  concerning  me  ever  having  been 
mentioned  to  her ;  and  so  I  concluded,  that,  if  no  other  objection  presented 
itself,  I  would  consent  to  wave  this.  All  this  occurred  to  me  on  hearing  of  her 
arrival  in  the  neighborhood ;  for,  be  it  remembered,  I  had  not  yet  seen  her, 
except  about  three  years  previous,  as  above  mentioned.  In  a  few  days  we 
had  an  interview ;  and,  although  I  had  seen  her  before,  she  did  not  look  as 
my  imagination  had  pictured  her.  I  knew  she  was  oversize,  but  she  now 
appeared  a  fair  match  for  Falstaff.  I  knew  she  was  called  an  "  old  maid,"  and 
I  felt  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  at  least  half  of  the  appelation  ;  but  now, 
when  I  beheld  her,  I  could  not  for  my  life  avoid  thinking  of  my  mother  ;  and 
this,  not  from  withered  features,  for  her  skin  was  too  full  of  fat  to  permit  of 
its  contracting  into  wrinkles,  but  from  her  want  of  teeth,  weather-beaten 
appearance  in  general,  and  from  a  kind  of  notion  that  ran  in  my  head  that 
nothing  could  have  commenced  at  the  size  of  infancy  and  reached  her  pres 
ent  bulk  in  less  than  thirty-five  or  forty  years ;  and,  in  short,  I  was  not  at 
all  pleased  with  her.  But  what  could  I  do?  I  had  told  her  sister  that  I 
would  take  her  for  better  or  for  worse ;  and  I  made  a  point  of  honor  and 
conscience  in  all  things  to  stick  to  my  word,  especially  if  others  had  been 
induced  to  act  on  it,  which  in  this  case  I  had  no  doubt  they  had ;  for  I  was 
now  fairly  convinced  that  no  other  man  on  earth  would  have  her,  and  hence 
the  conclusion  that  they  were  bent  on  holding  me  to  my  bargain.  "  AVell," 
thought  I,  "I  have  said  it,  and,  be  the  consequences  what  they  may,  it  shall 
not  be  my  fault  if  I  fail  to  do  it."  At  once  I  determined  to  consider  her  my 
wife ;  and,  this  done,  all  my  powers  of  discovery  were  put  to  work  in  search 
of  perfections  in  her  which  might  be  fairly  sett  off  against  her  defects.  I 
tried  to  imagine  her  handsome,  which,  but  for  her  unfortunate  corpulency, 
was  actually  true.  Exclusive  of  this,  no  woman  that  I  have  ever  seen  has  a 
finer  face.  I  also  tried  to  convince  myself  that  the  mind  was  much  more  to 
be  valued  than  the  person  ;  and  in  this  she  was  not  inferior,  as  I  could  dis 
cover,  to  any  with  whom  I  had  been  acquainted. 

Shortly  after  this,  without  attempting  to  come  to  any  positive  understand 
ing  with  her,  I  sat  out  for  Vandalia,  when  and  where  you  first  saw  me.  Dur 
ing  my  stay  there  I  had  letters  from  her  which  did  not  change  my  opinion 
of  either  her  intelect  or  intention,  but,  on  the  contrary,  confirmed  it  in 
both. 

All  this  while,  although  1  was  fixed,  "  firm  as  the  surge-repelling  rock,"  in 
my  resolution,  I  found  I  was  continually  repenting  the  rashness  which  had 
led  me  to  make  it.  Through  life,  I  have  been  in  no  bondage,  either  real  or 
imaginary,  from  the  thraldom  of  which  I  so  much  desired  to  be  free.  After 
my  return  home,  I  saw  nothing  to  change  my  opinions  of  her  in  any  particu 
lar.  She  was  the  same,  and  so  was  I.  I  now  spent  my  time  in  planing  how 
I  might  get  along  through  life  after  my  contemplated  change  of  circumstances 
should  have  taken  place,  and  how  I  might  procrastinate  the  evil  day  for  a 


.JFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  183 

time,  which  I  really  dreaded  as  much,  perhaps  more,  than  an  Irishman  does 
the  halter. 

After  all  my  suffering  upon  this  deeply-interesting  subject,  here  I  am, 
wholly,  unexpectedly,  completely,  out  of  the  "  scrape ;  "  and  I  now  want  to 
know  if  you  can  guess  how  I  got  out  of  it,  —  out,  clear,  in  every  sense  of  the 
term  ;  no  violation  of  word,  honor,  or  conscience.  I  don't  believe  you  can 
guess,  and  so  I  might  as  well  tell  you  at  once.  As  the  lawyer  says,  it  was 
done  in  the  manner  following,  to  wit :  After  I  had  delayed  the  matter  as 
long  as  I  thought  I  could  in  honor  do  (which,  by  the  way,  had  brought  me 
round  into  the  last  fall),  I  concluded  I  might  as  well  bring  it  to  a  consuma- 
tion  without  further  delay ;  and  so  I  mustered  my  resolution,  and  made  the 
proposal  to  her  direct :  but,  shocking  to  relate,  she  answered,  No.  At  first 
I  supposed  she  did  it  through  an  affectation  of  modesty,  which  I  thought 
but  ill  became  her  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  her  case ;  but,  on  my 
renewal  of  the  charge,  I  found  she  repeled  it  with  greater  firmness  than 
before.  I  tried  it  again  and  again,  but  with  the  same  success,  or  rather  with 
the  same  want  of  success. 

I  finally  was  forced  to  give  it  up ;  at  which  I  verry  unexpectedly  found 
myself  mortified  almost  beyond  endurance.  I  was  mortified,  it  seemed  to 
me,  in  a  hundred  different  ways.  My  vanity  was  deeply  wounded  by  the 
reflection  that  I  had  so  long  been  too  stupid  to  discover  her  intentions,  and 
at  the  same  time  never  doubting  that  I  understood  them  perfectly ;  and  also 
that  she,  whom  I  had  taught  myself  to  believe  nobody  else  would  have,  had 
actually  rejected  me  with  all  my  fancied  greatness.  And,  to  cap  the  whole, 
I  then,  for  the  first  time,  began  to  suspect  that  I  was  really  a  little  in  love 
with  her.  But  let  it  all  go.  I'll  try  and  outlive  it.  Others  have  been  made 
fools  of  by  the  girls ;  but  this  can  never  with  truth  be  said  of  me.  I  most 
emphatically,  in  this  instance,  made  a  fool  of  myself.  I  have  now  come  to 
the  conclusion  never  again  to  think  of  marrying,  and  for  this  reason  :  I  can 
never  be  satisfied  with  any  one  who  would  be  blockhead  enough  to  have  me. 

When  you  receive  this,  write  me  a  long  yarn  about  something  to  amuse 
me.  Give  my  respects  to  Mr.  Browning. 

Your  sincere  friend, 

A,  LINCOLN. 
Mits.  0.  II.  BKOWMSG. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  majority  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  biographers  —  and  they 
are  many  and  credulous  —  tell  us  that  he  walked  from 
New  Salem  to  Vandalia,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  miles, 
to  take  his  seat,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  Legislature  of 
the  State.  But  that  is  an  innocent  mistake ;  for  he  was 
resolved  to  appear  with  as  much  of  the  dignity  of  the  senator 
as  his  circumstances  would  permit.  It  was  for  this  very  pur 
pose  that  he  had  borrowed  the  two  hundred  dollars  from  Cole- 
man  Smoot ;  and,  when  the  choice  between  riding  and  walking 
presented  itself,  he  sensibly  enough  got  into  the  stage,  with 
his  new  clothes  on,  and  rode  to  the  scene  of  his  labors. 

When  he  arrived  there,  he  found  a  singular  state  of  affairs. 
Duncan  had  been  chosen  Governor  at  the  recent  August  elec 
tion  by  "  the  whole-hog  Jackson  men ; "  but  he  was  absent 
in  Congress  during  the  whole  of  the  campaign  ;  and,  now  that 
he  came  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  it  was  discovered  that  he 
had  been  all  the  while  an  anti-Jackson  man,  and  was  quite 
willing  to  aid  the  Whigs  in  furtherance  of  some  of  their  worst 
schemes.  These  schemes  were  then  just  beginning  to  be 
hatched  in  great  numbers  ;  but  in  due  time  they  were  enacted 
into  laws,  and  prepared  Illinois  with  the  proper  weights  of 
public  debt  and  "rag"  currency,  to  sink  her  deeper  than  her 
neighbors  into  the  miseries  of  financial  ruin  in  1837.  The 
speculating  fever  was  just  reaching  Illinois  ;  the  land  and 
town-lot  business  had  barely  taken  shape  at  Chicago ;  and 
State  banks  and  multitudinous  internal  improvements  were 
yet  to  bf  invented.  But  this  Legislature  was  a  very  wise  one 

184 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  185 

in  its  own  conceit,  and  was  not  slow  to  launch  out  with  the 
first  of  a  series  of  magnificent  experiments.  It  contented 
itself,  however,  with  chartering  a  State  bank,  with  a  capital 
of  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  dollars  ;  rechartering, 
with  a  capital  of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  the  Shaw- 
neetown  Bank,  which  had  broken  twelve  years  before  ;  and 
providing  for  a  loan  of  five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  on  the 
credit  of  the  State,  wherewith  to  make  a  beginning  on  the 
Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal.  The  bill  for  the  latter  project 
was  drawn  and  introduced  by  Senator  James  M.  Strode,  the 
gentleman  who  described  with  such  moving  eloquence  the 
horrors  of  Stillman's  defeat.  These  measures  Gov.  Ford  con 
siders  "  the  beginning  of  all  the  bad  legislation  which  followed 
in  a  few  years,  and  which,  as  is  well  known,  resulted  in  gen 
eral  ruin."  Mr.  Lincoln  favored  them  all,  and  faithfully 
followed  out  the  policy  of  which  they  were  the  inauguration 
at  subsequent  sessions  of  the  same  body.  For  the  present, 
nevertheless,  he  was  a  silent  member,  although  he  was 
assigned  a  prominent  place  on  the  Committee  on  Public 
Accounts  and  Expenditures.  The  bank-charters  were  drawn 
by  a  Democrat  who  hoped  to  find  his  account  in  the  issue ; 
all  the  bills  were  passed  by  a  Legislature  "  nominally  "  Demo 
cratic  ;  but  the  Board  of  Canal  Commissioners  was  composed 
exclusively  of  Whigs,  and  the  Whigs  straightway  assumed 
control  of  the  banks. 

It  was  at  a  special  session  of  this  Legislature  that  Lincoln 
frst  saw  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  and,  viewing  his  active  little 
person  with  immense  amusement,  pronounced  him  "  the  least 
man  he  ever  saw."  Douglas  had  come  into  the  State  (from 
Vermont)  only  the  previous  year,  but,  having  studied  law 
for  several  months,  considered  himself  eminently  qualified  to 
be  State's  attorney  for  the  district  in  which  he  lived,  and 
was  now  come  to  Vandalia  for  that  purpose.  The  place  was 
already  filled  by  a  man  of  considerable  distinction ;  but  the 
incumbent  remaining  at  home,  possibly  in  blissful  ignorance 
of  his  neighbor's  design,  was  easily  supplanted  by  the  supple 
Vermonter. 


186  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

It  is  the  misfortune  of  legislatures  in  general,  as  it  was  in 
those  days  the  peculiar  misfortune  of  the  Legislature  of  Illi 
nois,  to  be  beset  by  a  multitude  of  gentlemen  engaged  in  the 
exclusive  business  of  "log-rolling."  Chief  among  the  "roll 
ers"  were  some  of  the  most  "distinguished"  members,  each 
assisted  by  an  influential  delegation  from  the  district,  bank, 
or  "  institution  "  to  be  benefited  by  the  legislation  proposed. 
An  expert  "log-roller,"  an  especially  Avily  and  persuasive 
person,  who  could  depict  the  merits  of  his  scheme  with  rose 
ate  but  delusive  eloquence,  was  said  to  carry  "  a  gourd  of 
'possum  fcit,"  and  the  unhappy  victim  of  his  art  was  said  to  be 
'-'•greased  and  swallowed" 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  anybody  ever  succeeded  in 
anointing  a  single  square  inch  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  person  with 
the  "  fat "  that  deluded  ;  but  historians  aver  that  "  the  Long 
Nine,"  of  whom  he  was  the  longest  and  cleverest,  possessed 
"  gourds "  of  extraordinary  dimensions,  and  distributed 
"grease"  of  marvellous  virtues.  But  of  that  at  another 
place. 

In  1836  Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  a  candidate  for  the  Legisla 
ture  ;  his  colleagues  on  the  Whig  ticket  in  Sangamon  being, 
for  Representatives,  John  Dawson,  William  F.  Elkin,  N.  W. 
Edwards,  Andrew  McCormick,  Dan  Stone,  and  R.  L.  Wilson; 
and  for  Senators,  A.  G.  Herndon  and  Job  Fletcher.  They 
were  all  elected  but  one,  and  he  was  beaten  by  John  Calhoun. 

Mr.  Lincoln  opened  the  campaign  by  the  following  mani 
festo  :  — 

NEW  SALEM,  June  13,  1836. 
To  THE  EDITOR  OF  "  THE  JOURNAL." 

In  your  paper  of  last  Saturday,  I  see  a  communication  over  the  signature 
of  "Many  Voters,"  in  which  the  candidates  who  are  announced  in  the 
"  Journal  "  are  called  upon  to  "  show  their  hands."  Agreed.  Here's  mine. 

I  go  for  all  sharing  the  privileges  of  the  government  who  assist  in  bearing 
its  burdens.  Consequently,  I  go  for  admitting  all  whites  to  the  right  of 
suffrage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms  (by  no  means  excluding  females'). 

If  elected,  I  shall  consider  the  whole  people  of  Sangamon  my  constitu 
ents,  as  well  those  that  oppose  as  those  that  support  me. 

While  acting  as  their  Representative,  I  shall  be  governed  by  their  will  on 
all  subjects  upon  which  I  have  the  means  of  knowing  what  their  will  is ; 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  187 

and  upon  all  others  I  shall  do  what  my  own  judgment  teaches  me  will  best 
advance  their  interests.  Whether  elected  or  not,  I  go  for  distributing  the 
proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands  to  the  several  States,  to  enable  our 
State,  in  common  with  others,  to  dig  canals  and  construct  railroads  without 
borrowing  money  and  paying  the  interest  on  it. 

If  alive  on  the  first  Monday  in  November,  I  shall  vote  for  Hugh  L.  White 
for  President. 

Very  respectfully, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  elections  were  held  on  the  first  Monday  in  August, 
and  the  campaign  began  about  six  weeks  or  t\vo  months 
before.  Popular  meetings  were  advertised  in  "  The  Sanga- 
mon  Journal  "  and  "  The  State  Register,"  —  organs  of  the  re 
spective  parties.  Not  unfrequently  the  meetings  were  joint, 
—  composed  of  both  parties,  —  when,  as  Lincoln  would  say, 
the  candidates  "  put  in  their  best  licks,"  while  the  audience 
"  rose  to  the  height  of  the  great  argument  "  with  cheers, 
taunts,  cat-calls,  fights,  and  other  exercises  appropriate  to  the 
free  and  untrammelled  enjoyment  of  the  freeman's  boon. 

The  candidates  travelled  from  one  grove  to  another  on 
horseback  ;  and,  when  the  "  Long  Nine  "  (all  over  six  feet  in 
height)  took  the  road,  it  must  have  been  a  goodly  sight  to  see. 

"I  heard  Lincoln  make  a  speech,"  says  James  Gourly,  "in 
Mechanicsburg,  Sangamon  County,  in  183G.  John  Neal  had 
a  fight  at  the  time :  the  roughs  got  on  him,  arid  Lincoln 
jumped  in  arid  saw  fair  play.  We  staid  for  dinner  at 
Green's,  close  to  Mechanicsburg,  —  drank  whiskey  sweetened 
with  hone}'.  There  the  questions  discussed  were  internal 
improvements,  Whig  principles."  (Gourly  was  a  great  friend 
of  Lincoln's,  for  Gourly  had  had  a  foot-race  "  with  H.  B. 
Truett,  now  of  California,"  and  Lincoln  had  been  his 
"judge  ;  "  and  it  was  a  remarkable  circumstance,  that  nearly 
eveiybody  for  whom  Lincoln  "judged"  came  out  ahead.) 

"  I  heard  Mr.  Lincoln  during  the  same  canvass,"  con 
tinues  Gourly.  "  It  was  at  the  Court  House,  where  the  State 
House  now  stands.  The  Whigs  and  Democrats  had  a  general 
quarrel  then  and  there.  N.  W.  Edwards  drew  a  pistol  on 
Achilles  Morris."  But  Gourly's  account  of  this  last  scene  is 


188  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

unsatisfactory,  although  the  witness  is  willing ;  and  we  turn 
to  Lincoln's  colleague,  Mr.  Wilson,  for  a  better  one.  "  The 
Saturday  evening  preceding  the  election  the  candidates  were 
addressing  the  people  in  the  Court  House  at  Springfield.  Dr. 
Early,  one  of  the  candidates  on  the  Democratic  side,  made 
some  charge  that  N.  W.  Edwards,  one  of  the  candidates  on 
the  Whig  side,  deemed  untrue.  Edwards  climbed  on  a  table, 
so  as  to  be  seen  by  Early,  and  by  every  one  in  the  house,  and 
at  the  top  of  his  voice  told  Early  that  the  charge  was  false. 
The  excitement  that  followed  was  intense,  —  so  much  so,  that 
fighting  men  thought  that  a  duel  must  settle  the  difficulty. 
Mr.  Lincoln,  by  the  programme,  followed  Early.  He  took 
up  the  subject  in  dispute,  and  handled  it  fairly,  and  with 
such  ability  that  every  one  was  astonished  and  pleased.  So 
that  difficulty  ended  there.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  devel 
oped  by  the  excitement  of  the  occasion,  he  spoke  in  that 
tenor  intonation  of  voice  that  ultimately  settled  down  into 
that  clear,  shrill  monotone  style  of  speaking  that  enabled  his 
audience,  however  large,  to  hear  distinctly  the  lowest  sound 
of  his  voice." 

It  was  during  this  campaign,  possibly  at  the  same  meet 
ing,  that  Mr.  Speed  heard  him  reply  to  George  Forquer. 
Forquer  had  been  a  leading  Whig,  one  of  their  foremost  men 
in  the  Legislature  of  1834,  but  had  then  recently  changed 
sides,  arid  thereupon  was  appointed  Register  of  the  Land 
Office  at  Springfield.  Mr.  Forquer  was  an  astonishing  man : 
he  not  only  astonished  the  people  by  "  changing  his  coat  in 
politics,"  but  by  building  the  best  frame-house  in  Springfield, 
and  erecting  over  it  the  only  lightning-rod  the  entire  region 
could  boast  of.  At  this  meeting  he  listened  attentively  to 
Mr.  Lincoln's  first  speech,  and  was  much  annoyed  by  the 
transcendent  power  with  which  the  awkward  young  man 
defended  the  principles  he  had  himself  so  lately  abandoned. 
"  The  speech  "  produced  a  profound  impression,  "  especially 
upon  a  large  number  of  Lincoln's  friends  and  admirers,  who 
had  come  in  from  the  country  "  expressly  to  hear  and  ap« 
plaud  him. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  189 

"  At  the  conclusion  of  Lincoln's  speech  "  (we  quote  from 
Mr.  Speed),  "  the  crowd  was  dispersing,  when  Forquer  rose 
and  asked  to  be  heard.  He  commenced  by  saying  that  the 
young  man  would  have  to  be  taken  down,  and  was  sorry  that 
the  task  devolved  upon  him.  He  then  proceeded  to  answer 
Lincoln's  speech  in  a  style,  which,  while  it  was  able  and 
fair,  yet,  in  his  whole  manner,  asserted  and  claimed  superi 
ority.  Lincoln  stood  near  him,  and  watched  him  during  the 
whole  of  his  speech.  When  Forquer  concluded,  he  took  the 
stand  again.  I  have  often  heard  him  since,  in  court  and 
before  the  people,  but  never  saw  him  appear  so  well  as  upon 
that  occasion.  He  replied  to  Mr.  Forquer  with  great  dignity 
and  force  ;  but  I  shall  never  forget  the  conclusion  of  that 
speech.  Turning  to  Mr.  Forquer,  he  said,  that  he  had 
commenced  his  speech  by  announcing  that  '  this  young  man 
would  have  to  be  taken  down.'  Turning  then  to  the  crowd, 
he  said,  '  It  is  for  you,  not  for  me,  to  say  whether  I  am  up 
or  down.  The  gentleman  has  alluded  to  rny  being  a  young 
man  :  I  am  older  in  years  than  I  am  in  the  tricks  and  trades 
of  politicians.  I  desire  to  live,  and  I  desire  place  and  dis 
tinction  as  a  politician ;  but  I  would  rather  die  now,  than, 
like  the  gentleman,  live  to  see  the  day  that  I  would  have  to 
erect  a  lightning-rod  to  protect  a  guilty  conscience  from  an 
offended  God.' " 

He  afterwards  told  Speed  that  the  sight  of  that  same  rod 
"  had  led  him  to  the  study  of  the  properties  of  electricity  and 
the  utility  of  the  rod  as  a  conductor." 

Among  the  Democratic  orators  stumping  the  county  at  this 
time  was  Dick  Taylor,  a  pompous  gentleman,  who  went  abroad 
in  superb  attire,  ruffled  shirts,  rich  vest,  and  immense  watch- 
chains,  with  shining  and  splendid  pendants.  But  Dick  was  a 
severe  Democrat  in  theory,  made  much  of  "  the  hard-handed 
yeomanry,"  and  flung  many  biting  sarcasms  upon  the  aristo 
cratic  pretensions  of  the  Wings,  —  the  "  rag  barons"  and  the 
manufacturing  "  lords."  He  was  one  day  in  the  midst  of  a 
particularly  aggravating  declamation  of  this  sort,  "  when  Abe 
began  to  feel  devilish,  and  thought  he  would  take  the  wind  out 


190  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  Dick's  sails  by  a  little  sport."  He  therefore  "  edged  "  si}7!} 
up  to  the  speaker,  and  suddenly  catching  his  vest  by  the 
lower  corner,  and  giving  it  a  sharp  pull  upward,  it  opened 
wide,  and  out  fell  upon  the  platform,  in  full  view  of  the  aston 
ished  audience,  a  mass  of  ruffled  shirt,  gold  watch,  chains, 
seals,  and  glittering  jewels.  Jim  Matheny  was  there,  and 
nearly  broke  his  heart  with  mirth.  "  The  crowd  couldn't 
stand  it,  but  shouted  uproariously."  It  must  have  been  then 
that  Abe  delivered  the  following  speech,  although  Ninian  W. 
Edwards  places  it  in  1840 :  — 

"  While  he  [Col.  Taylor]  was  making  these  charges  against 
the  Whigs  over  the  country,  riding  in  fine  carriages,  wearing 
ruffled  shirts,  kid  gloves,  massive  gold  watch-chains,  with 
large  gold  seals,  and  flourishing  a  heavy  gold-headed  cane,  he 
[Lincoln]  was  a  poor  boy,  hired  on  a  flatboat  at  eight  dollars 
a  month,  and  had  only  one  pair  of  breeches  to  his  back,  and 
they  were  buckskin,  —  '  and,'  said  Lincoln,  '  if  you  know  the 
nature  of  buckskin,  when  wet  and  dried  by  the  sun,  they  will 
shrink,  —  and  mine  kept  shrinking,  until  they  left  several 
inches  of  my  legs  bare  between  the  tops  of  my  socks  and  the 
lower  part  of  my  breeches  ;  and,  whilst  I  was  growing  taller, 
they  were  becoming  shorter,  and  so  much  tighter,  that  they 
left  a  blue  streak  around  my  legs  that  can  be  seen  to  this  day. 
If  you  call  this  aristocracy,  I  plead  guilty  to  the  charge.' ' 

Hitherto  Sangamon  County  had  been  uniformly  Demo 
cratic  ;  but  at  this  election  the  Whigs  carried  it  by  an  average 
majority  of  about  four  hundred,  Mr.  Lincoln  receiving  a 
larger  vote  than  any  other  candidate.  The  result  was  in 
part  due  to  a  transitory  and  abortive  attempt  of  the  anti- 
Jackson  and  anti-Van-Buren  men  to  build  up  a  third  party, 
with  Judge  White  of  Tennessee  as  its  leader.  This  party  was 
not  supposed  to  be  wedded  to  the  "  specie  circular,"  was 
thought  to  be  open  to  conviction  on  the  bank  question,  clam 
ored  loudly  about  the  business  interests  and  general  distress 
of  the  country,  and  was  actually  in  favor  of  the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands.  In  the 
nomenclature  of  Illinois,  its  members  might  have  been  called 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  191 

"  nominal  Jackson  men ;  "  that  is  to  say,  men  who  continued 
to  act  with  the  Democratic  party,  while  disavowing  its  car 
dinal  principles,  —  traders,  trimmers,  cautious  schismatics  who 
argued  the  cause  of  Democracy  from  a  brief  furnished  by  the 
enemy.  The  diversion  in  favor  of  White  was  just  to  the 
hand  of  the  "Whigs,  and  they  aided  it  in  every  practicable 
way.  Always  for  an  expedient  when  an  expedient  would 
answer,  a  compromise  when  a  compromise  would  do,  the 
"  hand  "  Mr.  Lincoln  "  showed  "  at  the  opening  of  the  cam 
paign  contained  the  "  White  "  card  among  the  highest  of  its 
trumps.  "  If  alive  on  the  first  Monday  in  November,  I  shall 
vote  for  Hugh  L.  White  for  President."  A  number  of  local 
Democratic  politicians  assisting  him  to  play  it,  it  won  the 
game  in  1836,  and  Sangamon  County  went  over  to  the 
Whigs. 

At  this  election  Mr.  Douglas  was  made  a  Representative 
from  Morgan  County,  along  with  Col.  Hardin,  from  whom  he 
had  the  year  before  taken  the  State's  attorneyship.  The 
event  is  notable  principally  because  Mr.  Douglas  was  nomi 
nated  by  a  convention,  and  not  by  the  old  system  of  self- 
announcement,  which,  under  the  influence  of  Eastern  immi 
grants,  like  himself,  full  of  party  zeal,  and  attached  to  the 
customs  of  the  places  whence  they  came,  was  gradually  but 
surely  falling  into  disfavor.  Mr.  Douglas  served  only  one  ses 
sion,  and  then  became  Register  of  the  Land  Office  at  Spring 
field.  The  next  year  he  was  nominated  for  Congress  in  the 
Peoria  District,  under  the  convention  system,  and  in  the  same 
year  Col.  Stephenson  was  nominated  for  Governor  in  the 
same  way.  The  Whigs  were  soon  compelled  to  adopt  the 
device  which  they  saw  marshalling  the  Democrats  in  a  state 
of  complete  discipline  ;  whilst  they  themselves  were  disorgan 
ized  by  a  host  of  volunteer  candidates  and  the  operations  of 
innumerable  cliques  and  factions.  At  first  "  it  was  consid 
ered  a  Yankee  contrivance,"  intended  to  abridge  the  liberties 
of  the  people ;  but  the  Whig  "people  "  were  as  fond  of  vic 
tory,  offices,  and  power  as  their  enemies  were,  and  in  due 
time  they  took  very  kindly  to  this  effectual  means  of  gaining 


192  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN-. 

them.  A  speech  of  Ebenezer  Peck  of  Chicago,  "  before  a 
great  meeting  of  the  lobby,  during  the  special  session  of 
1835— G  at  Vandalia,"  being  a  production  of  special  ingenuity 
and  power,  is  supposed  to  have  contributed  largely  to  the 
introduction  of  the  convention  system  into  the  middle  and 
southern  parts  of  the  State.  Mr.  Peck  was  then  a  fervent 
Democrat,  whom  the  Whigs  delighted  to  malign  as  a  Cana 
dian  monarchist ;  but  in  after  times  he  was  the  fast  and  able 
friend  of  their  great  leader,  Abraham  Lincoln. 

One  of  the  first  and  worst  effects  of  the  stricter  organiza 
tion  of  parties  in  Illinois,  as  well  as  in  other  States,  was  the 
strong  diversion  of  public  attention  from  State  to  Federal 
affairs.  Individual  candidates  were  no  longer  required  to 
"  show  their  hands :  "  they  accepted  "  platforms  "  when  they 
accepted  nominations;  and  without  a  nomination  it  was  mere 
quixotism  to  stand  at  all.  District,  State,  and  national  con 
ventions,  acting  and  re-acting  upon  one  another,  produced  a 
concert  of  sentiment  and  conduct  which  overlaid  local  issues, 
and  repressed  independent  proceedings.  This  improved  party 
machinery  supplied  the  readiest  and  most  effective  means  of 
distributing  the  rapidly-increasing  patronage  of  the  Federal 
Executive ;  and  those  who  did  not  wish  to  be  cut  off  from  its 
enjoyment  could  do  no  less  than  re-affirm  with  becoming  fer 
vor,  in  their  local  assemblages,  the  latest  deliverance  of  the 
faith  by  the  central  authority.  The  promoters  of  heresies 
and  schisms,  the  blind  leaders  who  misled  a  county  or  a 
State  convention,  and  seduced  it  into  the  declaration  of 
principles  of  its  own,  had  their  seats  contested  in  the  next 
general  council  of  the  party,  were  solemnly  sat  upon,  con 
demned,  "  delivered  over  to  Satan  to  be  buffeted,"  and  cast 
out  of  the  household  of  faith,  to  wander  in  the  wilderness  and 
Jto  live  upon  husks.  It  was  like  a  feeble  African  bishop  im 
puting  heresy  to  the  Christian  world,  with  Rome  at  its  head. 
A  man  like  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  earnestly  "  desired  place  and 
distinction  as  a  politician,"  labored  without  hope  while  his 
party  affinities  remained  the  subject  of  a  reasonable  doubt. 
He  must  be  "  a  whole-hog  man  "  or  nothing,  a  Whig  or  a 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  193 

Democrat.  Mr.  Lincoln  chose  his  company  with  commenda 
ble  decision,  and  wasted  no  tender  regrets  upon  his  "  nomi 
nal"  Democratic  friends.  For  White  against  Harrison,  in 
November,  1836,  he  led  the  Whigs  into  action  when  the  Legis 
lature  met  in  December ;  and  when  the  hard-cider  campaign 
of  1840  commenced,  with  its  endless  meetings  and  processions, 
its  coon-skins  and  log-cabins,  its  intrigue,  trickery,  and  fun,  his 
musical  voice  rose  loudest  above  the  din  for  "  Old  Tippeca- 
noe  ;"  and  no  man  did  better  service,  or  enjoyed  those  memor 
able  scenes  more,  than  he  who  was  to  be  the  beneficiary  of  a 
similar  revival  in  1860. 

When  this  legislature  met  in  the  winter  of  1836-7,  the 
bank  and  internal-improvement  infatuation  had  taken  full 
possession  of  a  majority  of  the  people,  as  well  as  of  the  politi 
cians.  To  be  sure,  "  Old  Hickory  "  had  given  a  temporary 
check  to  the  wild  speculations  in  Western  land  by  the  specie 
circular,  about  the  close  of  his  administration,  whereby  gold  and 
silver  were  made  "land-office  money;  "  and  the  Government 
declined  to  exchange  any  more  of  the  public  domain  for  the 
depreciated  paper  of  rotten  and  explosive  banks.  Millions 
of  notes  loaned  by  the  banks  on  insufficient  security  or  no 
security  at  all  were  by  this  timely  measure  turned  back  into 
the  banks,  or  converted  to  the  uses  of  a  more  legitimate  and 
less  dangerous  business.  But,  even  if  the  specie  circular  had 
not  been  repealed,  it  would  probably  have  proved  impotent 
against  the  evils  it  was  designed  to  prevent,  after  the  passage 
of  the  Act  distributing  among  the  States  the  surplus  (or 
supposed  surplus)  revenues  of  the  Federal  Government. 

The  last  dollar  of  the  old  debt  was  paid  in  1833.  There 
were  from  time  to  time  large  unexpended  and  unappropriated 
balances  in  the  treasury.  What  should  be  done  with  them  ? 
There  was  no  sub-treasury  as  yet,  and  questions  concerning 
the  mere  safe-keeping  of  these  moneys  excited  the  most  tre 
mendous  political  contests.  The  United  States  Bank  had 
always  had  the  use  of  the  cash  in  the  treasury  in  the  form  of 
deposits  ;  but  the  bank  abused  its  trust,  —  used  its  enormous 
power  over  the  currency  and  exchanges  of  the  country  to 


194  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

achieve  political  results  in  its  own  interest,  and,  by  its  mani 
fold  sins  and  iniquities,  compelled  Gen.  Jackson  to  remove  the 
deposits.  Ultimately  the  bank  took  shelter  in  Pennsylvania, 
where  it  began  a  new  fraudulent  life  under  a  surreptitious 
clause  tacked  to  the  end  of  a  road  law  on  its  passage  through 
the  General  Assembly.  In  due  time  the  "beast,"  as  Col. 
Benton  loved  to  call  it,  died  in  its  chosen  lair  a  shameful 
and  ignominious  death,  cheating  the  public  with  a  show  of 
solvency  to  the  end,  and  leaving  a  fine  array  of  bill-holders 
and  depositors  to  mourn  one  of  the  most  remarkable  delusions 
of  modern  times. 

Withdrawn,  or  rather  withheld  (for  they  were  never  with 
drawn),  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  the  revenues 
of  the  Federal  Government  were  deposited  as  fast  as  they 
accrued  in  specie-paying  State  banks.  They  were  paid  in  the 
notes  of  the  thousand  banks,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent,  whose 
promises  to  pay  constituted  the  paper  currency  of  the  day. 
It  was  this  money  which  the  Whigs,  aided  by  Democratic 
recusants,  proposed  to  give  away  to  the  States.  They  passed 
an  Act  requiring  it  to  be  deposited  with  the  States,  —  osten 
sibly  as  a  safe  and  convenient  method  of  keeping  it;  but 
nobody  believed  that  it  would  ever  be  called  for,  or  paid  if  it 
was.  It  was  simply  an  extraordinary  largess  ;  and  pending 
the  very  embarrassment  caused  by  itself,  when  the  govern 
ment  had  not  a  dollar  wherewith  to  pay  even  a  pension,  and 
the  temporary  expedient  was  an  issue  of  treasury  notes  against 
the  better  judgment  of  the  party  in  power,  the  possibility  of 
withdrawing  these  deposits  was  never  taken  into  the  account. 
The  Act  went  into  effect  on  the  1st  of  January,  1837,  and 
was  one  of  the  immediate  causes  of  the  suspension  and  disas 
ters  of  that  year.  "The  condition  of  our  deposit  banks  was 
desperate,  —  wholly  inadequate  to  the  slightest  pressure  on 
their  vaults  in  the  ordinary  course  of  business,  much  less  that 
of  meeting  the  daily  government  drafts  and  the  approaching 
deposit  of  near  forty  millions  with  the  States."  Nevertheless, 
the  deposits  began  at  the  rate  of  ten  millions  to  the  quarter. 
The  deposit  banks  "  blew  up ; "  and  all  the  others,  including 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  195 

that  of  the  United  States,  closed  their  doors  to  customers  and 
bill-holders,  which  gave  them  more  time  to  hold  public  meet 
ings,  imputing  the  distress  of  the  country  to  the  hard-money 
policy  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  and  agitating  for  the 
re-charter  of  Mr.  Riddle's  profligate  concern  as  the  only 
remedy  human  ingenuity  could  devise. 

It  was  in  the  month  previous  to  the  first  deposit  with  the 
States, — about  the  time  when  Gov.  Ford  says,  "lands  and 
town-lots  were  the  only  articles  of  export "  from  Illinois ; 
when  the  counters  of  Western  land-offices  were  piled  high 
with  illusory  bank-notes  in  exchange  for  public  lands,  and 
when  it  was  believed  that  the  West  was  now  at  last  about 
to  bound  forward  in  a  career  of  unexampled  prosperity,  under 
the  forcing  process  of  public  improvements  by  the  States,  with 
the  aid  and  countenance  of  the  Federal  Government, —  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  went  up  to  attend  the  first  session  of  the  new  Legisla 
ture  at  Vandalia.  He  was  big  with  projects  :  his  real  public 
service  was  just  now  about  to  begin.  In  the  previous  Legis 
lature  he  had  been  silent,  observant,  studious.  He  had 
improved  the  opportunity  so  well,  that  of  all  men  in  this  new 
body,  of  equal  age  in  the  service,  he  was  the  smartest  parlia 
mentarian  and  the  cunningest  "  log-roller."  He  was  fully 
determined  to  identify  himself  conspicuously  with  the  "  lib 
eral  "  legislation  in  contemplation,  and  dreamed  of  a  fame 
very  different  from  that  which  he  actually  obtained  as  an 
antislavery  leader.  It  was  about  this  time  that  he  told  his 
friend,  Mr.  Speed,  that  he  aimed  at  the  great  distinction  of 
being  called  "  the  De  Witt  Clinton  of  Illinois." 

Meetings  with  a  view  to  this  sort  of  legislation  had  been 
held  in  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  counties  in  the  State  during  the 
preceding  summer  and  fall.  Hard-money,  strict-construction, 
no-monopoly,  anti-progressive  Democrats  were  in  a  sad  minor 
ity.  In  truth,  there  was  little  division  of  parties  about  these 
matters  which  were  deemed  so  essential  to  the  prosperity  of 
a  new  State.  There  was  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  there  was  Mr. 
Douglas,  in  perfect  unison  as  to  the  grand  object  to  be  accom 
plished,  but  mortally  jealous  as  to  which  should  take  the  lead 


196  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

in  accomplishing  it.  A  few  days  before  the  Legislature 
assembled,  "  a  mass  convention  "  of  the  people  of  Sangamon 
County  "instructed"  their  members  "  to  vote  for  a  general 
system  of  internal  improvements"  The  House  of  Representa 
tives  organized  in  the  morning ;  and  in  the  evening  its  hall 
was  surrendered  to  a  convention  of  delegates  from  all  parts 
of  the  State,  which  "  devised  and  recommended  to  the  Legis 
lature  a  system  of  internal  improvements,  the  chief  feature 
of  which  was,  that  it  should  be  commensurate  with  the  wants 
of  the  people."  This  result  was  arrived  at  after  two  days  of 
debate,  with  "  Col.  Thomas  Mather,  of  the  State  Bank,  as 
president." 

Mr.  Lincoln  served  on  the  Committee  on  Finance,  and  was 
a  most  laborious  member,  instant  in  season  and  out  of  season, 
for  the  great  measures  of  the  Whig  party.  It  was  to  his  indi 
vidual  exertion  that  the  Whigs  were  indebted  in  no  small 
degree  for  the  complete  success  of  their  favorite  schemes  at 
this  session.  A  railroad  from  Galena  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio  was  provided  for  ;  another  from  Alton  to  Shawneetown ; 
another  from  Alton  to  Mount  Carmel ;  another  from  Alton 
to  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  State  towards  Terre  Haute ; 
another  from  Quincy  by  way  of  Springfield  to  the  Wabash ; 
another  from  Bloomington  to  Fekin ;  another  from  Peoria  to 
Warsaw,  —  in  all  about  thirteen  hundred  miles.  But  in  this 
comprehensive  "system,"  "commensurate  with  the  wants  of  the 
people,"  the  rivers  were  not  to  be  overlooked  ;  and  accordingly 
the  Kaskaskia,  the  Illinois,  the  Great  Wabash,  the  Little  Wa 
bash,  and  the  Rock  rivers  were  to  be  duly  improved.  To  set 
these  little  matters  in  mqtion,  a  loan  of  eight  millions  of  dollars 
was  authorized  ;  and,  to  complete  the  canal  from  Chicago  to 
Peru,  another  loan  of  four  millions  of  dollars  was  voted  at  the 
same  session,  —  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  being  given  as 
a  gratuity  to  those  counties  which  seemed  to  have  no  special 
interest  in  any  of  the  foregoing  projects.  Work  on  all  these 
roads  was  to  commence,  not  only  at  the  same  time,  but  at 
both  ends  of  each  road,  and  at  all  the  river-crossings.  There 
were  as  yet  no  surveys  of  any  route,  no  estimates,  no  reports 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  197 

of  engineers,  or  even  unprofessional  viewers.  "  Progress " 
was  not  to  wait  on  trifles ;  capitalists  were  supposed  to  be 
lying  in  wait  to  catch  these  precious  bonds  ;  the  money  would 
be  raised  in  a  twinkling,  and  being  applied  with  all  the  skill 
of  "a  hundred  De  Witt  Clintons,"  —  a  class  of  gentlemen  at 
that  time  extremely  numerous  and  obtrusive,  —  the  loan  would 
build  the  railroads,  the  railroads  would  build  cities,  cities 
would  create  farms,  foreign  capital  would  rush  to  so  inviting 
a  field,  the  lands  would  be  taken  up  with  marvellous  celerity, 
and  the  "  land-tax "  going  into  a  sinking  fund,  that,  with 
some  tolls  and  certain  sly  speculations  to  be  made  by  the 
State,  would  pay  principal  and  interest  of  the  debt  without 
ever  a  cent  of  taxation  upon  the  people.  In  short,  everybody 
was  to  be  enriched,  while  the  munificence  of  the  State  in  sell 
ing  its  credit  and  spending  the  proceeds  would  make  its  empty 
coffers  overflow  with  ready  money.  It  was  a  dark  stroke  of 
statesmanship,  a  mysterious  device  in  finance,  which,  whether 
from  being  misunderstood,  or  from  being  mismanaged,  bore 
from  the  beginning  fruits  the  very  reverse  of  those  it  had 
promised. 

A  Board  of  Canal  Commissioners  was  already  in  existence  ; 
but  now  were  established,  as  necessary  parts  of  the  new  "sys 
tem,"  a  Board  of  Fund  Commissioners  and  a  Board  of  Com 
missioners  of  Public  Works. 

The  capital  stock  of  the  Shawneetown  Bank  was  increased 
to  one  million  seven  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  that  of  the 
State  Bank  to  three  million  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The 
State  took  the  new  stock,  and  proposed  to  pay  for  it  "  with  the 
surplus  revenues  of  the  United  States,  and  the  residue  by  a  sale 
of  State  bonds."  The  banks  were  likewise  made  fiscal  agencies, 
to  place  the  loans,  and  generally  to  manage  the  railroad  and 
canal  funds.  The  career  of  these  banks  is  an  extremely 
interesting  chapter  in  the  history  of  Illinois,  —  little  less  so 
than  the  rise  and  collapse  of  the  great  internal-improvement 
system.  But,  as  it  has  already  a  place  in  a  chronicle  of  wider 
scope  and  greater  merit  than  this,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  in 
due  time  they  went  the  way  of  their  kind,  —  the  State  lost 


198  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

by  them,  and  they  lost  by  the  State,  in  morals  as  well  as  in 
money. 

'The  means  used  in  the  Legislature  to  pass  the  "  system  " 
deserve  some  notice  for  the  instruction  of  posterity.  "  First, 
a  large  portion  of  the  people  were  interested  in  the  success 
of  the  canal,  which  was  threatened,  if  other  sections  of  the 
State  were  denied  the  improvements  demanded  by  them  ;  and 
thus  the  friends  of  the  canal  were  forced  to  log-roll  for  that 
work  by  supporting  others  which  were  to  be  ruinous  to  the 
country.  Roads  and  improvements  were  proposed  every 
where,  to  enlist  every  section  of  the  State.  Three  or  four 
efforts  were  made  to  pass  a  smaller  system ;  and,  when  defeated, 
the  bill  would  be  amended  by  the  addition  of  other  roads, 
until  a  majority  was  obtained  for  it.  Those  counties  which 
could  not  be  thus  accommodated  were  to  share  in  the  fund  of 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Three  roads  were  appointed  to 
terminate  at  Alton,  before  the  Alton  interest  would  agree  to  the 
system.  The  seat  of  government  was  to  be  removed  to  Spring 
field.  Sangamon  County,  in  which  Springfield  is  situated,  was 
then  represented  by  two  Senators  and  seven  Representatives, 
called  the  '  Long  Nine,'  all  Whigs  but  one.  Amongst  them 
were  some  dexterous  jugglers  and  managers  in  politics,  whose 
whole  object  was  to  obtain  the  seat  of  government  for  Spring 
field.  This  delegation,  from  the  beginning  of  the  session, 
threw  itself  as  a  unit  in  support  of,  or  in  opposition  to,  every 
local  measure  of  interest,  but  never  without  a  bargain  for 
votes  in  return  on  the  seat-of-government  question.  Most  of 
the  other  counties  were  small,  having  but  one  Representative 
and  many  of  them  with  but  one  for  a  whole  representative 
district ;  and  this  gave  Sangamou  County  a  decided  prepon 
derance  in  the  log-rolling  system  of  those  days.  It  is  worthy 
of  examination  whether  any  just  and  equal  legislation  can 
ever  be  sustained  where  some  of  the  counties  are  great  and 
powerful,  and  others  feeble.  But  by  such  means  '  The  Long- 
Nine  '  rolled  along  like  a  snowball,  gathering  accessions  of 
strength  at  every  turn,  until  they  swelled  up  a  considerable 
party  for  Springfield,  which  party  they  managed  to  take 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  199 

almost  as  a  unit  in  favor  of  the  internal-improvement  system, 
in  return  for  which  the  active  supporters  of  that  system  were 
to  vote  for  Springfield  to  be  the  seat  of  government.  Thus 
it  was  made  to  cost  the  State  about  six  millions  of  dollars  to 
remove  the  seat  of  government  from  Vandalia  to  Springfield, 
half  of  which  sum  would  have  purchased  all  the  real  estate 
in  that  town  at  three  prices  ;  and  thus  by  log-rolling  on  the 
canal  measure ;  by  multiplying  railroads ;  by  terminating  three 
railroads  at  Alton,  that  Alton  might  become  a  great  city  in 
opposition  to  St.  Louis  ;  by  distributing  money  to  some  of  the 
counties  to  be  wasted  by  the  county  commissioners  ;  and  by 
giving  the  seat  of  government  to  Springfield,  —  was  the  whole 
State  bought  up,  and  bribed  to  approve  the  most  senseless 
and  disastrous  policy  which  ever  crippled  the  energies  of  a 
growing  country."  l 

Enumerating  the  gentlemen  who  voted  for  this  combination 
of  evils,  —  among  them  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  John  A.  Mc- 
Clernand,  James  Shields,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  —  and  re 
citing  the  high  places  of  honor  and  trust  to  which  most  of 
them  have  since  attained,  Gov.  Ford  pronounces  "  all  of  them 
spared  monuments  of  popular  wrath,  evincing  how  safe  it  is 
to  a  politician,  but  how  disastrous  it  may  be  to  the  country,  to 
keep  along  with  the  present  fervor  of  the  people." 

"  It  was  a  maxim  with  many  politicians  just  to  keep  along 
even  with  the  humor  of  the  people,  right  or  wrong ;  "  and  this 
maxim  Mr.  Lincoln  held  then,  as  ever  since,  in  very  high  esti 
mation.  But  the  "humor"  of  his  constituents  was  not  only 
intensely  favorable  to  the  new  scheme  of  internal  improve 
ments  :  it  was  most  decidedly  their  "  humor  "  to  have  the  capi 
tal  at  Springfield,  and  to  make  a  great  man  of  the  legislator 
who  should  take  it  there.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  doubtless  thor 
oughly  convinced  that  the  popular  view  of  all  these  matters  was 
the  right  one  ;  but,  even  if  he  had  been  unhappily  afflicted  with 
individual  scruples  of  his  own,  he  would  have  deemed  it  but 
simple  duty  to  obey  the  almost  unanimous  voice  of  his  con 
stituency.  He  thought  he  never  could  serve  them  better  than 

i  Ford's  History  of  Illinois. 


200  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

by  giving  them  just  what  they  wanted ;  and  that  to  collect 
the  will  of  his  people,  and  register  it  by  his  own  vote,  was  the 
first  and  leading  obligation  of  a  representative.  It  happened 
that  on  this  occasion  the  popular  feeling  fell  in  very  pleas 
antly  with  his  young  dream  of  rivalling  the  fame  of  Clinton  ; 
and  here,  also,  was  a  fine  opportunity  of  repeating,  in  a  higher 
strain  and  on  a  loftier  stage,  the  ingenious  arguments,  which, 
in  the  very  outset  of  his  career,  had  proved  so  hard  for 
"Posey  and  Ewing,"  when  he  overthrew  those  worthies  in 
the  great  debate  respecting  the  improvement  of  the  San- 
gamon  River. 

"  The  Internal-Improvement  Bill,"  says  Mr.  Wilson  (one 
of  the  "  Long  Nine  "),  "  and  a  bill  to  permanently  locate  the 
seat  of  government  of  the  State,  were  the  great  measures 
of  the  session  of  1836-7.  Vandalia  was  then  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment,  and  had  been  for  a  number  of  years.  A  new  state 
house  had  just  been  built.  Alton,  Decatur,  Peoria,  Jackson 
ville,  Illiapolis,  and  Springfield  were  the  points  seeking  the 
location,  if  removed  from  Vandalia.  The  delegation  from 
Sangamon  were  a  unit,  acting  in  concert  in  favor  of  the  per 
manent  location  at  Springfield.  The  bill  was  introduced  at 
an  early  day  in  the  session,  to  locate,  by  a  joint  vote  of  both 
Houses  of  the  Legislature.  The  friends  of  the  other  points 
united  to  defeat  the  bill,  as  each  point  thought  the  postpone 
ment  of  the  location  to  some  future  period  would  give  strength 
to  their  location.  The  contest  on  this  bill  was  long  and 
severe.  Its  enemies  laid  it  on  the  table  twice,  —  once  on  the 
table  to  the  fourth  day  of  July,  and  once  indefinitely  post 
poned  it.  To  take  a  bill  from  the  table  is  always  attended 
with  difficulty ;  but  when  laid  on  the  table  to  a  day  beyond 
the  session,  or  when  indefinitely  postponed,  it  requires  a  vote 
of  reconsideration,  which  always  is  an  intense  struggle.  In 
these  dark  hours,  when  our  bill  to  all  appearances  was  be 
yond  resuscitation,  and  all  our  opponents  were  jubilant  over 
our  defeat,  and  when  friends  could  see  no  hope,  Mr.  Lincoln 
never  for  one  moment  despaired;  but,  collecting  his  col 
leagues  to  his  room  for  consultation,  his  practical  common 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  201 

sense,  his  thorough  knowledge  of  human  nature,  then  made 
him  an  overmatch  for  his  compeers,  and  for  any  man  that  I 
have  ever  known." 

"  We  surmounted  all  obstacles,  passed  the  bill,  and,  by  a 
joint  vote  of  both  Houses,  located  the  seat  of  government 
of  the  State  of  Illinois  at  Springfield,  just  before  the  adjourn 
ment  of  the  Legislature,  which  took  place  on  the  fourth  day 
of  March,  1837.  The  delegation  acting  during 'the  whole 
session  upon  all  questions  as  a  unit,  gave  them  strength  and 
influence,  that  enabled  them  to  carry  through  their  measures 
and  give  efficient  aid  to  their  friends.  The  delegation  was 
not  only  remarkable  for  their  numbers,  but  for  their  length, 
most  of  them  measuring  six  feet  and  over.  It  was  said  at 
the  time  that  that  delegation  measured  fifty-four  feet  high. 
Hence  they  were  known  as  '  The  Long  Nine."1  So  that  dur 
ing  that  session,  and  for  a  number  of  years  afterwards,  all 
the  bad  laws  passed  at  that  session  of  the  Legislature  were 
chargeable  to  the  management  and  influence  of  '  The  Long 
Nine.'  .  .  . 

"  He  (Mr.  Lincoln)  was  on  the  stump  and  in  the  halls 
of  the  Legislature  a  ready  debater,  manifesting  extraordinary 
ability  in  his  peculiar  manner  of  presenting  his  subject.  lie 
did  not  follow  the  beaten  track  of  other  speakers  and  think 
ers,  but  appeared  to  comprehend  the  whole  situation  of  the 
subject,  and  take  hold  of  its  principles.  He  had  a  remarka 
ble  faculty  for  concentration,  enabling  him  to  present  his 
subject  in  such  a  manner,  as  nothing  but  conclusions  were 
presented." 

It  was  at  this  session  of  the  Legislature,  March  3,  1837, 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  began  that  antislavery  record  upon  which 
his  fame  through  all  time  must  chiefly  rest.  It  was  a  very 
mild  beginning ;  but  even  that  required  uncommon  courage 
and  candor  in  the  day  and  generation  in  which  it  was  done. 

The  whole  country  was  excited  concerning  the  doctrines 
and  the  practices  of  the  Abolitionists.  These  agitators  were 
as  yet  but  few  in  numbers :  but  in  New  England  they  com 
prised  some  of  the  best  citizens,  and  the  leaders  were  persons 


202  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  high  character,  of  culture  and  social  influence ;  while,  in 
the  Middle  States,  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  confined  to 
the  Society  of  Friends,  or  Quakers.  All  were  earnest,  active, 
and  uncompromising  in  the  propagation  of  their  opinions ;  and, 
believing  slavery  to  be  the  "  sum  of  all  villanies,"  with  the  ut 
most  pertinacity  they  claimed  the  unrestricted  right  to  dissemi 
nate  their  convictions  in  any  manner  they  saw  fit,  regardless 
of  all  consequences.  'They  paid  not  the  slightest  heed  to  the 
wishes  or  the  opinions  of  their  opponents.  They  denounced 
all  compromises  with  an  unsparing  tongue,  and  would  allow 
no  law  of  man  to  stand,  in  their  eyes,  above  the  law  of  God. 
George  Thompson,  identified  with  emancipation  in  the 
British  West  Indies,  had  come  and  gone.  For  more  than  a 
year  he  addressed  public  meetings  in  New  England,  the 
Central  States,  and  Ohio,  and  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
growing  excitement  by  his  fierce  denunciations  of  the  slave- 
holding  class,  in  language  with  which  his  long  agitation  in 
England  had  made  him  familiar.  He  was  denounced,  insulted, 
and  mobbed ;  and  even  in  Boston  he  was  once  posted  as  an 
"  infamous  foreign  scoundrel,"  and  an  offer  was  made  of  a  hun 
dred  dollars  to  "  snake  him  out "  of  a  public  meeting.  In 
fact,  Boston  was  not  at  all  behind  other  cities  and  towns  in 
its  condemnation  of  the  Abolitionists.  A  great  meeting  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  called  by  eighteen  hundred  leading  citizens,  — 
Whigs  and  Democrats,  —  condemned  their  proceedings  in  lan 
guage  as  strong  and  significant  as  Richard  Fletcher,  Peleg 
Sprague,  and  Harrison  Gray  Otis  could  write  it.  But  Garrison 
still  continued  to  publish  "Ti.e  Liberator,"  filling  it  with  all 
the  uncompromising  aggressiveness  of  his  sect,  and  distributing 
it  throughout  the  Southern  States.  It  excited  great  alarm  in 
the  slaveholding  communities  where  its  secret  circulation,  in 
the  minds  of  the  slaveholders,  tended  to  incite  the  slaves  to 
insurrections,  assassinations,  and  running  away ;  but  in  the 
place  where  it  was  published  it  was  looked  upon  with  general 
contempt  and  disgust.  When  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  wrote 
to  the  Mayor  of  Boston  to  have  it  suppressed,  the  latter  (the 
eloquent  Otis)  replied,  "  that  his  officers  had  ferreted  out  the 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  203 

paper  and  its  editor,  whose  office  was  an  obscure  hole ;  his 
only  visible  auxiliary  a  negro  boy ;  his  supporters  a  few  insig 
nificant  persons  of  all  colors." 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1835,  President  Jackson  had  called 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  doings  of  these  people  in 
language  corresponding  to  the  natural  wrath  with  which  he 
viewed  the  character  of  their  proceedings.  "  I  must  also," 
said  he,  "invite  your  attention  to  the  painful  excitements  in  the 
South  by  attempts  to  circulate  through  the  mails  inflammatory 
appeals  addressed  to  the  passions  of  slaves,  in  prints  and  vari 
ous  sorts  of  publications  calculated  to  stimulate  them  to  insur 
rection,  and  to  produce  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  It  is 
fortunate  for  the  country  that  the  good  sense,  the  generous 
feeling,  and  deep-rooted  attachment  of  the  people  of  the  non- 
slaveholding  States  to  the  Union  and  their  fellow-citizens  of 
the  same  blood  in  the  South  have  given  so  strong  and  im 
pressive  a  tone  to  the  sentiments  entertained  against  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  misguided  persons  who  have  engaged  in  these 
unconstitutional  and  wicked  attempts,  and  especially  against 
the  emissaries  from  foreign  parts,  who  have  dared  to  interfere 
in  this  matter,  as  to  authorize  the  hope  that  these  attempts 
will  no  longer  be  persisted  in.  ...  I  would  therefore  call  the 
special  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject,  and  respectfully 
suggest  the  propriety  of  passing  such  a  law  as  will  prohibit, 
under  severe  penalties,  the  circulation  in  the  Southern  States, 
through  the  mail,  of  incendiary  publications,  intended  to 
instigate  the  slaves  to  insurrection." 

Mr.  Clay  said  the  sole  purpose  of  the  Abolitionists  was  to 
array  one  portion  of  the  Union  against  the  other.  "  With 
that  in  view,  in  all  their  leading  prints  and  publications,  the 
alleged  horrors  of  slavery  are  depicted  in  the  most  glowing 
and  exaggerated  colors,  to  excite  the  imaginations  and  stimu 
late  the  rage  of  the  people  of  the  Free  States  against  the  peo 
ple  of  the  slaveholding  States.  .  .  .  Why  are  the  Slave  States 
wantonly  and  cruelly  assailed  ?  Why  does  the  abolition 
press  teem  with  publications  tending  to  excite  hatred  and 
animosity  on  the  part  of  the  Free  States  against  the  Slave 


204  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

States  ?  .  .  .  Why  is  Congress  petitioned  ?  Is  their  purpose 
to  appeal  to  onr  understanding,  and  actuate  our  humanity  ? 
And  do  they  expect  to  accomplish  that  purpose  by  holding  us 
up  to  the  scorn  and  contempt  and  detestation  of  the  people 
of  the  Free  States  and  the  whole  civilized  world  ?  .  .  .  Union 
on  the  one  side  will  beget  union  on  the  other.  .  .  .  One  sec 
tion  will  stand  in  menacing,  hostile  array  against  another ;  the 
collision  of  opinion  will  be  quickly  followed  by  the  clash  of 
arms." 

Mr.  Everett,  then  (1836)  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  in 
formed  the  Legislature,  for  the  admonition  of  these  unsparing 
agitators  against  the  peace  of  the  South,  that  "  every  thing 
that  tends  to  disturb  the-  relations  created  by  this  compact 
[the  Constitution]  is  at  war  with  its  spirit ;  and  whatever,  by 
direct  and  necessary  operation,  is  calculated  to  excite  an  insur 
rection  among  the  slaves,  has  been  held  by  highly  respectable 
legal  authority  an  offence  against  the  peace  of  this  Common 
wealth,  which  may  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  at  common 
law."  It  was  proposed  in  the  Legislature  to  pass  an  act  defin 
ing  the  offence  with  more  certainty,  and  attaching  to  it  a 
severer  penalty.  The  Abolitionists  asked  to  be  heard  before 
the  committee  ;  and  Rev.  S.  J.  May,  Ellis  Gray  Loring,  Prof. 
Charles  Follen,  Samuel  E.  Sewell,  and  others  of  equal  ability 
and  character,  spoke  in  their  behalf.  They  objected  to  the 
passage  of  such  an  act  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  derided  the 
value  of  a  Union  which  could  not  protect  its  citizens  in  one 
of  their  most  cherished  rights.  During  the  hearing,  several 
bitter  altercations  took  place  between  them  and  the  chairman. 

In  New  York,  Gov.  Marcy  called  upon  the  Legislature  "  to 
do  what  may  be  done  consistently  with  the  great  principles 
of  civil  liberty,  to  put  an  end  to  the  evils  which  the  Abolition 
ists  are  bringing  upon  us  and  the  whole  country."  The 
"  character  "  and  the  "  interests  "  of  the  State  were  equally  at 
stake,  and  both  would  be  sacrificed  unless  these  furious  and 
cruel  fanatics  were  effectually  suppressed. 

In  May,  1836,  the  Federal  House  of  Representatives  re 
solved,  by  overwhelming  votes,  that  Congress  had  no  right 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  205 

to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  that  henceforth  all  abolition  petitions  should 
be  laid  on  the  table  without  being  printed  or  referred.  And, 
one  day  later  than  the  date  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  protest,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  declared  in  his  inaugural,  that  no  bill  abolishing  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  or  meddling  with  it  in  the  States 
Avhere  it  existed,  should  ever  receive  his  signature.  "  There 
was  no  other  form,"  says  Benton,  "  at  that  time,  in  which 
slavery  agitation  could  manifest  itself,  or  place  it  could  find 
a  point  to  operate ;  the  ordinance  of  1787  and  the  compro 
mise  of  1820  having  closed  up  the  Territories  against  it. 
Danger  to  slave  property  in  the  States,  either  by  direct  action, 
or  indirectly  through  the  District  of  Columbia,  were  the  only 
points  of  expressed  apprehension.'' 

Abolition  agitations  fared  little  better  in  the  twenty-fifth 
Congress  than  in  the  twenty-fourth.  At  the  extra  session  in 
September  of  18£7,  Mr.  Slade  of  Vermont  introduced  two 
petitions  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  ;  but,  after  a  furious  debate  and  a  stormy  scene,  they  were 
disposed  of  by  the  adoption  of  the  following  :  — 

"Resolved,  That  all  petitions,  memorials,  and  papers,  touch 
ing  the  abolition  of  slavery,  or  the  buying,  selling,  or  trans 
ferring  of  slaves,  in  any  State,  District,  or  Territory,  of  the 
United  States,  be  laid  on  the  table,  without  being  debated, 
printed,  read,  or  referred ;  and  that  no  further  action  what 
ever  shall  be  had  thereon." 

In  Illinois,  at  the  time  we  speak  of  (March,  1837),  an  Aboli 
tionist  was  rarely  seen,  and  scarcely  ever  heard  of.  In  many 
parts  of  the  State  such  a  person  would  have  been  treated  as  a 
criminal.  It  is  true,  there  were  a  few  Covenanters,  with  whom 
hatred  of  slavery  in  any  form  and  wherever  found  was  an 
essential  part  of  their  religion.  Up  to  1824  they  had  steadily 
refused  to  vote,  or  in  any  other  way  to  acknowledge  the 
State  government,  regarding  it  as  "  an  heathen  and  unbap- 
tized  institution,"  because  the  Constitution  failed  to  recognize 
"Jesus  Christ  as  the  head  of  the  government,  and  the  Holy 
Scriptures  as  the  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice."  It  was 


20G  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

only  when  it  was  proposed  to  introduce  slavery  into  Illinois 
by  an  alteration  of  that  "  heathen "  Constitution,  that  the 
Covenanters  consented  to  take  part  in  public  affairs.  The 
movement  which  drew  them  out  proved  to  be  a  long  and 
unusually  bitter  campaign,  lasting  full  eighteen  months,  and 
ending  in  the  fall  of  1824,  with  a  popular  majority  of  several 
thousand  against  calling  a  convention  for  the  purpose  of 
making  Illinois  a  Slave  State.  Many  of  the  antislavery  leaders 
in  this  contest  —  conspicuous  among  whom  was  Go v.  Coles — 
were  gentlemen  from  Slave  States,  who  had  emancipated  their 
slaves  before  removal,  and  were  opposed  to  slavery,  not  upon 
religious  or  moral  grounds,  but  because  they  believed  it  would 
be  a  material  injury  to  the  new  country.  Practically  no  other 
view  of  the  question  was  discussed;  and  a  person  who  should 
have  undertaken  to  discuss  it  from  the  "man  and  brother" 
stand-point  of  more  modern  times  would  have  been  set  down 
as  a  lunatic.  A  clear  majority  of  the  people  were  against 
the  introduction  of  slavery  into  their  own  State ;  but  that 
majority  were  fully  agreed  with  their  brethren  of  the  mmorit}T, 
that  those  who  went  about  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the 
most  distant  manner  in  the  places  where  it  already  existed 
were  deserving  of  the  severest  punishment,  as  the  common 
enemies  of  society.  It  was  in  those  days  a  mortal  offence  to 
call  a  man  an  Abolitionist,  for  Abolitionist  was  synonymous 
with  thief.  Between  a  band  of  men  who  stole  horses  and  a 
band  of  men  who  stole  negroes,  the  popular  mind  made  small 
distinctions  in  the  degrees  of  guilt.  They  were  regarded  as 
rubbers,  disturbers  of  the  peace,  the  instigators  of  arson,  mur 
der,  poisoning,  rape  ;  and,  in  addition  to  all  this,  traitors  to  the 
government  under  which  they  lived,  and  enemies  to  the  Union 
which  gave  us  as  a  people  liberty  and  strength.  In  testimony 
of  these  sentiments,  Illinois  enacted  a  "  black  code  "  of  most 
preposterous  and  cruel  severity,  —  a  code  that  would  have 
been  a  disgrace  to  a  Slave  State,  and  was  simply  an  infamy 
in  a  free  one.  It  borrowed  the  provisions  of  the  most  revolt 
ing  laws  known  among  men,  for  exiling,  selling,  beating,  be 
devilling,  and  torturing  negroes,  whether  bond  or  free.  Under 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  207 

this  law  Gov.  Coles,  the  leader  of  the  antislavery  party,  who 
had  emancipated  his  slaves,  and  settled  them  around  him  in 
his  new  home,  but  had  neglected  to  file  a  bond  with  the  con 
dition  that  his  freedmen  should  behave  well  and  never  be 
come  a  charge  upon  the  public,  was  fined  two  hundred  dollars 
in  each  case ;  and,  so  late  as  1852,  the  writer  of  these  pages 
very  narrowly  escaped  the  same  penalty  for  the  same  offence. 
In  1835-36  Rev.  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy  had  been  publishing  a 
moderately  antislavery  paper  at  St.  Louis.  But  the  people 
of  that  city  did  not  look  with  favor  upon  his  enterprise  ;  and, 
after  meeting  with  considerable  opposition,  in  the  summer  of 
1836  he  moved  his  types  and  press  across  the  river  to  Alton, 
111.  Here  he  found  an  opposition  more  violent  than  that  from 
which  he  had  fled.  His  press  was  thrown  into  the  river  the 
night  after  its  arrival ;  and  he  was  informed  that  no  abolition 
paper  would  be  allowed  in  the  town.  The  better  class  of  citi 
zens,  however,  deprecated  the  outrage,  and  pledged  them 
selves  to  reimburse  Mr.  Lovejoy,  in  case  he  would  agree  not 
to  make  his  paper  an  abolition  journal.  Mr.  Lovejoy  assured 
them  it  was  not  his  purpose  to  establish  such  a  paper  in  Alton, 
but  one  of  a  religious  character :  at  the  same  time  he  would 
not  give  up  his  right  as  an  American  citizen  to  publish  what 
ever  he  pleased  on  any  subject,  holding  himself  answerable  to 
the  laws  of  his  country  in  so  doing.  With  this  general  under 
standing,  he  was  permitted  to  go  forward.  He  continued 
about  a  year,  discussing  in  his  paper  the  slavery  question  occa 
sionally  ;  not,  however,  in  a  violent  manner,  but  with  a  tone 
of  moderation.  This  policy,  however,  was  not  satisfactory :  it 
was  regarded  as  a  violation  of  his  pledge ;  and  the  contents  of 
his  office  were  again  destroyed.  Mr.  Lovejoy  issued  an  appeal 
for  aid  to  re-establish  his  paper,  which  met  with  a  prompt  and 
generous  response.  He  proposed  to  bring  up  another  press, 
and  announced  that  armed  men  would  protect  it :  meantime, 
a  committee  presented  him  with  some  resolutions  adopted  at 
a  large  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Alton,  reminding  him  that 
he  had  previously  given  a  pledge  that  in  his  paper  he  would 
refrain  from  advocating  abolitionism,  and  also  censuring  him 


208  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

for  not  having  kept  his  promise,  and  desiring  to  know  if  he 
intended  to  continue  the  publication  of  such  doctrines  in  the 
future.  His  response  consisted  of  a  denial  of  the  right  of  any 
portion  of  the  people  of  Acton  to  prescribe  what  questions  he 
should  or  should  not  discuss  in  his  paper.  Great  excitement 
followed :  another  press  was  brought  up  on  the  21st  of  Sep 
tember,  which  shortly  after  followed  the  fate  of  its  predeces 
sors.  Another  arrived  Nov.  7,  1837,  and  was  conveyed  to  a 
stone  warehouse  by  the  riverside,  where  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  a 
few  friends  (some  of  them  not  Abolitionists)  resolved  to 
defend  it  to  the  last.  That  night  they  were  attacked. 
First  there  was  a  brief  parley,  then  a  volley  of  stones, 
then  an  attempt  to  carry  the  building  by  assault.  At 
this  juncture  a  shot  was  fired  out  of  a  second-story  win 
dow,  which  killed  a  young  man  in  the  crowd.  It  was  said 
to  have  been  fired  by  Lovejoy ;  and,  as  the  corpse  was  borne 
away,  the  wrath  of  the  populace  knew  no  bounds.  It  was 
proposed  to  get  powder  from  the  magazine,  and  blow  the 
warehouse  up.  Others  thought  the  torch  would  be  a  better 
agent ;  and,  finally,  a  man  ran  up  a  ladder  to  fire  the  roof. 
Lovejoy  came  out  of  the  door,  and,  firing  one  shot,  retreated 
within,  where  he  rallied  the  garrison  for  a  sortie.  In  the 
mean  time  many  shots  were  fired  both  by  the  assailants  and 
the  assailed.  The  house  was  once  actually  set  on  fire  by  one 
person  from  the  mob,  and  saved  by  another.  But  the  courage 
of  Mr.  Lovejoy's  friends  was  gradually  sinking,  and  they  re 
sponded  but  faintly  to  his  strong  appeals  for  action.  As  a  last 
resource,  he  rushed  to  the  door  with  a  single  companion,  gun 
in  hand,  and  was  shot  dead  on  the  threshold.  The  other  man 
was  wounded  in  the  leg,  the  warehouse  was  in  flames,  the  mob 
grew  more  ferocious  over  the  blood  that  had  been  shed,  and 
riddled  the  doors  and  windows  with  volleys  from  all  sorts  of 
fire-arms.  The  Abolitionists  had  fought  a  good  fight ;  but  see 
ing  now  nothing  but  death  before  them,  in  that  dismal,  bloody, 
and  burning  house,  they  escaped  down  the  river-bank,  by 
twos  and  threes,  as  best  they  could,  and  their  press  was  turn- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  209 

bled  after  them,  into  the  river.  And  thus  ended  the  first 
attempt  to  establish  an  abolition  paper  in  Illinois.  The 
result  was  certainly  any  thing  but  encouraging,  and  indi 
cated  pretty  clearly  what  must  have  been  the  general  state 
of  public  feeling  throughout  the  State  in  regard  to  slavery 
agitation. 

In  fact,  no  State  was  more  alive  to  the  necessity  of  repress 
ing  the  Abolitionists  than  Illinois  ;  and  accordingly  it  was  pro 
posed  in  the  Legislature  to  take  some  action  similar  to  that 
which  had  been  already  taken,  or  was  actually  pending,  in 
the  legislatures  of  sister  Commonwealths,  from  Massachusetts 
through  the  list.  A  number  of  resolutions  were  reported,  and 
passed  with  no  serious  opposition.  The  record  does  not  dis 
close  the  precise  form  in  which  they  passed ;  but  that  is  of 
little  consequence  now.  That  they  were  extreme  enough  may 
be  gathered  from  the  considerate  language  of  the  protest,  and 
from  the  fact  that  such  a  protest  was  considered  necessary  at 
all.  The  protest  was  undoubtedly  the  product  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  pen,  for  his  adroit  directness  is  seen  in  every  word  of 
it.  He  could  get  but  one  man  - —  his  colleague,  Dan  Stone  — 
to  sign  with  him. 

MARCH  3,  1837. 

The  following  protest  was  presented  to  the  House,  which  was  read,  and 
ordered  to  be  spread  on  the  journals,  to  wit:  — 

Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery  having  passed  both 
branches  of  the  General  Assembly  at  its  present  session,  the  undersigned 
hereby  protest  against  the  passage  of  the  same. 

They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is  founded  on  both  injustice 
and  bad  policy  ;  but  that  the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather 
to  increase  than  abate  its  evils. 

They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  no  power,  under  the 
Constitution,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  different  States. 

They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  the  power,  under 
the  Constitution,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  that  the 
power  ought  not  to  be  exercised,  unless  at  the  request  of  the  people  of  the 
District. 

The  difference  between  these  opinions  and  those  contained  in  the  said 
resolutions  is  their  reason  for  entering  this  protest. 

(Signed)  DAN  STONE, 

A.  LINCOLN, 
Representatives  from  the  County  of  Sanqamon. 


210  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln  says  nothing  here  about  slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories.  The  Missouri  Compromise  being  in  full  force,  and 
regarded  as  sacred  by  all  parties,  it  was  one  of  its  chief 
effects  that  both  sections  were  deprived  of  any  pretext  for 
the  agitation  of  that  question,  from  which  every  statesman, 
Federalist  or  Republican,  Whig  or  Democratic,  apprehended 
certain  disaster  to  the  Union.  Neither  would  Mr.  Lincoln 
suffer  himself  to  be  classed  with  the  few  despised  Quakers, 
Covenanters,  and  Puritans,  who  were  so  frequently  disturbing 
the  peace  of  the  country  by  abolition-memorials  to  Congress 
and  other  public  bodies.  Slavery,  says  the  protest,  is  wrong 
in  principle,  besides  being  bad  in  economy  ;  but  "  the  promul 
gation  of  abolition  doctrines  "  is  still  worse.  In  the  States 
which  choose  to  have  it,  it  enjoys  a  constitutional  immunity 
beyond  the  reach  of  any  "  higher  law  ;  "  and  Congress  must  not 
touch  it,  otherwise  than  to  shield  and  protect  it.  Even  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Dan  Stone  would  leave 
it  entirely  to  the  will  of  the  people.  In  fact,  the  whole  paper, 
plain  and  simple  as  it  is,  seems  to  have  been  drawn  with  no 
object  but  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  extreme  views  on  either 
side.  And  from  that  day  to  the  day  of  his  inauguration,  Mr. 
Lincoln  never  saw  the  time  when  he  would  have  altered  a 
word  of  it.  He  never  sided  with  the  Lovejoys.  In  his  eyes 
their  work  tended  "rather  to  increase  than  to  abate"  the 
evils  of  slavery,  and  was  therefore  unjust,  as  well  as  futile. 
Years  afterwards  he  was  the  steady  though  quiet  opponent 
of  Owen  Lovejoy,  and  declared  that  Lovejoy's  nomination  for 
Congress  over  Leonard  Swett  "  almost  turned  him  blind." 
When,  in  1860,  the  Democrats  called  Mr.  Lincoln  an  Aboli 
tionist,  and  cited  the  protest  of  1837  to  support  the  charge, 
friends  pointed  to  the  exact  language  of  the  document  as 
his  complete  and  overwhelming  refutation. 

On  the  10th  of  May,  the  New  York  banks  suspended  specie 
payments,  and  two  days  afterwards  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  and  the  Philadelphia  banks  did  likewise.  From  these 
the  stoppage  and  the  general  ruin,  among  business  men  and 
speculators  alike,  spread  throughout  the  country.  Neverthe- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  211 

less,  the  Fund  Commissioners  of  Illinois  succeeded  in  placing 
a  loan  during  the  summer,  and  before  the  end  of  the  year 
work  had  begun  on  many  railroads.  "  Money  was  as  plenty 
as  dirt.  Industry,  in  place  of  being  stimulated,  actually  lan 
guished.  We  exported  nothing,  and  every  thing  was  paid 
for  by  the  borrowed  money  expended  among  us."  And  this 
money  was  bank-paper,  such  as  a  pensioner  upon  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  scorned  to  take  in  payment  of 
his  gratuity,  after  the  deposit  banks  had  suspended  or  broken, 
with  thirty-two  millions  of  Government  money  in  their  pos 
session. 

The  banks  which  had  received  such  generous  legislation 
from  the  Legislature  that  devised  the  internal-improvement 
system  were  not  disposed  to  see  that  batch  of  remarkable 
enterprises  languish  for  want  of  their  support.  One  of  them 
took  at  par  and  sold  nine  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  bonds ; 
while  the  other  took  one  million  seven  hundred  and  sixty-five 
thousand  dollars,  which  it  used  as  capital,  and  expanded  its 
business  accordingly.  But  the  banks  were  themselves  in 
greater  danger  than  the  internal-improvement  system.  If  the 
State  Bank  refused  specie  payments  for  sixty  days,  its  charter 
was  forfeited  under  the  Act  of  Assembly.  But  they  were  the 
main-stay  of  all  the  current  speculations,  public  and  private ; 
and  having  besides  large  sums  of  public  money  in  their  hands, 
the  governor  was  induced  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  Legis 
lature  in  July,  1837,  to  save  them  from  impending  dissolution. 
This  was  done  by  an  act  authorizing  or  condoning  the  sus 
pension  of  specie  payments.  The  governor  had  not  directly 
recommended  this,  but  he  had  most  earnestly  recommended 
the  repeal  or  modification  of  the  internal-improvement  system  ; 
and  that  the  Legislature  positively  refused.  This  wise  body 
might  be  eaten  by  its  own  dogs,  but  it  was  determined  not  to 
eat  them  ;  and  in  this  direction  there  was  no  prospect  of  relief 
for  two  years  more.  According  to  Gov.  Ford,  the  cool, 
reflecting  men  of  the  State  anxiously  hoped  that  their  rulers 
might  be  able  to  borrow  no  more  money,  but  in  this  they 
were  immediately  and  bitterly  disappointed.  The  United 


212  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

States  Bank  took  some  of  their  bonds.  Some  were  sold  at 
par  in  this  country,  and  others  at  nine  per  cent  discount  in 
Europe. 

In  1838,  a  governor  (Carlin)  was  elected  who  was  thought 
by  many  to  be  secretly  hostile  to  the  "  system  ;  "  and  a  new 
Legislature  was  chosen,  from  which  it  was  thought  something 
might  be  hoped.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  elected,  with  a 
reputation  so  much  enhanced  by  his  activity  and  address  in 
the  last  Legislature,  that  this  time  he  was  the  candidate  of 
his  party  for  speaker.  The  nomination,  however,  was  a  bar 
ren  honor,  and  known  to  be  such  when  given.  Col.  Ewing 
was  chosen  by  a  plurality  of  one,  —  two  Whigs  and  two 
Democrats  scattering  their  votes.  Mr.  Lincoln  kept  his  old 
place  on  the  Finance  Committee.  At  the  first  session  the 
governor  held  his  peace  regarding  the  "  system ; "  and,  far 
from  repealing  it,  the  Legislature  added  a  new  feature  to  it, 
and  voted  another  $800,000. 

But  the  Fund  Commissioners  were  in  deep  water  and  muddy 
water :  they  had  reached  the  end  of  their  string.  The 
credit  of  the  State  was  gone,  and  already  were  heard  mur 
murs  of  repudiation.  Bond  County  had  in  the  beginning 
pronounced  the  system  a  swindle  upon  the  people  ;  and  Bond 
County  began  to  have  admirers.  Some  of  the  bonds  had  been 
lent  to  New  York  State  banks  to  start  upon  ;  and  the  banks 
had  presently  failed.  Some  had  been  sold  on  credit.  Some 
were  scattered  about  in  various  places  on  special  deposit. 
Others  had  been  sent  to  London  for  sale,  where  the  firm  that 
was  selling  them  broke  with  the  proceeds  of  a  part  of  them 
in  their  hands.  No  expedients  sufficed  any  longer.  There 
was  no  more  money  to  be  got,  and  nothing  left  to  do,  but  to 
"  wind  up  the  system,"  and  begin  the  work  of  common  sense 
by  providing  for  the  interest  on  the  sums  already  expended. 
A  special  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1838—9  did  the  "  wind 
ing  up,"  and  thenceforth,  for  some  years,  there  was  no  other 
question  so  important  in  Illinois  State  politics  as  how  to  pay 
the  interest  on  the  vast  debt  outstanding  for  this  account. 
Many  gentlemen  discovered  that  De  Witt  Clintons  were  rare, 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  213 

and  in  certain  contingencies  very  precious.  Among  these 
must  have  been  Mr.  Lincoln.  But  being  again  elected  to  the 
Legislature  in  1840,  again  the  acknowledged  leader  and  can 
didate  of  his  party  for  speaker,  he  ventured  in  December  of 
that  year  to  offer  an  expedient  for  paying  the  interest  on  the 
debt ;  but  it  was  only  an  expedient,  and  a  very  poor  one,  to 
avoid  the  obvious  but  unpopular  resort  of  direct  taxation. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  moved  to  strike  out  the  bill  and  amendment, 
and  insert  the  following :  — 

"  An  Act  providing  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  the 
State  debt. 

"  SECTION  1.  —  Be  it  enacted  by  the  people  of  the  State 
of  Illinois  represented  in  the  General  Assembly,  that  the 
governor  be  authorized  and  required  to  issue,  from  time  to 
time,  such  an  amount  of  State  bonds,  to  be  called  the  '  Il 
linois  Interest  Bonds,'  as  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the 
payment  of  the  interest  upon  the  lawful  debt  of  the  State, 
contracted  before  the  passage  of  this  Act. 

"  SECTION  2.  —  Said  bonds  shall  bear  interest  at  the  rate 
of  per  cent  per  annum,  payable  half-yearly  at  ,  and  be 
reimbursable  in  years  from  their  respective  issuings. 

"  SECTION  3.  —  That  the  State's  portion  of  the  tax  here 
after  arising  from  all  lands  which  were  not  taxable  in  the 
year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty  is  hereby  set 
apart  as  an  exclusive  fund  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  the 
said  '  Illinois  Interest  Bonds ;  '  and  the  faith  of  the  State  is 
hereby  pledged  that  said  fund  shall  be  applied  to  that  object, 
and  no  other,  except  at  any  time  there  should  be  a  surplus ; 
in  which  case  such  surplus  shall  became  a  part  of  the  general 
funds  of  the  treasury. 

"  SECTION  4.  —  That  hereafter  the  sum  of  thirty  cents  for 
each  hundred  dollars'  worth  of  all  taxable  property  shall  be 
paid  into  the  State  treasury  ;  and  no  more  than  forty  cents 
for  each  hundred  dollars'  worth  of  such  taxable  property 
shall  be  levied  and  collected  for  county  purposes." 

It  was  a  loose  document.  The  governor  was  to  determine 
the  "  amount "  of  bonds  "  necessary,"  and  the  sums  for  which 


214  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

they  should  be  issued.  Interest  was  to  be  paid  only  upon 
the  "  lawful  "  debt ;  and  the  governor  was  left  to  determine 
what  part  of  it  was  lawful,  and  what  unlawful.  The  last 
section  lays  a  specific  tax  ;  but  the  proceeds  are  in  no  way 
connected  with  the  "  interest  bonds." 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he  submitted  this  proposition  with  great 
diffidence.  He  had  felt  his  share  of  the  responsibility  devolv 
ing  upon  us  in  the  present  crisis  ;  and,  after  revolving  in  his 
mind  every  scheme  which  seemed  to  afford  the  least  prospect 
of  relief,  he  submitted  this  as  the  result  of  his  own  delibera 
tions. 

"  The  details  of  the  bill  might  be  imperfect ;  but  he  relied 
upon  the  correctness  of  its  general  features. 

"  By  the  plan  proposed  in  the  original  bill  of  hypothecating 
our  bonds,  he  was  satisfied  we  could  not  get  along  more  than 
two  or  three  months  before  some  other  step  would  be  neces 
sary  :  another  session  would  have  to  be  called,  and  new  pro 
visions  made. 

"  It  might  be  objected  that  these  bonds  would  not  be 
salable,  and  the  money  could  not  be  raised  in  time.  He  was 
no  financier  ;  but  he  believed  these  bonds  thus  secured  would 
be  equal  to  the  best  in  market.  A  perfect  security  was  pro 
vided  for  the  interest ;  and  it  was  this  characteristic  that 
inspired  confidence,  and  made  bonds  salable.  If  there  was 
any  distrust,  it  could  not  be  because  our  means  of  fulfilling 
promises  were  distrusted.  He  believed  it  would  have  the 
effect  to  raise  our  other  bonds  in  market. 

"  There  was  another  objection  to  this  plan,  which  applied 
to  the  original  bill ;  and  that  was  as  to  the  impropriety  of 
borrowing  money  to  pay  interest  on  borrowed  money,  —  that 
we  are  hereby  paying  compound  interest.  To  this  he  would 
reply,  that,  if  it  were  a  fact  that  our  population  and  wealth 
were  increasing  in  a  ratio  greater  than  the  increased  interest 
hereby  incurred,  then  this  was  not  a  good  objection.  If  our 
increasing  means  would  justify  us  in  deferring  to  a  future 
time  the  resort  to  taxation,  then  we  had  better  pay  compound 
interest  than  resort  to  taxation  now.  He  was  satisfied,  that, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  215 

by  a  direct  tax  now,  money  enough  could  not  be  collected  to 
pay  the  accruing  interest.  The  bill  proposed  to  provide  in 
this  way  for  interest  not  otherwise  provided  for.  It  was  not 
intended  to  apply  to  those  bonds  for  the  interest  on  which  a 
security  had  already  been  provided. 

"  He  hoped  the  House  would  seriously  consider  the  propo 
sition.  He  had  no  pride  in  its  success  as  a  measure  of  his 
own,  but  submitted  it  to  the  wisdom  of  the  House,  with  the 
hope,  that,  if  there  was  any  thing  objectionable  in  it,  it  would 
be  pointed  out  and  amended." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  measure  did  not  pass.  There  was  a  large 
party  in  favor,  not  only  of  passing  the  interest  on  the  State 
debt,  which  fell  due  in  the  coming  January  and  July,  but 
of  repudiating  the  whole  debt  outright.  Others  thought  the 
State  ought  to  pay,  not  the  full  face  of  its  bonds,  but  only 
the  amount  received  for  them ;  while  others  still  contended 
that,  whereas,  many  of  the  bonds  had  been  irregularly,  ille 
gally,  and  even  fraudulently  disposed  of,  there  ought  to  be 
a  particular  discrimination  made  against  these,  and  these 
only.  "  At  last  Mr.  Cavarly,  a  member  from  Green,  intro 
duced  a  bill  of  two  sections,  authorizing  the  Fund  Commis 
sioners  to  hypothecate  internal-improvement  bonds  to  the 
amount  of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  which  con 
tained  the  remarkable  provision,  that  the  proceeds  were  to  be 
applied  by  that  officer  to  the  payment  of  all  interest  legally 
due  on  the  public  debt ;  thus  shifting  from  the  General  As 
sembly,  and  devolving  on  the  Fund  Commissioner,  the  duty 
of  deciding  on  the  legality  of  the  debt.  Thus,  by  this  happy 
expedient,  conflicting  opinions  were  reconciled  without  direct 
action  on  the  matter  in  controversy,  and  thus  the  two  Houses 
were  enabled  to  agree  upon  a  measure  to  provide  tempo 
rarily  for  the  interest  on  the  public  debt.  The  Legislature 
further  provided,  at  this  session,  for  the  issue  of  interest 
bonds,  to  be  sold  in  the  market  at  what  they  would  bring ; 
and  an  additional  tax  of  ten  cents  on  the  hundred  dollars' 
worth  of  property  was  imposed  and  pledged,  to  pay  the  in 
terest  on  these  bonds.  By  these  contrivances,  the  interest 


216  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

for  January  and  July,  1841,  was  paid.  The  Fund  Com 
missioner  hypothecated  internal-improvement  bonds  for  the 
money  first  due;  and  his  successor  in  office,  finding  no  sale 
for  Illinois  stocks,  so  much  had  the  credit  of  the  State 
fallen,  was  compelled  to  hypothecate  eight  hundred  and  four 
thousand  dollars  of  interest  bonds  for  the  July  interest.  On 
this  hypothecation  he  was  to  have  received  three  hundred 
and  twenty-one  thousand  six  hundred  dollars,  but  was  never 
paid  more  than  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  thousand  five 
hundred  dollars.  These  bonds  have  never  been  redeemed 
from  the  holders,  though  eighty  of  them  were  afterwards 
repurchased,  and  three  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  dollars 
of  them  were  received  from  the  Shawneetown  Bank  for  State 
stock  in  that  institution."1 

This  session  (the  session  of  1840-1)  had  been  called  two 
weeks  earlier  than  usual,  to  provide  for  the  January  interest 
on  the  debt.  But  the  banks  had  important  business  of  their 
own  in  view,  and  proceeded  to  improve  the  occasion.  In 
1 837,  and  every  year  since  then,  the  banks  had  succeeded  in 
getting  acts  of  the  Legislature  which  condoned  their  suspen 
sion  of  specie  payments.  But,  by  the  terms  of  the  last  act, 
their  charters  were  forfeited  unless  they  resumed  before  the 
adjournment  of  the  next  session.  The  Democrats,  however, 
maintained  that  the  present  special  session  was  a  session  in 
the  sense  of  the  law,  and  that,  before  its  adjournment,  the 
banks  must  hand  out  "  the  hard,"  or  die.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Whigs  held  this  session,  and  the  regular  session  which 
began  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  to  be  one  and  the 
same,  and  proposed  to  give  the  banks  another  winter's  lease 
upon  life  and  rags.  But  the  banks  were  a  power  in  the 
land,  and  knew  how  to  make  themselves  felt.  They  were  the 
depositories  of  the  State  revenues.  The  auditor's  warrants 
were  drawn  upon  them,  and  the  members  of  the  Legislature 
paid  in  their  money.  The  warrants  were  at  a  discount  of  fifty 
per  cent ;  and,  if  the  banks  refused  to  cash  them,  the  members 
would  be  compelled  to  go  home  more  impecunious  than  they 

1  Ford's  History  of  Illinois. 


LIFE  OP  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN.  217 

came.  The  banks,  moreover,  knew  how  to  make  "  opportune 
loans  to  Democrats ; "  and,  with  all  these  aids,  they  organized 
a  brilliant  and  eventually  a  successful  campaign.  In  the 
eyes  of  the  Whigs  they  were  "  the  institutions  of  the  coun 
try,"  and  the  Democrats  were  guilty  of  incivism  in  attacking 
them.  But  the  Democrats  retorted  with  a  string  of  over 
whelming  slang  about  rag  barons,  rags,  printed  lies,  bank 
vassals,  ragocracy,  and  the  "  British-bought,  bank,  blue-light, 
Federal,  Whig  party."  It  was  a  fierce  and  bitter  contest ; 
and,  witnessing  it,  one  might  have  supposed  that  the  very 
existence  of  the  State,  with  the  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  depended  upon  the  result.  The  Demo 
crats  were  bent  upon  carrying  an  adjournment  sine  die; 
which,  according  to  their  theory,  killed  the  banks.  To  defeat 
this,  the  Whigs  resorted  to  every  expedient  of  parliamentary 
tactics,  and  at  length  hit  upon  one  entirely  unknown  to  any 
of  the  standard  manuals :  they  tried  to  absent  themselves  in 
sufficient  numbers  to  leave  no  quorum  behind.  "  If  the 
Whigs  absented  themselves,"  says  Mr.  Gillespie,  a  Whig 
member,  "  there  would  not  be  a  quorum  left,  even  with  the 
two  who  should  be  deputed  to  call  the  ayes  and  noes.  The 
Whigs  immediately  held  a  meeting,  and  resolved  that  they 
would  all  stay  out,  except  Lincoln  and  me,  who  were  to  call 
the  ayes  and  noes.  We  appeared  in  the  afternoon :  motion 
to  adjourn  sine  die  was  made,  and  we  called  the  ayes  and 
noes.  The  Democrats  discovered  the  game,  and  the  ser- 
geant-at-arms  was  sent  out  to  gather  up  the  absentees. 
There  was  great  excitement  in  the  House,  which  was  then 
held  in  a  church  at  Springfield.  We  soon  discovered  that 
several  Whigs  had  been  caught  and  brought  in,  and  that  the 
plan  had  been  spoiled ;  and  we  —  Lincoln  and  I  —  deter 
mined  to  leave  the  hall,  and,  going  to  the  door,  found  it 
locked,  and  then  raised  a  window  and  jumped  out,  but  not 
until  the  Democrats  had  succeeded  in  adjourning.  Mr.  Grid- 
ley  of  McLean  accompanied  us  in  our  exit.  ...  I  think  Mr. 
Lincoln  always  regretted  that  he  entered  into  that  arrange 
ment,  as  he  deprecated  every  thing  that  savored  of  the  revo- 
lutionarv." 


218  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  Apportionment  Bill, 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  occasion  to  address  the  House  in  defence 
of  "  The  Long  Nine,"  who  were  especially  obnoxious  to  the 
Democrats.  The  speech  concluded  with  the  following  char 
acteristic  passage :  — 

"  The  gentleman  had  accused  old  women  of  being  partial 
to  the  number  nine  ;  but  this,  he  presumed,  was  without  foun 
dation.  A  few  years  since,  it  would  be  recollected  by  the 
House,  that  the  delegation  from  this  county  were  dubbed  by 
way  of  eminence  '  The  Long  Nine,'  and,  by  way  of  further 
distinction,  he  had  been  called  '  The  Longest  of  the  Nine.' 
Now,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  desire  to  say  to  my  friend  from 
Monroe  (Mr.  Bissell),  that  if  any  woman,  old  or  young,  ever 
thought  there  was  any  peculiar  charm  in  this  distinguished 
specimen  of  number  nine,  I  have  as  yet  been  so  unfortunate 
as  not  to  have  discovered  it."  (Loud  applause.) 

But  this  Legislature  was  full  of  excitements.  Besides  the 
questions  about  the  public  debt  and  the  bank-charters,  the 
Democrats  proposed  to  legislate  the  Circuit  judges  out  of 
office,  and  reconstruct  the  Supreme  Court  to  suit  themselves. 
They  did  this  because  the  Supreme  judges  had  already 
decided  one  question  of  some  political  interest  against  them, 
and  were  now  about  to  decide  another  in  the  same  way.  The 
latter  was  a  question  of  great  importance ;  and,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  consequences  of  such  a  decision,  the  Democrats  were 
eager  for  the  extremest  measures. 

The  Constitution  provided  that  all  free  white  male  inhabit 
ants  should  vote  upon  six  months'  residence.  This,  the  Demo 
crats  held,  included  aliens  ;  while  the  Whigs  held  the  reverse. 
On  this  grave  judicial  question,  parties  were  divided  precisely 
upon  the  line  of  their  respective  interests.  The  aliens  num 
bered  about  ten  thousand,  and  nine-tenths  of  them  voted 
steadily  with  the  Democracy.  Whilst  a  great  outcry  concern 
ing  it  was  being  made  from  both  sides,  and  fierce  disputes 
raged  in  the  newspapers  and  on  the  stump,  two  Whigs  at 
Galena  got  up  an  amicable  case,  to  try  it  in  a  quiet  way 
before  a  Whig  judge,  who  held  the  Circuit  Courts  in  their 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  219 

neighborhood.  The  judge  decided  for  his  friends,  like  a  man 
that  he  was.  The  Democrats  found  it  out,  and  raised  a  popu 
lar  tumult  about  it  that  would  have  put  Demetrius  the  silver 
smith  to  shame.  They  carried  the  case  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
where  it  was  argued  before  the  Whig  majority,  in  December, 
1839,  by  able  and  distinguished  counsellors,  —  Judge  Douglas 
being  one  of  them ;  but  the  only  result  was  a  continuance 
to  the  next  June.  In  the  mean  time  Judge  Smith,  the  only 
Democrat  on  the  bench,  was  seeking  favor  with  his  party 
friends  by  betraying  to  Douglas  the  secrets  of  the  consulta 
tion-room.  With  his  aid,  the  Democrats  found  a  defect  in 
the  record,  which  sent  the  case  over  to  December,  1840,  and 
adroitly  secured  the  alien  vote  for  the  great  elections  of  that 
memorable  year.  The  Legislature  elected  then  was  over 
whelmingly  Democratic ;  and,  having  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  aliens  had  small  favor  to  expect  from  this  court,  they 
determined  forthwith  to  make  a  new  one  that  would  be  more 
reasonable.  There  were  now  nine  Circuit  judges  in  the 
State,  and  four  Supreme  judges,  under  the  Act  of  1835. 
The  offices  of  the  Circuit  judges  the  Democrats  concluded 
to  abolish,  and  to  create  instead  nine  Supreme  judges,  who 
should  perform  circuit  duties.  This  they  called  "  reforming 
the  judiciary;"  and  "thirsting  for  vengeance,"  as  Gov.  Ford 
says,  they  went  about  the  work  with  all  the  zeal,  but  with 
very  little  of  the  disinterested  devotion,  which  reformers  are 
generally  supposed  to  have.  Douglas,  counsel  for  one  of  the 
litigants,  made  a  furious  speech  "  in  the  lobby,"  demanding 
the  destruction  of  the  court  that  was  to  try  his  cause  ;  and  for 
sundry  grave  sins  which  he  imputed  to  the  judges  he  gave 
Smith  —  his  friend  Smith  —  as  authority.  It  was  useless  to 
oppose  it:  this  "reform"  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  It  was 
called  the  "  Douglas  Bill ;  "  and  Mr.  Douglas  was  appointed 
to  one  of  the  new  offices  created  by  it.  But  Mr.  Lincoln,  E. 
D.  Baker,  and  other  Whig  members,  entered  upon  the  journal 
the  following  protest :  — 

"  For  the  reasons  thus  presented,  and  for  others  no  less 
apparent,  the  undersigned  cannot  assent  to  the  passage  of  the 


220  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

bill,  or  permit  it  to  become  a  law  without  this  evidence  of 
their  disapprobation;  and  they  now  protest  against  the 
re-organization  of  the  judiciary :  Because 

"1st.  It  violates  the  great  principles  of  free  government 
by  subjecting  the  judiciary  to  the  Legislature. 

"2d.  It  is  a  fatal  blow  at  the  independence  of  the  judges 
and  the  constitutional  term  of  their  offices. 

"  3d.  It  is  a  measure  not  asked  for,  or  wished  for,  by  the 
people. 

"•  4th.  It  will  greatly  increase  the  expense  of  our  courts, 
or  else  greatly  diminish  their  utility. 

"  5th.  It  will  give  our  courts  a  political  and  partisan  char 
acter,  thereby  impairing  public  confidence  in  their  decisions. 

"  6th.  It  will  impair  our  standing  with  other  States  and  the 
world. 

"  7th.  It  is  a  party  measure  for  party  purposes,  from  which 
no  practical  good  to  the  people  can  possibly  arise,  but  which 
may  be  the  source  of  immeasurable  evils. 

"  The  undersigned  are  well  aware  that  this  protest  will  be 
altogether  unavailing  with  the  majority  of  this  body.  The 
blow  has  already  fallen  ;  and  we  are  compelled  to  stand  by, 
the  mournful  spectators  of  the  ruin  it  will  cause." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  in  1840,  to  serve,  of  course,  until 
the  next  election  in  August,  1842 ;  but  for  reasons  of  a  private 
nature,  to  be  explained  hereafter,  he  did  not  appear  during 
the  session  of  1841-2. 

In  concluding  this  chapter,  taking  leave  of  New  Salem, 
Vandalia,  and  the  Legislature,  we  cannot  forbear  another 
quotation  from  Mr.  Wilson,  Lincoln's  colleague  from  Sanga- 
mon,  to  whom  we  are  already  so  largely  in  debt :  — 

"  In  1838  many  of  the  Long  Nines  were  candidates  for 
re-election  to  the  Legislature.  A  question  of  the  division  of 
the  county  was  one  of  the  local  issues.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  my 
self,  among  others,  residing  in  the  portion  of  the  count}r  sought 
to  be  organized  into  a  new  county,  and  opposing  the  division, 
it  became  necessary  that  I  should  make  a  special  canvass 
through  the  north-west  part  of  the  county,  then  known  as 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  221 

Sand  Ridge.  I  made  the  canvass ;  Mr.  Lincoln  accompanied 
me  ;  and,  being  personally  well  acquainted  with  every  one,  we 
called  at  nearly  every  house.  At  that  time  it  was  the  univer 
sal  custom  to  keep  some  whiskey  in  the  house,  for  private 
use  and  to  treat  friends.  The  subject  was  always  mentioned 
as  a  matter  of  etiquette,  but  with  the  remark  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
4  You  never  drink,  but  maybe  your  friend  would  like  to  take  a 
little.'  I  never  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  drink.  He  often  told  me  he 
never  drank ;  had  no  desire  for  drink,  nor  the  companionship 
of  drinking  men.  Candidates  never  treated  anybody  in  those 
times  unless  they  wanted  to  do  so. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  remained  in  New  Salem  until  the  spring  of 
1837,  when  he  went  to  Springfield,  and  went  into  the  law- 
office  of  John  T.  Stuart  as  a  partner  in  the  practice  of  law, 
and  boarded  with  William  Butler. 

"  During  his  stay  in  New  Salem  he  had  no  property  other 
than  what  was  necessary  to  do  his  business,  until  after  he 
stopped  in  Springfield.  He  was  not  avaricious  to  accumulate 
property,  neither  was  he  a  spendthrift.  He  was  almost 
always  during  those  times  hard  up.  He  never  owned  land. 

"  The  first  trip  he  made  around  the  circuit  after  he  com 
menced  the  practice  of  law,  I  had  a  horse,  saddle,  and  bridle, 
and  he  had  none.  I  let  him  have  mine.  I  think  he  must 
have  been  careless,  as  the  saddle  skinned  the  horse's  back. 

"  While  he  lived  in  New  Salem  he  visited  me  often.  He 
would  stay  a  day  or  two  at  a  time  :  we  generally  spent  the 
time  at  the  stores  in  Athens.  He  was  very  fond  of  company : 
telling  or  hearing  stories  told  was  a  source  of  great  amuse 
ment  to  him.  He  was  not  in  the  habit  of  reading  much,  — 
never  read  novels.  Whittling  pine  boards  and  shingles,  talk 
ing  and  laughing,  constituted  the  entertainment  of  the  days 
and  evenings. 

"  In  a  conversation  with  him  about  that  time,  he  told  me, 
that,  although  he  appeared  to  enjoy  life  rapturously,  still  he 
was  the  victim  of  terrible  melancholy.  He  sought  company, 
and  indulged  in  fun  and  hilarity  without  restraint,  or  stint 
as  to  time  ;  but  when  by  himself,  he  told  me  that  he  was  so 


222  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

overcome  by  mental  depression  that  he  never  dared  carry 
a  knife  in  his  pocket ;  and  as  long  as  I  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  him,  previous  to  his  commencement  of  the 
practice  of  the  law,  he  never  carried  a  pocket-knife.  Still 
he  was  not  misanthropic :  he  was  kind  and  tender-hearted  in 
his  treatment  to  others. 

"  In  the  summer  of  1837  the  citizens  of  Athens  and  vicinity 
gave  the  delegation  then  called  the  '  Long  Nine '  a  public 
dinner,  at  which  Mr.  Lincoln  and  all  the  others  were  present. 
He  was  called  out  by  the  toast,  '  Abraham  Lincoln,  one  of 
Nature's  noblemen.'  I  have  often  thought,  that,  if  any  man 
was  entitled  to  that  compliment,  it  was  he." 


CHAPTER  XL 

UNDER  the  Act  of  Assembly,  due  in  great  part  to  Mr. 
Lincoln's  exertions,  the  removal  of  the  archives  and 
other  public  property  of  the  State  from  Vandalia  to  Spring 
field  began  on  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1839,  and  was  speedily 
completed.  At  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  Act,  in  the 
winter  of  1836-7,  Mr.  Lincoln  determined  to  follow  the 
capital,  and  establish  his  own  residence  at  Springfield.  The 
resolution  was  natural  and  necessary  ;  for  he  had  been  study 
ing  law  in  all  his  intervals  of  leisure,  and  wanted  a  wider 
field  than  the  justice's  court  at  New  Salem  to  begin  the 
practice.  Henceforth  Mr.  Lincoln  might  serve  in  the  Legis 
lature,  attend  to  his  private  business,  and  live  snugly  at  home. 
In  addition  to  the  State  courts,  the  Circuit  and  District  Courts 
of  the  United  States  sat  here.  The  eminent  John  McLean 
of  Ohio  was  the  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  who  sat  in  this 
circuit,  with  Judge  Pope  of  the  District  Court,  from  1839  to 
1849,  and  after  that  with  Judge  Drummond.  The  first  terms 
of  these  courts,  and  the  first  session  of  the  Legislature  at 
Springfield,  were  held  in  December,  1839.  The  Senate  sat  in 
one  church,  and  the  House  in  another. 

Mr.  Lincoln  got  his  license  as  an  attorney  early  in  1837, 
"  and  commenced  practice  regularly  as  a  lawyer  in  the  town 
of  Springfield  in  March  "  of  that  year.  His  first  case  was 
that  of  Hawthorne  vs.  Wooldridge,  dismissed  at  the  cost  of 
the  plaintiff,  for  whom  Mr.  Lincoln's  name  was  entered. 
There  were  then  on  the  list  of  attorneys  at  the  Springfield 
bar  many  names  of  subsequent  renown.  Judge  Stephen  T. 

223 


224  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.       • 

Logan  was  on  the  bench  of  the  Circuit  Court  under  the  Act 
of  1835.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  made  his  appearance  as 
the  public  prosecutor  at  the  March  term  of  1836 ;  and  at  the 
same  term  E.  D.  Baker  had  been  admitted  to  practice.  Among 
the  rest  were  John  T.  Stuart,  Cyrus  Walker,  S.  H.  Treat, 
Jesse  B.  Thomas,  George  Forquer,  Dan  Stone,  Ninian  W. 
Edwards,  John  J.  Hardin,  Schuyler  Strong,  A.  T.  Bledsoe, 
and  Josiah  Lamborn. 

By  this  time  Mr.  Lincoln  enjoyed  considerable  local  fame 
as  a  politician,  but  none,  of  course,  as  a  lawyer.  He  there 
fore  needed  a  partner,  and  got  one  in  the  person  of  John  T. 
Stuart,  an  able  and  distinguished  Whig,  who  had  relieved  his 
poverty  years  before  by  the  timely  loan  of  books  with  which 
to  study  law,  and  who  had  from  the  first  promoted  his  politi 
cal  fortunes  with  zeal  as  disinterested  as  it  was  effective. 
The  connection  promised  well  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  no  doubt 
did  well  during  the  short  period  of  its  existence.  The  court 
room  was  in  Hoffman's  Row ;  and  the  office  of  Stuart  & 
Lincoln  was  in  the  second  story  above  the  court-room.  It 
was  a  "  little  room,"  and  generally  a  "  dirty  one."  It  con 
tained  "  a  small  dirty  bed,"  —  on  which  Lincoln  lounged  and 
slept,  —  a  buffalo-robe,  a  chair,  and  a  bench.  Here  the  junior 
partner,  when  disengaged  from  the  cares  of  politics  and  the 
Legislature,  was  to  be  found  pretty  much  all  the  time,  "  read 
ing,  abstracted  and  gloomy."  Springfield  was  a  small  vil 
lage,  containing  between  one  and  two  thousand  inhabitants. 
There  were  no  pavements:  the  street-crossings  were  made 
of  "  chunks,"  stones,  and  sticks.  Lincoln  boarded  with  Hon. 
William  Butler,  a  gentleman  who  possessed  in  an  eminent 
degree  that  mysterious  power  which  guides  the  deliberations 
of  party  conventions  and  legislative  bodies  to  a  foregone 
conclusion.  Lincoln  was  very  poor,  worth  nothing,  and  in 
debt,  —  circumstances  which  are  not  often  alleged  in  behalf 
of  the  modern  legislator ;  but  "  Bill  Butler  "  was  his  friend, 
and  took  him  in  with  little  reference  to  board-bills  and  the 
settlement  of  accounts.  According  to  Dr.  Jayne,  he  "  fed 
and  clothed  him  for  years  ;  "  and  this  signal  service,  rendered 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  225 

at  a  very  critical  time,  Mr.  Lincoln  forgot  wholly  when  he  was 
in  Congress,  and  Butler  wanted  to  be  Register  of  the  Land 
Office,  as  well  as  when  he  was  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  opportunities  of  repayment  were  multitudinous.  It  is 
doubtless  all  true  ;  but  the  inference  of  personal  ingratitude 
on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lincoln  will  not  bear  examination.  It  will 
be  shown  at  another  place  that  Mr.  Lincoln  regarded  all  public 
offices  within  his  gift  as  a  sacred  trust,  to  be  administered 
solely  for  the  people,  and  as  in  no  sense  a  fund  upon  which 
he  could  draw  for  the  payment  of  private  accounts.  He 
never  preferred  his  friends  to  his  enemies,  but  rather  the 
reverse,  as  if  fearful  that  he  might  by  bare  possibility  be 
influenced  by  some  unworthy  motive.  He  was  singularly 
cautious  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  fidelity  to  his  friends  at 
the  expense  of  his  opponents. 

In  Coke's  and  Blackstone's  time  the  law  was  supposed  to  be 
"  a  jealous  mistress ;  "  but  in  Lincoln's  time,  and  at  Spring 
field,  she  was  any  thing  but  exacting.  Politicians  courted  her 
only  to  make  her  favor  the  stepping-stone  to  success  in  other 
employments.  Various  members  of  that  bar  have  left  great 
reputations  to  posterity,  but  none  of  them  were  earned  solely 
by  the  legitimate  practice  of  the  law.  Douglas  is  remem 
bered  as  a  statesman,  Baker  as  a  political  orator,  Hardin  as  a 
soldier,  and  some  now  living,  like  Logan  and  Stuart,  although 
eminent  in  the  law,  will  be  no  less  known  to  the  history  of 
the  times  as  politicians  than  as  lawyers.  Among  those  who 
went  to  the  law  for  a  living,  and  to  the  people  for  fame  and 
power,  was  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  was  still  a  member  of  the  Legis 
lature  when  he  settled  at  Springfield,  and  would  probably 
have  continued  to  run  for  a  seat  in  that  body  as  often  as  his 
time  expired,  but  for  the  unfortunate  results  of  the  "  internal- 
improvement  system,"  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  State 
finances,  and  a  certain  gloominess  of  mind,  which  arose  from 
private  misfortunes  that  befell  him  about  the  time  of  his 
retirement.  We  do  not  say  positively  that  these  were  the 
reasons  why  Mr.  Lincoln  made  no  effort  to  be  re-elected  to 
the  Legislature  of  1840  ;  but  a  careful  study  of  all  the  circum- 


226  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

stances  will  lead  any  reasonable  man  to  believe  that  they 
were.  He  was  intensely  ambitious,  longed  ardently  for  place 
and  distinction,  and  never  gave  up  a  prospect  which  seemed 
to  him  good  when  he  was  in  a  condition  to  pursue  it  with 
honor  to  himself  and  fairness  to  others.  Moreover  State  poli 
tics  were  then  rapidly  ceasing  to  be  the  high-road  to  fame  and 
fortune.  Although  the  State  of  Illinois  was  insolvent,  unable 
to  pay  the  interest  on  her  public  debt,  and  many  were  talk 
ing  about  repudiating  the  principal,  the  great  campaign  of 
1840  went  off  upon  national  issues,  and  little  or  nothing  was 
said  about  questions  of  State  policy.  Mr.  Lincoln  felt  and 
obeyed  this  tendency  of  the  public  mind,  and  from  1837 
onward  his  speeches  —  those  that  were  printed  and  those  that 
were  not  —  were  devoted  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  to  Federal 
affairs. 

In  January,  1837,  he  delivered  a  lecture  before  the  Spring 
field  Lyceum  on  the  subject  of  the  "  Perpetuation  of  our  Free 
Institutions."  As  a  mere  declamation,  it  is  unsurpassed  in 
the  annals  of  the  West.  Although  delivered  in  mid-winter, 
it  is  instinct  with  the  peculiar  eloquence  of  the  most  fervid 
Fourth  of  July. 

"  In  the  great  journal  of  things,"  began  the  orator,  "  hap 
pening  under  the  sun,  we,  the  American  People,  find  our 
account  running  under  date  of  the  nineteenth  century  of  the 
Christian  era.  We  find  ourselves  in  the  peaceful  possession  of 
the  fairest  portion  of  the  earth,  as  regards  extent  of  territory, 
fertility  of  soil,  and  salubrity  of  climate.  We  find  ourselves 
under  the  government  of  a  system  of  political  institutions 
conducing  more  essentially  to  the  ends  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  than  any  of  which  the  history  of  former  times  tells  us. 
We,  when  mounting  the  stage  of  existence,  found  ourselves 
the  legal  inheritors  of  these  fundamental  blessings.  We  toiled 
not  in  the  acquisition  or  establishment  of  them :  they  are  a 
legacy  bequeathed  us  by  a  once  hardy,  brave,  and  patriotic, 
but  now  lamented  and  departed  race  of  ancestors.  Theirs  was 
the  task  (and  nobly  they  performed  it)  to  possess  themselves, 
and,  through  themselves,  us,  of  this  goodly  land,  and  to  uprear 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  227 

upon  its  hills  and  valleys  a  political  edifice  of  liberty  and 
equal  rights :  'tis  ours  only  to  transmit  these  —  the  former 
unprofaned  by  the  foot  of  an  invader,  the  latter  undecayed 
by  the  lapse  of  time  and  untorn  by  usurpation  —  to  the  latest 
generation  that  fate  shall  permit  the  world  to  know.  This 
task,  gratitude  to  our  fathers,  justice  to  ourselves,  duty  to  pos 
terity,  —  all  imperatively  require  us  faithfully  to  perform. 

"  How,  then,  shall  we  perform  it?  At  what  point  shall  we 
expect  the  approach  of  danger  ?  Shall  we  expect  some  trans 
atlantic  military  giant  to  step  the  ocean  and  crush  us  at  a 
blow?  Never!  All  the  armies  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa 
combined,  with  all  the  treasure  of  the  earth  (our  own  ex- 
cepted)  in  their  military  chest,  with  a  Bonaparte  for  a  com 
mander,  could  not,  by  force,  take  a  drink  from  the  Ohio,  or 
make  a  track  on  the  Blue  Ridge,  in  a  trial  of  a  thousand  years ! 

"  At  what  point,  then,  is  the  approach  of  danger  to  be  ex 
pected  ?  I  answer,  if  it  ever  reach  us,  it  must  spring  up  amongst 
us.  It  cannot  come  from  abroad.  If  destruction  be  our  lot, 
we  must  ourselves  be  its  author  and  finisher.  As  a  nation  of 
freemen,  we  must  live  through  all  time,  or  die  by  suicide. 

"  I  hope  I  am  not  over-wary  ;  but,  if  I  am  not,  there  is  even 
now  something  of  ill-omen  amongst  us.  I  mean  the  increas 
ing  disregard  for  law  which  pervades  the  country,  the  grow 
ing  disposition  to  substitute  the  wild  and  furious  passions  in 
lieu  of  the  sober  judgment  of  courts,  and  the  worse  than  sav 
age  mobs  for  the  executive  ministers  of  justice.  This  disposi 
tion  is  awfully  fearful  in  any  community,  and  that  it  now  exists 
in  ours,  though  grating  to  our  feelings  to  admit  it,  it  would  be 
a  violation  of  truth  and  an  insult  to  our  intelligence  to  deny. 
Accounts  of  outrages  committed  by  mobs  form  the  every-day 
news  of  the  times.  They  have  pervaded  the  country  from 
New  England  to  Louisiana;  they  are  neither  peculiar  to  the 
eternal  snows  of  the  former,  nor  the  burning  sun  of  the  latter. 
They  are  not  the  creature  of  climate ;  neither  are  they  con 
fined  to  the  slaveholding  or  non-slaveholding  States.  Alike 
they  spring  up  amorig  the  pleasure-hunting  masters  of 
Southern  slaves  and  the  order-loving  citizens  of  the  land  of 


228  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

steady  habits.  Whatever,  then,  their  cause  may  be,  it  is 
common  to  the  whole  country." 

The  orator  then  adverts  to  the  doings  of  recent  mobs  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  and  insists,  that,  if  the  spirit  that 
produced  them  continues  to  increase,  the  laws  and  the  govern 
ment  itself  must  fall  before  it :  bad  citizens  will  be  encour 
aged,  and  good  ones,  having  no  protection  against  the  lawless, 
will  be  glad  to  receive  an  individual  master  who  will  be 
able  to  give  them  the  peace  and  order  they  desire.  That  will 
be  the  time  when  the  usurper  will  put  down  his  heel  on  the 
neck  of  the  people,  and  batter  down  the  "  fair  fabric  "  of  free 
institutions.  "  Many  great  and  good  men,"  he  says,  "  suffi 
ciently  qualified  for  any  task  they  should  undertake,  may  ever 
be  found,  whose  ambition  would  aspire  to  nothing  beyond  a 
seat  in  Congress,  a  gubernatorial  or  a  presidential  chair ;  but 
such  belong  not  to  the  family  of  the  lion  or  the  tribe  of  the  eagle.1 
What !  Think  you  these  places  would  satisfy  an  Alexander, 
a  Caesar,  or  a  Napoleon  ?  Never  !  Towering  genius  disdains 
a  beaten  path.  It  seeks  regions  hitherto  unexplored.  It  sees 
no  distinction  in  adding  story  to  story  upon  the  monuments 
of  fame  erected  to  the  memory  of  others.  It  denies  that  it  is 
glory  enough  to  serve  under  any  chief.  It  scorns  to  tread 
in  the  footsteps  of  any  predecessor,  however  illustrious.  It 
thirsts  and  burns  for  distinction  ;  and,  if  possible,  it  will  have 
it,  whether  at  the  expense  of  emancipating  slaves  or  enslaving 
freemen.  .  .  .  Another  reason  which  once  was,  but  which,  to 
the  same  extent,  is  now  no  more,  has  done  much  in  maintain 
ing  our  institutions  thus  far.  I  mean  the  powerful  influence 
which  the  interesting  scenes  of  the  Revolution  had  upon  the 
passions  of  the  people  as  distinguished  from  their  judgment." 
This  influence,  the  lecturer  maintains,  was  kept  alive  by  the 
presence  of  the  surviving  soldiers  of  the  Revolution,  who  were 
in  some  sort  "living  histories,"  and  concludes  with  this 
striking  peroration  :  — 

"  But  those  histories  are  gone.  They  can  be  read  no  more 
forever.  They  were  a  fortress  of  strength ;  but  what  invading 

1  The  italics  are  the  orator's. 


LIFE   OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.  229 

foeman  could  never  do,  the  silent  artillery  of  time  has  done, 
—  the  levelling  of  its  walls.  They  are  gone.  They  were  a 
forest  of  giant  oaks ;  but  the  all-resistless  hurricane  has  swept 
over  them,  and  left  only  here  and  there  a  lonely  trunk,  de 
spoiled  of  its  verdure,  shorn  of  its  foliage,  unshading  and 
unshaded,  to  murmur  in  a  few  more  gentle  breezes,  and  to 
combat  with  its  mutilated  limbs  a  few  more  rude  storms,  then 
to  sink  and  be  no  more.  They  were  the  pillars  of  the  temple 
of  liberty ;  and  now  that  they  have  crumbled  away,  that  tem 
ple  must  fall,  unless  we,  the  descendants,  supply  their  places 
with  other  pillars  hewn  from  the  same  solid  quarry  of  sober 
reason.  Passion  has  helped  us,  but  can  do  so  no  more.  It 
will  in  future  be  our  enemy.  Reason  —  cold,  calculating, 
imimpassioned  reason  —  must  furnish  all  the  materials  for 
our  future  support  and  defence.  Let  those  materials  be 
moulded  into  general  intelligence,  sound  morality,  and,  in  par 
ticular,  a  reverence  for  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  ;  and  that 
we  improved  to  the  last,  that  we  revered  his  name  to  the 
last,  that  during  his  long  sleep  we  permitted  no  hostile  foot 
to  pass  or  desecrate  his  resting-place,  shall  be  that  which  to 
learn  the  last  trump  shall  awaken  our  WASHINGTON.  Upon 
these  let  the  proud  fabric  of  freedom  rest  as  the  rock  of  its 
basis,  and  as  truly  as  has  been  said  of  the  only  greater  insti 
tution,  '  The  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.' ' 

These  extracts  from  a  lecture  carefully  composed  by  Mr. 
Lincoln  at  the  mature  age  of  twenty-eight,  and  after  consid 
erable  experience  in  the  public  service,  are  worthy  of  atten 
tive  perusal.  To  those  familiar  with  his  sober  and  pure  style 
at  a  later  age,  these  sophomoric  passages  will  seem  incredi 
ble.  But  they  were  thought  "  able  and  eloquent "  by  the 
"Young  Men's  Lyceum"  of  Springfield:  he  was  "solicited 
to  furnish  a  copy  for  publication,"  and  they  were  duly  printed 
in  "  The  Sangamon  Journal."  In  the  mere  matter  of  rhetoric, 
they  compare  favorably  with  some  of  his  other  productions 
of  nearly  the  same  date.  This  was  what  he  would  have 
called  his  "  growing  time  ;  "  and  it  is  intensely  interesting  to 
witness  the  processes  of  such  mental  growth  as  his.  In  time, 


230  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

gradually,  but  still  rapidly,  his  style  changes  completely :  the 
constrained  and  unnatural  attempts  at  striking  and  lofty 
metaphor  disappear,  and  the  qualities  which  produced  the 
Gettysburg  address  —  that  model  of  unadorned  eloquence  — 
begin  to  be  felt.  He  finds  the  people  understand  him  better 
when  he  comes  down  from  his  stilts,  and  talks  to  them  from 
their  own  level. 

Political  discussions  at  Springfield  were  apt  to  run  into 
heated  and  sometimes  unseemly  personal  controversies.  When 
Douglas  and  Stuart  were  candidates  for  Congress  in  1838, 
they  fought  like  tigers  in  Herndon's  grocery,  over  a  floor  that 
was  drenched  with  slops,  and  gave  up  the  struggle  only  when 
both  were  exhausted.  Then,  as  a  further  entertainment  to 
the  populace,  Mr.  Stuart  ordered  out  a  "  barrel  of  whiskey 
and  wine." 

On  the  election-day  in  1840,  it  was  reported  to  Mr.  Lin 
coln  that  one  Radford,  a  contractor  on  the  railroad,  had 
brought  up  his  men,  and  taken  full  possession  of  one  of  the 
polling-places.  Lincoln  started  off  to  the  precinct  on  a  slow 
trot.  Radford  knew  him  well,  and  a  little  stern  advice 
reversed  proceedings  without  any  fighting.  Among  other 
remarks,  Lincoln  said,  "  Radford,  you'll  spoil  and  blow  if  you 
live  much  longer."  He  wanted  to  hit  Radford,  but  could  get 
no  chance  to  do  so,  and  contented  himself  with  confiding  his 
intentions  to  Speed.  "  I  intended  just  to  knock  him  down, 
and  leave  him  kicking." 

The  same  year,  Col.  Baker  was  making  a  speech  to  a  promis 
cuous  audience  in  the  court-room,  —  "a  rented  room  in  Hoff 
man's  Row."  It  will  be  remembered  that  Lincoln's  office 
was  just  above,  and  he  was  listening  to  Baker  through  a 
large  hole  or  trap-door  in  the  ceiling.  Baker  warmed  with 
his  theme,  and,  growing  violent  and  personally  offensive,  de 
clared  at  length,  "  that  wherever  there  was  a  land-office, 
there  was  a  Democratic  newspaper  to  defend  its  corruptions." 
"  This,"  says  John  B.  Webber,  "  was  a  personal  attack  on 
my  brother,  George  Webber.  I  was  in  the  Court  House,  and 
in  my  anger  cried,  '  Pull  him  down ! ' "  A  scene  of  great  con- 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  231 

fusion  ensued,  threatening  to  end  in  a  general  riot,  in  which 
Baker  was  likely  to  suffer.  But  just  at  the  critical  moment 
Lincoln's  legs  were  seen  coming  through  the  hole ;  and 
directly  his  tall  figure  was  standing  between  Baker  and  the 
audience,  gesticulating  for  silence.  "  Gentlemen,"  said  he, 
"  let  us  not  disgrace  the  age  and  country  in  which  we  live . 
This  is  a  land  where  freedom  of  speech  is  guaranteed.  Mr 
Baker  has  a  right  to  speak,  and  ought  to  be  permitted  to  do 
so.  I  am  here  to  protect  him,  and  no  man  shall  take  him 
from  this  stand  if  I  can  prevent  it."  Webber  only  recollects 
that  "  some  one  made  some  soothing,  kind  remarks,"  and  that 
he  was  properly  "  held  until  the  excitement  ceased,"  and  the 
affair  "  soon  ended  in  quiet  and  peace." 

In  1838,  or  1840,  Jesse  B.  Thomas  made  an  intemperate 
attack  upon  the  "  Long  Nine,"  and  especially  upon  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  as  the  longest  and  worst  of  them.  Lincoln  was  not 
present  at  the  meeting ;  but  being  sent  for,  and  informed 
of  what  had  passed,  he  ascended  the  platform,  and  made  a 
reply  which  nobody  seems  to  remember,  but  which  every 
body  describes  as  a  "terrible  skinning"  of  his  victim.  Ellis 
says,  that,  at  the  close  of  a  furious  personal  denunciation,  he 
wound  up  by  "mimicking"  Thomas,  until  Thomas  actually 
cried  with  vexation  and  anger.  Edwards,  Speed,  Ellis,  Davis, 
and  many  others,  refer  to  this  scene,  and,  being  asked  whether 
Mr.  Lincoln  could  not  be  vindictive  upon  occasion,  generally 
respond,  "  Remember  the  Thomas  skinning." 

The  most  intimate  friend  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  had,  at  this  or 
any  other  time,  was  probably  Joshua  F.  Speed.  In  1836  he 
settled  himself  in  Springfield,  and  did  a  thriving  business  as 
a  merchant.  Ellis  was  one  of  his  clerks,  and  so  also  was 
William  H.  Herndon,  Mr.  Lincoln's  future  partner.  This 
store  was  for  years  Lincoln's  familiar  haunt.  There  he  came 
to  while  away  the  tedious  evenings  with  Speed  and  the  con 
genial  company  that  naturally  assembled  around  these  choice 
spirits.  He  even  slept  in  the  store  room  as  often  as  he  slept 
at  home,  and  here  made  to  Speed  the  most  confidential  com 
munications  he  ever  made  to  mortal  man.  If  he  had  on 


232  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

earth  "a  bosom  crony,"  it  was  Speed,  and  that  deep  and 
abiding  attachment  subsisted  unimpaired  to  the  day  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  death.  In  truth,  there  were  good  reasons  why  he 
should  think  of  Speed  with  affection  and  gratitude,  for 
through  life  no  man  rendered  him  more  important  ser 
vices. 

One  night  in  December,  1839,  Lincoln,  Douglas,  Baker,  and 
some  other  gentlemen  of  note,  were  seated  at  Speed's  hospita 
ble  fire  in  the  store.  "  They  got  to  talking  politics,  got  warm, 
hot,  angry.  Douglas  sprang  up  and  said,  "  Gentlemen,  this  is 
no  place  to  talk  politics  :  we  will  discuss  the  questions  publicly 
with  you,"  and  much  more  in  a  high  tone  of  banter  and  defi 
ance.  A  few  days  afterwards  the  Whigs  had  a  meeting,  at 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  reported  a  resolution  challenging  the  Dem 
ocrats  to  a  joint  debate.  The  challenge  was  accepted ;  and 
Douglas,  Calhoun,  Lamborn,  and  Jesse  B.  Thomas  were  de 
puted  by  the  Democrats  to  meet  Logan,  Baker,  Browning, 
and  Lincoln  on  the  part  of  the  Whigs.  The  intellectual 
encounter  between  these  noted  champions  is  still  described  by 
those  who  witnessed  it  as  "  the  great  debate."  It  took  place 
in  the  Second  Presbyterian  Church,  in  the  hearing  of  as  many 
people  as  could  get  into  the  building,  and  was  adjourned  from 
night  to  night.  When  Mr.  Lincoln's  turn  came,  the  audience 
was  very  thin ;  but,  for  all  that,  his  speech  was  by  many  per 
sons  considered  the  best  one  of  the  series.  To  this  day,  there 
are  some  who  believe  he  had  assistance  in  the  preparation  of 
it.  Even  Mr.  Herndon  accused  Speed  of  having  "  had  a  hand 
in  it,"  and  got  a  flat  denial  for  his  answer.  At  all  events,  the 
speech  was  a  popular  success,  and  was  written  out,  and  pub 
lished  in  «  The  Sangamon  Journal,"  of  March  6,  1840.  The 
exordium  was  a  sort  of  complaint  that  must  have  had  a  very 
depressing  effect  upon  both  the  speaker  and  his  hearers  :  — 

"  Fellow-  Citizens,  —  It  is  peculiarly  embarrassing  to  me  to 
attempt  a  continuance  of  the  discussion,  on  this  evening,  which 
has  been  conducted  in  this  hall  on  several  preceding  ones. 
It  is  so,  because  on  each  of  these  evenings  there  was  a  much 
fuller  attendance  than  now,  without  any  reason  for  its  being 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  233 

BO,  except  the  greater  interest  the  community  feel  in  the 
speakers  who  addressed  them  then,  than  they  do  in  him  who 
is  to  do  so  now.  I  am,  indeed,  apprehensive  that  the  few 
who  have  attended  have  done  so  more  to  spare  me  of  mortifi 
cation,  than  in  the  hope  of  being  interested  in  any  thing  I 
may  be  able  to  say.  This  circumstance  casts  a  damp  upon 
my  spirits  which  I  am  sure  I  shall  be  unable  to  overcome 
during  the  evening. 

"  The  subject  heretofore  and  now  to  be  discussed  is  the 
Sub-Treasury  scheme  of  the  present  administration,  as  a  means 
of  collecting,  safe-keeping,  transferring,  and  disbursing  the 
revenues  of  the  nation,  as  contrasted  with  a  National  Bank 
for  the  same  purposes.  Mr.  Douglas  has  said  that  we  (the 
Whigs)  have  not  dared  to  meet  them  (the  Locos)  in  argu 
ment  on  this  question.  I  protest  against  this  assertion.  I 
say  we  have  again  and  again,  during  this  discussion,  urged 
facts  and  arguments  against  the  Sub-Treasury  which  they 
have  neither  dared  to  deny  nor  attempted  to  answer.  But 
lest  some  may  be  led  to  believe  that  we  really  wish  to  avoid 
the  question,  I  now  propose,  in  my  humble  way,  to  urge  these 
arguments  again ;  at  the  same  time  begging  the  audience  to 
mark  well  the  positions  I  shall  take,  and  the  proofs  I  shall  offer 
to  sustain  them,  and  that  they  will  not  again  allow  Mr.  Doug 
las  or  his  friends  to  escape  the  force  of  them  by  a  round  and 
groundless  assertion  that  we  dare  not  meet  them  in  argument. 

"  Of  the  Sub-Treasury,  then,  as  contrasted  with  a  National 
Bank,  for  the  before-enumerated  purposes,  I  lay  down  the 
following  propositions,  to  wit :  — 

"  1st.  It  will  injuriously  affect  the  community  by  its  opera 
tion  on  the  circulating  medium. 

"  2d.  It  will  be  a  more  expensive  fiscal  agent. 

"  3d.  It  will  be  a  less  secure  depository  for  the  public 
money." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  objections  to  the  Sub-Treasury  were  those 
commonly  urged  by  its  enemies,  and  have  been  somewhat 
conclusively  refuted  by  the  operation  of  that  admirable  insti 
tution  from  the  hour  of  its  adoption  to  the  present.  "  The 


234  LIFE   OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN. 

extravagant  expenditures "  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administra 
tion,  however,  was  a  standard  topic  of  the  Whigs  in  those 
days,  and,  sliding  gracefully  off  from  the  Sub-Treasury,  Mr. 
Lincoln  dilated  extensively  upon  this  more  attractive  subject. 
This  part  of  his  speech  was  entirely  in  reply  to  Mr.  Douglas. 
But,  when  he  came  to  answer  Mr.  Lamborn's  remarks,  he  "  got 
in  a  hard  hit "  that  must  have  brought  down  the  house. 

"  Mr.  Lamborn  insists  that  the  difference  between  the  Van 
Buren  party  and  the  Whigs  is,  that,  although  the  former  some 
times  err  in  practice,  they  are  always  correct  in  principle, 
whereas  the  latter  are  wrong  in  principle  ;  and,  the  better  to 
impress  this  proposition,  he  uses  a  figurative  expression  in  these 
words :  '  The  Democrats  are  vulnerable  in  the  heel,  but  they 
are  sound  in  the  heart  and  head.'  The  first  branch  of  the  fig 
ure,  — that  is,  that  the  Democrats  are  vulnerable  in  the  heel,  — 
I  admit  is  not  merely  figuratively  but  literally  true.  Who  that 
looks  but  for  a  moment  at  their  Swartwouts,  their  Prices,  their 
Harringtons,  and  their  hundreds  of  others,  scampering  away 
with  the  public  money  to  Texas,  to  Europe,  and  to  every  spot  of 
the  earth  where  a  villain  may  hope  to  find  refuge  from  justice, 
can  at  all  doubt  that  they  are  most  distressingly  affected  in 
their  heels  with  a  species  of  '  running  itch.'  It  seems  that 
this  malady  of  their  heels  operates  on  the  sound-headed  and 
honest-hearted  creatures  very  much  like  the  cork-leg  in  the 
comic  song  did  on  its  owner,  which,  when  he  had  once  got 
started  on  it,  the  more  he  tried  to  stop  it,  the  more  it  would  run 
away.  At  the  hazard  of  wearing  this  point  threadbare,  I  will 
relate  an  anecdote  which  seems  to  be  too  strikingly  in  point  to 
be  omitted.  A  Avitty  Irish  soldier  who  was  always  boasting 
of  his  bravery  when  no  danger  was  near,  but  who  invariably 
retreated  without  orders  at  the  first  charge  of  the  engagement, 
being  asked  by  his  captain  why  he  did  so,  replied,  '  Captain, 
I  have  as  brave  a  heart  as  Julius  Csesar  ever  had,  but  some 
how  or  other,  whenever  danger  approaches,  my  cowardly  legs 
will  run  away  with  it.'  So  with  Mr.  Lamborn's  party.  They 
take  the  public  money  into  their  hands  for  the  most  laudable 
purpose  that  wise  heads  and  honest  hearts  can  dictate ;  but, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  235 

before  they  can  possibly  get  it  out  again,  their  rascally  vulner 
able  heels  will  run  away  with  them." 

But,  as  in  the  lecture  before  the  Lyceum,  Mr.  Lincoln  re 
served  his  most  impressive  passage,  his  boldest  imagery,  and  his 
most  striking  metaphor,  for  a  grand  and  vehement  peroration. 

"Mr.  Lamborn  refers  to  the  late  elections  in  the  States,  and, 
from  their  results,  confidently  predicts  every  State  in  the  Union 
will  vote  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  at  the  next  presidential  election. 
Address  that  argument  to  cowards  and  knaves :  with  the  free 
and  the  brave  it  will  affect  nothing.  It  may  be  true :  if  it 
must,  let  it.  Many  free  countries  have  lost  their  liberty,  and 
ours  may  lose  hers ;  but,  if  she  shall,  be  it  my  proudest  plume, 
not  that  I  was  the  last  to  desert,  but  that  I  never  deserted  her. 
I  know  that  the  great  volcano  at  Washington,  aroused  and 
directed  by  the  evil  spirit  that  reigns  there,  is  belching  forth 
the  lava  of  political  corruption  in  a  current  broad  and  deep, 
which  is  sweeping  with  frightful  velocity  over  the  whole 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  bidding  fair  to  leave  un 
scathed  no  green  spot  or  living  thing ;  while  on  its  bosom  are 
riding,  like  demons  on  the  wave  of  hell,  the  imps  of  that  evil 
spirit,  and  fiendishly  taunting  all  those  who  dare  to  resist  its 
destroying  course  with  the  hopelessness  of  their  efforts  ;  and, 
knowing  this,  I  cannot  deny  that  all  may  be  swept  away. 
Broken  by  it,  I,  too,  may  be  ;  bow  to  it,  I  never  will.  The 
probability  that  we  may  fall  in  the  struggle  ought  not  to  deter 
us  from  the  support  of  a  cause  we  believe  to  be  just.  It 
shall  not  deter  me.  If  ever  I  feel  the  soul  within  me  elevate 
and  expand  to  those  dimensions,  not  wholly  unworthy  of  its 
almighty  Architect,  it  is  when  I  contemplate  the  cause  of 
my  country,  deserted  by  all  the  world  beside,  and  I  standing 
up  boldly,  alone,  hurling  defiance  at  her  victorious  oppressors. 
Here,  without  contemplating  consequences,  before  Heaven 
and  in  face  of  the  world,  I  swear  eternal  fealty  to  the  just 
cause,  as  I  deem  it,  of  the  land  of  my  life,  my  liberty,  and  my 
love.  And  who  that  thinks  with  me  will  not  fearlessly 
adopt  that  oath  that  I  take  ?  Let  none  falter  who  thinks  he 
Ls  right,  and  we  may  succeed.  But  if,  after  all,  we  shall  fail, 


236  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

be  it  so :  we  still  shall  have  the  proud  consolation  of  saying 
to  our  consciences,  and  to  the  departed  shade  of  our  country's 
freedom,  that  the  cause  approved  of  our  judgment  and  adored 
of  our  hearts,  in  disaster,  in  chains,  in  torture,  in  death,  we 
never  faltered  in  defending." 

Considering  that  the  times  were  extremely  peaceful,  and 
that  the  speaker  saw  no  bloodshed  except  what  flowed  from 
the  noses  of  belligerents  in  the  groceries  about  Springfield, 
the  speech  seems  to  have  been  unnecessarily  defiant. 

In  1840  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  candidate  for  presidential 
elector  on  the  Harrison  ticket,  and  stumped  a  large  part  of 
the  State.  He  and  Douglas  followed  Judge  Treat's  court  all 
around  the  circuit,  "  and  spoke  in  the  afternoons."  The 
Harrison  club  at  Springfield  became  thoroughly  familiar 
with  his  voice.  But  these  one-sided  affairs  were  not  alto 
gether  suited  to  his  temper :  through  his  life  he  preferred 
a  joint  discussion,  and  the  abler  the  man  pitted  against  him, 
the  better  he  liked  it.  He  knew  he  shone  in  retort,  and 
sought  every  opportunity  to  practise  it.  From  1888  to  1858, 
he  seems  to  have  followed  up  Douglas  as  a  regular  business 
during  times  of  great  political  excitement,  and  only  on  one 
or  two  occasions  did  he  find  the  "  Little  Giant  "  averse  to  a 
conflict.  Here,  in  1840,  they  came  in  collision,  as  they  did  in 
1839,  and  as  they  continued  to  do  through  twenty  or  more 
years,  until  Lincoln  became  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  Douglas's  disappointments  were  buried  with  his  body. 
Once  during  this  Harrison  campaign  they  had  a  fierce  discus 
sion  before  a  meeting  assembled  in  the  market-house.  In 
the  course  of  his  speech,  Lincoln  imputed  to  Van  Buren  the 
great  sin  of  having  voted  in  the  New  York  State  Convention 
for  negro  suffrage  with  a  property  qualification.  Douglas 
denied  the  fact;  and  Lincoln  attempted  to  prove  his  state 
ment  by  reading  a  certain  passage  from  Holland's  "  Life  of 
Van  Buren,"  containing  a  letter  from  Van  Buren  to  one  Mr. 
Fithian.  Whereupon  "  Douglas  got  mad,"  snatched  up  the 
book,  and,  tossing  it  into  the  crowd,  remarked  sententiously, 
although  not  conclusively,  "  Damn  such  a  book !  " 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  23? 

"  He  was  very  sensitive,"  says  Mr.  Gillespie,  "  where  he 
thought  he  had  failed  to  come  up  to  the  expectations  of  his 
friends.  I  remember  a  case.  He  was  pitted  by  the  Whigs, 
in  1840,  to  debate  with  Mr.  Douglas,  the  Democratic  cham 
pion.  Lincoln  did  not  come  up  to  the  requirements  of  the 
occasion.  He  was  conscious  of  his  failure  ;  and  I  never  saw 
any  man  so  much  distressed.  He  begged  to  be  permitted  to 
try  it  again,  and  was  reluctantly  indulged  ;  and  in  the  next 
effort  he  transcended  our  highest  expectations.  I  never 
heard,  and  never  expect  to  hear,  such  a  triumphant  vindica 
tion  as  he  then  gave  of  Whig  measures  or  policy.  He  never 
after,  to  my  knowledge,  fell  below  himself." 

It  must  by  this  time  be  clear  to  the  reader  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  never  agitated  by  any  passion  more  intense  than  his  won 
derful  thirst  for  rligt.inpHrm.  There  is  good  evidence  that  it 
furnished  the  feverish  dreams  of  his  boyhood ;  and  no  man 
that  knew  him  well  can  doubt  that  it  governed  all  his  con 
duct,  from  the  hour  when  he  astonished  himself  by  his  oratori 
cal  success  against  Posey  and  Ewing,  in  the  back  settlements 
of  Macon  County,  to  the  day  when  the  assassin  marked  him 
as  the  first  hero  of  the  restored  Union,  re-elected  to  his  great 
office,  surrounded  by  every  circumstance  that  could  minister 
to  his  pride,  or  exalt  his  sensibilities,  —  a  ruler  whose  power 
was  only  less  wide  than  his  renown.  He  never  rested  in  the 
race  he  had  determined  to  run ;  he  was  ever  ready  to  be 
honored ;  he  struggled  incessantly  for  place.  There  is  no 
instance  where  an  important  office  seemed  to  be  within  his 
reach,  and  he  did  not  try  to  get  it.  Whatsoever  he  did  in 
politics,  at  the  bar,  in  private  life,  had  more  or  less  reference 
to  this  great  object  of  his  life.  It  is  not  meant  to  be  said  that 
he  was  capable  of  any  shameful  act,  any  personal  dishonor, 
any  surrender  or  concealment  of  political  convictions.  In 
these  respects,  he  was  far  better  than  most  men.  It  was  not 
in  his  nature  to  run  away  from  the  fight,  or  to  desert  to  the 
enemy ;  but  he  was  quite  willing  to  accept  his  full  share  of 
the  fruits  of  victory. 

Born  in  the   humblest  circumstances,  uneducated,    poor, 


238  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

acquainted  with  flatboats  and  groceries,  but  a  stranger  to  the 
drawing-room,  it  was  natural  that  he  should  seek  in  a  matri 
monial  alliance  those  social  advantages  which  he  felt  were 
necessary  to  his  political  advancement.  This  was,  in  fact,  his 
own  view  of  the  matter ;  but  it  was  strengthened  and  en 
forced  by  the  counsels  of  those  whom  he  regarded  as  friends. 

In  1839  Miss  Mary,  daughter  of  Hon.  Robert  S.  Todd  of 
Lexington,  Ky.,  came  to  live  with  her  sister,  Mrs.  Ninian  W. 
Edwards,  at  Springfield.  Like  Miss  Owens,  Miss  Todd  had 
a  stepmother,  with  whom  she  failed  to  "  agree,"  and  for  that 
reason  the  Edwardses  offered  her  a  home  with  them.  She 
was  young, — just  twenty-one,  —  her  family  was  of  the  best, 
and  her  connections  in  Illinois  among  the  most  refined  and  dis 
tinguished  people.  Her  mother  having  died  when  she  was 
a  little  girl,  she  had  been  educated  under  the  care  of  a  French 
lady,  "  opposite  Mr.  Clay's."  She  was  gifted  with  rare  talents, 
had  a  keen  sense  of  the  ridiculous,  a  ready  insight  into  the 
weaknesses  of  individual  character,  and  a  most  fiery  arid  un 
governable  temper.  Her  tongue  and  her  pen  were  equally 
sharp.  High-bred,  proud,  brilliant,  witty,  and  with  a  will 
that  bent  every  one  else  to  her  purpose,  she  took  Mr.  Lin 
coln  captive  the  very  moment  she  considered  it  expedient 
to  do  so. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  rising  politician,  fresh  from  the  people, 
and  possessed  of  great  power  among  them :  Miss  Todd  was 
of  aristocratic  and  distinguished  family,  able  to  lead  through 
the  awful  portals  of  "  good  society  "  whomsoever  they  chose 
to  countenance.  It  was  thought  that  a  union  between  them 
could  not  fail  of  numerous  benefits  to  both  parties.  Mr. 
Edwards  thought  so  ;  Mrs.  Edwards  thought  so  ;  and  it  was 
not  long  before  Mary  Todd  herself  thought  so.  She  was 
very  ambitious,  and  even  before  she  left  Kentucky  an 
nounced  her  belief  that  she  was  "  destined  to  be  the  wife  of 
some  future  President."  For  a  little  while  she  was  courted 
by  Douglas  as  well  as  by  Lincoln  ;  but  she  is  said  to  have 
refused  the  "  Little  Giant,"  "  on  account  of  his  bad  morals." 
Being  risked  which  of  them  she  intended  to  have,  she  an- 


MHS.  MARY  LINCOLN,  WIFE  OK  THE  I'RESIPKNT. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  239 

swered,  "  The  one  that  has  the  best  chance  of  being  Presi 
dent."  She  decided  in  favor  of  Lincoln,  and,  in  the  opinion 
of  some  of  her  husband's  friends,  aided  to  no  small  extent  in 
the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  which  the  bestowal  of  her 
hand  implied.  A  friend  of  Miss  Todd  was  the  wife  of  an 
elderly  but  wealthy  gentleman  ;  and  being  asked  by  one  of 
the  Edwards  coterie  why  she  had  married  "  such  an  old, 
dried-up  husband,  such  a  withered-up  old  buck,"  she  an 
swered  that  "  He  had  lots  of  horses  and  gold."  But  Mary 
Todd  spoke  up  in  great  surprise,  and  said,  " Is  that  true?  / 
would  rather  marry  a  good  man,  a  man  of  mind,  with  hope 
and  bright  prospects  ahead  for  position,  fame,  and  power,  than 
to  marry  all  the  horses,  gold,  and  bones  in  the  world." 

Mrs.  Edwards,  Miss  Todd's  sister,  tells  us  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln  "  was  charmed  with  Mary's  wit  and  fascinated  with  her 
quick  sagacity,  her  will,  her  nature  and  culture."  "  I  have 
happened  in  the  room,"  she  says,  "  where  they  were  sitting 
often  and  often,  and  Mary  led  the  conversation.  Lincoln 
would  listen,  and  gaze  on  her  as  if  drawn  by  some  superior 
power,  —  irresistibly  so :  he  listened,  but  never  scarcely  said  a 
word.  .  .  .  Lincoln  could  not  hold  a  lengthy  conversation 
with  a  lady,  —  was  not  sufficiently  educated  and  intelligent 
in  the  female  line  to  do  so." 

Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mary  were  engaged,  and  their  marriage  was 
only  a  question  of  time.  But  Mr.  Lincoln's  love-affairs  were 
destined  never  to  run  smoothly,  and  now  one  Miss  Matilda 
Edwards  made  her  "  sweet  appearance,"  and  brought  havoc 
in  her  train.  She  was  the  sister  of  Ninian  W.  Edwards,  and 
came  to  spend  a  year  with  her  brother.  She  was  very  fair, 
and  soon  was  the  reigning  belle.  No  sooner  did  Lincoln  know 
her  than  he  felt  his  heart  change.  The  other  affair,  accord 
ing  to  the  Edwardses,  according  to  Stuart,  according  to  Hern- 
don,  according  to  Lincoln  and  everybody  else,  was  a  "  policy 
match ; "  but  this  was  love.  For  a  while  he  evidently  tried 
hard  to  go  on  as  before,  but  his  feelings  were  too  strong  to  be 
concealed.  Mr.  Edwards  endeavored  to  reconcile  matters  by 
getting  his  sister  to  marry  Speed ;  but  the  rebellious  beauty 


240  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

refused  Speed  incontinently  (as  she  did  Douglas  too),  and 
married  Mr.  Schuyler  Strong.  Poor  Lincoln  never  whispered 
a  word  of  his  passion  to  her :  his  high  sense  of  honor  pre 
vented  that,  and  perhaps  she  would  not  have  listened  to  him 
if  it  had  been  otherwise. 

At  length,  after  long  reflection,  in  great  agony  of  spirit, 
Mr.  Lincoln  concluded  that  duty  required  him  to  make  a  can 
did  statement  of  his  feelings  to  the  lady  who  was  entitled  to 
his  hand.  He  wrote  her  a  letter,  and  told  her  gently  but 
plainly  that  he  did  not  love  her.  He  asked  Speed  to  deliver 
it ;  but  Speed  advised  him  to  burn  it.  "  Speed,"  said  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  "  I  always  knew  you  were  an  obstinate  man.  If  you 
won't  deliver  it,  I'll  get  some  one  else  to  do  it."  But  Speed 
now  had  the  letter  in  his  hand ;  and,  emboldened  by  the  warm 
friendship  that  existed  between  them,  replied,  ic  I  shall  not 
deliver  it,  nor  give  it  to  you  to  be  delivered.  Words  are 
forgotten,  misunderstood,  passed  by,  not  noticed  in  a  private 
conversation ;  but  once  put  your  words  in  writing,  and  they 
stand  as  a  living  and  eternal  monument  against  you.  If  you 
think  you  have  will  and  manhood  enough  to  go  and  see  her,  and 
speak  to  her  what  you  say  in  that  letter,  you  may  do  that." 
Lincoln  went  to  see  her  forthwith,  and  reported  to  Speed. 
He  said,  that,  when  he  made  his  somewhat  startling  commu 
nication,  she  rose  and  said,  "  '  The  deceiver  shall  be  deceived : 
woe  is  me  ! '  alluding  to  a  young  man  she  had  fooled."  Mary 
told  him  she  knew  the  reason  of  his  change  of  heart,  and  re 
leased  him  from  his  engagement.  Some  parting  endearments 
took  place  between  them,  and  then,  as  the  natural  result  of 
those  endearments,  a  reconciliation. 

We  quote  again  from  Mrs.  Edwards :  — 

"  Lincoln  and  Mary  were  engaged  ;  every  thing  was  ready 
and  prepared  for  the  marriage,  even  to-  the  supper.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  failed  to  meet  his  engagement.  Cause,  insanity ! 

"  In  his  lunacy  he  declared  he  hated  Mary  and  loved  Miss 
Edwards.  This  is  true,  yet  it  was  not  his  real  feelings.  A 
crazy  man  hates  those  he  loves  when  at  himself.  Often, 
often,  is  this  the  case.  The  world  had  it  that  Mr.  Lincoln 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  241 

backed  out,  and  this  placed  Mary  in  a  peculiar  situation  ;  and 
to  set  herself  right,  and  free  Mr.  Lincoln's  mind,  she  wrote  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  stating  that  she  would  release  him  from 
his  engagement.  .  .  .  The  whole  of  the  year  was  a  crazy 
spell.  Miss  Edwards  was  at  our  house,  say  a  year.  I  asked 
Miss  Edwards  if  Mr.  Lincoln  ever  mentioned  the  subject  of 
his  love  to  her.  Miss  Edwards  said,  '  On  my  word,  he  never 
mentioned  such  a  subject  to  me :  he  never  even  stooped  to 
pay  me  a  compliment.' ' 

In  the  language  of  Mr.  Edwards,  "  Lincoln  went  as  crazy  as 
a  loon,"  and  was  taken  to  Kentucky  by  Speed,  who  kept  him 
"  until  he  recovered."  He  "  did  not  attend  the  Legislature 
in  1841-2  for  this  reason." 

Mr.  Herndon  devoutly  believes  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  insanity 
grew  out  of  a  most  extraordinary  complication  of  feelings,  — 
aversion  to  the  marriage  proposed,  a  counter-attachment  to 
Miss  Edwards,  and  a  new  access  of  unspeakable  tenderness  for 
the  memory  of  Ann  Rutledge,  —  the  old  love  struggling  with 
a  new  one,  and  each  sending  to  his  heart  a  sacrificial  pang  as 
he  thought  of  his  solemn  engagement  to  marry  a  third  person. 
In  this  opinion  Mr.  Speed  appears  to  concur,  as  shown  by  his 
letter  below.  At  all  events,  Mr.  Lincoln's  derangement  was 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  complete.  "  We  had  to  remove  razors 
from  his  room,"  says  Speed,  "  take  away  all  knives,  and  other 
dangerous  things.  It  was  terrible."  And  now  Speed  deter 
mined  to  do  for  him  what  Bowlin  Greene  had  done  on  a  similar 
occasion  at  New  Salem.  Having  sold  out  his  store  on  the  1st 
of  January,  1841,  he  took  Mr.  Lincoln  with  him  to  his  home 
in  Kentucky,  and  kept  him  there  during  most  of  the  summer 
and  fall,  or  until  he  seemed  sufficiently  restored  to  be  given 
his  liberty  again  at  Springfield,  when  he  was  brought  back 
to  his  old  quarters.  During  this  period,  "  he  was  at  times  very 
melancholy,"  and,  by  his  own  admission,  "almost  contemplated 
self-destruction."  It  was  about  this  time  that  he  wrote  some 
gloomy  lines  under  the  head  of  "  Suicide,"  which  were  pub 
lished  in  "  The  Sangamon  Journal."  Mr.  Herndon  remembered 
something  about  them ;  but,  when  he  went  to  look  for  them 

16 


242  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

in  the  office-file  of  the  "  Journal,"  he  found  them  neatly  cut 
out,  —  "  supposed  to  have  been  done,"  says  he,  "  by  Lincoln." 
Speed's  mother  was  much  pained  by  the  "  deep  depression  " 
of  her  guest,  and  gave  him  a  Bible,  advising  him  to  read  it, 
to  adopt  its  precepts,  and  pray  for  its  promises.  He  acknowl 
edged  this  attempted  service,  after  he  became  President,  by 
sending  her  a  photograph  of  himself,  with  this  inscription : 
"To  my  very  good  friend,  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed,  from  whose 
pious  hands  I  received  an  Oxford  Bible  twenty  years  ago." 
But  Mrs.  Speed's  medicine,  the  best  ever  offered  for  a  mind 
diseased,  was  of  no  avail  in  this  case.  Among  other  things, 
he  told  Speed,  referring  probably  to  his  inclination  to  commit 
suicide,  "  that  he  had  done  nothing  to  make  any  human  being 
remember  that  he  had  lived,  and  that  to  connect  his  name 
with  the  events  transpiring  in  his  day  and  generation,  and  so 
impress  himself  upon  them  as  to  link  his  name  with  something 
that  would  redound  to  the  interest  of  his  fellow-man,  was 
what  he  desired  to  live  for."  Of  this  conversation  he  point 
edly  reminded  Speed  at  the  dme,  or  just  before  the  time,  he 
issued  the  Emancipation  Proclamation. 

What  took  place  after  his  return  to  Springfield  cannot  be 
better  told  than  in  the  words  of  the  friends  of  both  parties. 
"  Mr.  Edwards  and  myself,"  says  Mrs.  Edwards,  "  after  the 
first  crash  of  things,  told  Mary  and  Lincoln  that  they  had 
better  not  ever  marry ;  that  their  natures,  minds,  education, 
raising,  &c.,  were  so  different,  that  they  could  not  live  happy 
as  man  and  wife ;  had  better  never  think  of  the  subject 
again.  All  at  once  we  heard  that  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mary  had 
secret  meetings  at  Mr.  S.  Francis's,  editor  of  '  The  Springfield 
Journal.'  Mary  said  the  reason  this  was  so,  the  cause  why  it 
was,  was  that  the  world,  woman  and  man,  were  uncertain 
and  slippery,  and  that  it  was  best  to  keep  the  secret  court 
ship  from  all  eyes  and  ears.  Mrs.  Lincoln  told  Mr.  Lincoln, 
that,  though  she  had  released  him  in  the  letter  spoken  of,  yet 
she  would  hold  the  question  an  open  one,  —  that  is,  that  she 
had  not  changed  her  mind,  but  felt  as  always.  .  .  .  The 
marriage  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mary  was  quick  and  sudden,  — 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  243 

one  or  two  hours'  notice."  How  poor  Mr.  Lincoln  felt  about 
it,  may  be  gathered  from  the  reminiscences  of  his  friend,  J.  H. 
Mathenj,  who  says,  "  that  Lincoln  and  himself,  in  1842, 
were  very  friendly ;  that  Lincoln  came  to  him  one  evening 
and  said,  'Jim,  I  shall  have  to  marry  that  girl." '  He  was 
married  that  evening,  but  Matheny  says,  "  he  looked  as 
if  he  was  going  to  the  slaughter,"  and  that  Lincoln  "  had 
often  told  him,  directly  and  individually,  that  he  was  driven 
into  the  marriage  ;  that  it  was  concocted  and  planned  by  the 
Edwards  family ;  that  Miss  Todd  —  afterwards  Mrs.  Lincoln 
—  was  crazy  for  a  week  or  so,  not  knowing  what  to  do ; 
and  that  he  loved  Miss  Edwards,  and  went  to  see  her,  and 
not  Mrs.  Lincoln." 

The  license  to  marry  was  issued  on  the  4th  of  November, 
1842,  and  on  the  same  day  the  marriage  was  celebrated  by 
Charles  Dresser,  "  M.G."  With  this  date  carefully  borne  in 
mind,  the  following  letters  are  of  sui  passing  interest.  They 
are  relics,  not  only  of  a  great  man,  bdt  of  a  great  agony. 

The  first  is  from  Mr.  Speed  to  Mr.  Herndon,  and  explains 
the  circumstances  under  which  the  correspondence  took 
place.  Although  it  is  in  part  a  repetition  of  what  the  reader 
already  knows,  it  is  of  such  peculiar  value,  that  we  give  it 
in  full:  — 

LOUISVILLE,  Nov.  30,  1866. 
W.  II.  HERNDON,  ESQ. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  enclose  you  copies  of  all  the  letters  of  any  interest  from 
Mr.  Lincoln  to  me. 

Some  explanation  may  be  needed,  that  you  may  rightly  understand  their 
import. 

In  the  winter  of  1840  and  1841  he  was  unhappy  about  his  engagement  to 
his  wife,  —  not  being  entirely  satisfied  that  his  heart  was  going  with  his 
hand.  How  much  he  suffered  then  on  that  account,  none  know  so  well  as 
myself:  he  disclosed  his  whole  heart  to  me. 

In  the  summer  of  1841  I  became  engaged  to  my  wife.  He  was  here  on  a 
visit  when  I  courted  her ;  and,  strange  to  say,  something  of  the  same  feeling 
which  I  regarded  as  so  foolish  in  him  took  possession  of  me,  and  kept  me 
very  unhappy  from  the  time  of  my  engagement  until  I  was  married. 

This  will  explain  the  deep  interest  he  manifested  in  his  letters  on  my 
account. 


244  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LiJNUuLN. 

If  you  use  the  letters  (and  some  of  them  are  perfect  gems)  do  it  care 
fully,  so  as  not  to  wound  the  feelings  of  Mrs.  Lincoln. 

One  thing  is  plainly  discernible :  if  I  had  not  been  married  and  happy, 
—  far  more  happy  than  I  ever  expected  to  be,  —  he  would  not  have 
married. 

I  have  erased  a  name  which  I  do  not  wish  published.  If  I  have  failed 
to  do  it  anywhere,  strike  it  out  when  you  come  to  it.  That  is  the  word . 

I  thank  you  for  your  last  lecture.  It  is  all  new  to  me,  but  so  true  to  my 
appreciation  of  Lincoln's  character,  that,  independent  of  my  knowledge 
of  you,  I  would  almost  swear  to  it. 

Lincoln  wrote  a  letter  (a  long  one,  which  he  read  to  me)  to  Dr.  Drake, 
of  Cincinnati,  descriptive  of  his  case.  Its  date  would  be  in  December,  1840, 
or  early  in  January,  1841.  I  think  that  he  must  have  informed  Dr.  D. 
of  his  early  love  for  Miss  Rutledge,  as  there  was  a  part  of  the  letter 
which  he  would  not  read. 

It  would  be  worth  much  to  you,  if  you  could  procure  the  original. 

Charles  D.  Drake,  of  St.  Louis,  may  have  his  father's  papers.  The  date 
which  I  give  you  will  aid  in  the  search. 

I  remember  Dr.  Drake's  reply,  which  was,  that  he  would  not  undertake 
to  prescribe  for  him  without  a  personal  interview.  I  would  advise  you  to 
make  some  effort  to  get  the  letter. 

Your  friend,  &c., 

J.  F.  SPEED. 

The  first  of  the  papers  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  pen  is  a  letter 
of  advice  and  consolation  to  his  friend,  for  whom  he  appre 
hends  the  terrible  things  through  which,  by  the  help  of  that 
friend,  he  has  himself  just  passed. 

MY  DEAR  SPEED,  —  Feeling,  as  you  know  I  do,  the  deepest  solicitude  for 
the  success  of  the  enterprise  you  are  engaged  in,  I  adopt  this  as  the  last 
method  I  can  invent  to  aid  you,  in  case  (which  God  forbid)  you  shall  need 
any  aid.  I  do  not  place  what  I  am  going  to  say  on  paper,  because  I  can  say 
it  better  in  that  way  than  I  could  by  word  of  mouth ;  but,  were  I  to  say  it 
orally  before  we  part,  most  likely  you  would  forget  it  at  the  very  time  when 
it  might  do  you  some  good.  As  I  think  it  reasonable  that  you  will  feel  very 
badly  sometime  between  this  and  the  final  consummation  of  your  purpose,  it 
is  intended  that  you  shall  read  this  just  at  such  a  time.  Why  I  say  it  is 
reasonable  that  you  will  feel  very  badly  yet,  is  because  of  three  special  causes 
added  to  the  general  one  which  I  shall  mention. 

The  general  cause  is,  that  you  are  naturally  of  a  nervous  temperament, 
and  tLis  I  say  from  what  I  have  seen  of  you  personally,  and  what  you  have 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  245 

told  me  concerning  your  mother  at  various  times,  and  concerning  youl 
brother  William  at  the  time  his  wife  died.  The  first  special  cause  is  your 
exposure  to  bad  weather  on  your  journey,  which  my  experience  clearly  proves 
to  be  very  severe  on  defective  nerves.  The  second  is  the  absence  of  all  busi 
ness  and  conversation  of  friends,  which  might  divert  your  mind,  give  it  occa 
sional  rest  from  the  intensity  of  thought  which  will  sometimes  wear  the 
sweetest  idea  threadbare,  and  turn  it  to  the  bitterness  of  death. 

The  third  is  the  rapid  and  near  approach  of  that  crisis  on  which  all  your 
thoughts  and  feelings  concentrate. 

If  from  all  these  causes  you  shall  escape,  and  go  through  triumphantly, 
without  another  "  twinge  of  the  soul,"  I  shall  be  most  happily  but  most 
egregiously  deceived.  If,  on  the  contrary,  you  shall,  as  I  expect  you  will  at 
some  time,  be  agonized  and  distressed,  let  me,  who  have  some  reason  to 
speak  with  judgment  on  such  a  subject,  beseech  you  to  ascribe  it  to  the 
causes  I  have  mentioned,  and  not  to  some  false  and  ruinous  suggestion  of  the 
Devil. 

"  But,"  you  will  say,  "  do  not  your  causes  apply  to  every  one  engaged  in 
a  like  undertaking  ?  "  By  no  means.  The  particular  causes,  to  a  greater  or 
less  extent,  perhaps,  do  apply  in  all  cases ;  but  the  general  one,  —  nervous 
debility,  which  is  the  key  and  conductor  of  all  the  particular  ones,  and 
without  which  they  would  be  utterly  harmless,  though  it  does  pertain  to 
you,  —  does  not  pertain  to  one  in  a  thousand.  It  is  out  of  this  that  the  pain 
ful  difference  between  you  and  the  mass  of  the  world  springs. 

I  know  what  the  painful  point  with  you  is  at  all  times  when  you  are 
unhappy :  it  is  an  apprehension  that  you  do  not  love  her  as  you  should. 
What  nonsense  !  How  came  you  to  court  her  ?  Was  it  because  you  thought 
she  deserved  it,  and  that  you  had  given  her  reason  to  expect  it  ?  If  it  was 
for  that,  why  did  not  the  same  reason  make  you  court  Ann  Todd,  and  at 
least  twenty  others  of  whom  you  can  think,  and  to  whom  it  would  apply  with 
greater  force  than  to  her  f  Did  you  court  her  for  her  wealth  ?  Why,  you 
know  she  had  none.  But  you  say  you  reasoned  yourself  into  it.  What  do 
you  mean  by  that?  Was  it  not  that  you  found  yourself  unable  to  reason 
yourself  out  of  it  ?  Did  you  not  think,  and  partly  form  the  purpose,  of  court 
ing  her  the  first  time  you  ever  saw  her  or  heard  of  her  ?  What  had  reason 
to  do  with  it  at  that  early  stage?  There  was  nothing  at  that  time  for 
reason  to  work  upon.  Whether  she  was  moral,  amiable,  sensible,  or  even 
of  good  character,  you  did  not,  nor  could  then  know,  except,  perhaps,  you 
might  infer  the  last  from  the  company  you  found  her  in. 

All  you  then  did  or  could  know  of  her  was  her  personal  appearance  and 
deportment ;  and  these,  if  they  impress  at  all,  impress  the  heart,  and  not  the 
head. 

Say  candidly,  were  not  those  heavenly  black  eyes  the  whole  basis  of  all 
your  early  reasoning  on  the  subject  ?  After  you  and  I  had  once  been  at  the 
residence,  did  you  not  go  and  take  me  all  the  way  to  Lexington  and  back,  foi 


246  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

no  other  purpose  but  to  get  to  see  her  again,  on  our  return  on  that  evening 
to  take  a  trip  for  that  express  object  ? 

What  earthly  consideration  would  you  take  to  find  her  scouting  and 
despising  you,  and  giving  herself  up  to  another?  But  of  this  you 
have  no  apprehension ;  and  therefore  you  cannot  bring  it  home  to  your 
feelings 

I  shall  be  so  anxious  about  you,  that  I  shall  want  you  to  write  by  every 
mail.  Your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Eeb.  3,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED, — Your  letter  of  the  25th  January  came  to  hand  to-day. 
You  well  know  that  I  do  not  feel  my  own  sorrows  much  more  keenly  than  I 
do  yours,  when  I  know  of  them ;  and  yet  I  assure  you  I  was  not  much  hurt  by 
what  you  wrote  me  of  your  excessively  bad  feeling  at  the  time  you  wrote. 
Not  that  I  am  less  capable  of  sympathizing  with  you  now  than  ever,  not  that 
I  am  less  your  friend  than  ever,  but  because  I  hope  and  believe  that  your 
present  anxiety  and  distress  about  her  health  and  her  life  must  and  will  for 
ever  banish  those  horrid  doubts  which  I  know  you  sometimes  felt  as  to  the 
truth  of  your  affection  for  her.  If  they  can  once  and  forever  be  removed 
(and  I  almost  feel  a  presentiment  that  the  Almighty  has  sent  your  present 
affliction  expressly  for  that  object),  surely,  nothing  can  come  in  their  stead  to 
fill  their  immeasurable  measure  of  misery.  The  death-scenes  of  those  we 
love  are  surely  painful  enough ;  but  these  we  are  prepared  for  and  expect  to 
see :  they  happen  to  all,  and  all  know  they  must  happen.  Painful  as  they 
are,  they  are  not  an  unlooked-for  sorrow.  Should  she,  as  you  fear,  be  des 
tined  to  an  early  grave,  it  is  indeed  a  great  consolation  to  know  that  she  is 
so  well  prepared  to  meet  it.  Her  religion,  which  you  once  disliked  so  much, 
I  will  venture  you  now  prize  most  highly. 

But  I  hope  your  melancholy  bodings  as  to  her  early  death  are  not  well 
founded.  I  even  hope  that  ere  this  reaches  you,  she  will  have  returned  with 
improved  and  still-improving  health,  and  that  you  will  have  met  her,  and 
•  forgotten  the  sorrows  of  the  past  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  present.  I  would 
say  more  if  I  could,  but  it  seems  that  I  have  said  enough.  It  really  appears 
to  me  that  you  yourself  ought  to  rejoice,  and  not  sorrow,  at  this  indubitable 
evidence  of  your  undying  affection  for  her. 

Why,  Speed,  if  you  did  not  love  her,  although  you  might  not  wish  her 
death,  you  would  most  certainly  be  resigned  to  it.  Perhaps  this  point  is  no 
longer  a  question  with  you,  and  my  pertinacious  dwelling  upon  it  is  a  rude 
intrusion  upon  your  feelings.  If  so,  you  must  pardon  me.  You  know  the 
hell  I  have  suffered  on  that  point,  and  how  tender  I  am  upon  it.  You  know 
I  do  not  mean  wrong.  I  have  been  quite  clear  of  hypo  since  you  left,  even 

better  than  I  was  along  in  the  fall.    I  have  seen but  once.    She  seemed 

very  cheerful,  and  so  I  said  nothing  to  her  about  what  we  spoke  of. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  247 

Old  Uncle  Billy  Herndon  is  dead,  and  it  is  said  this  evening  that  Uncle 
Ben  Ferguson  will  not  live.  This,  I  believe,  is  all  the  news,  and  enough  at 
that,  unless  it  were  better. 

Write  me  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  this. 

Your  friend  as  ever, 
LINCOLN. 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Feb.  13,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  Yours  of  the  1st  inst.  came  to  hand  three  or  four  days 
ago.  When  this  shall  reach  you,  you  will  have  been  Fanny's  husband  several 
days.  You  know  my  desire  to  befriend  you  is  everlasting ;  that  I  will  never 
cease  while  I  know  how  to  do  any  thing. 

But  you  will  always  hereafter  be  on  ground  that  I  have  never  occupied, 
and  consequently,  if  advice  were  needed,  I  might  advise  wrong.  I  do  fondly 
hope,  however,  that  you  will  never  again  need  any  comfort  from  abroad. 
But,  should  I  be  mistaken  in  this,  should  excessive  pleasure  still  be  accom 
panied  with  a  painful  counterpart  at  times,  still  let  me  urge  you,  as  I  have 
ever  done,  to  remember,  in  the  depth  and  even  agony  of  despondency,  that 
very  shortly  you  are  to  feel  well  again.  I  am  now  fully  convinced  that  you 
love  her  as  ardently  as  you  are  capable  of  loving.  Your  ever  being  happy 
in  her  presence,  and  your  intense  anxiety  about  her  health,  if  there  were 
nothing  else,  would  place  this  beyond  all  dispute  in  my  mind.  I  incline  to 
think  it  probable  that  your  nerves  will  fail  you  occasionally  for  a  while ;  but 
once  you  get  them  firmly  graded  now,  that  trouble  is  over  forever. 

I  think  if  I  were  you,  in  case  my  mind  were  not  exactly  right,  I  would 
avoid  being  idle.  I  would  immediately  engage  in  some  business,  or  go  to 
making  preparations  for  it,  which  would  be  the  same  thing. 

If  you  went  through  the  ceremony  calmly,  or  even  with  sufficient  com 
posure  not  to  excite  alarm  in  any  present,  you  are  safe  beyond  question,  and 
in  two  or  three  months,  to  say  the  most,  will  be  the  happiest  of  men. 

I  would  desire  you  to  give  my  particular  respects  to  Fanny ;  but  perhaps 
you  will  not  wish  her  to  know  you  have  received  this,  lest  she  should  desire 
to  see  it.  Make  her  write  me  an  answer  to  my  last  letter  to  her ;  at  any  rate, 
I  would  set  great  value  upon  a  note  or  letter  from  her. 

Write  me  whenever  you  have  leisure. 

Yours  forever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
P.  S.  —  I  have  been  quite  a  man  since  you  left. 


SPRINGFIELD,  Feb.  25,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  Yours  of  the  16th  inst.,  announcing  that  Miss  Fanny 
and  you  are  "no  more  twain,  but  one  flesh,"  reached  me  this  morning.  I 
have  no  way  of  telling  how  much  happiness  I  wish  you  both,  though  I 
believe  you  both  can  conceive  it.  I  feel  somewhat  jealous  of  both  of  you 


248  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

now :  you  will  be  so  exclusively  concerned  for  one  another,  that  I  shall  be 
forgotten  entirely.  My  acquaintance  with  Miss  Fanny  (I  call  her  this,  lest 
you  should  think  I  am  speaking  of  your  mother)  was  too  short  for  me  to  rea 
sonably  hope  to  long  be  remembered  by  her ;  and  still  I  am  sure  I  shall  not 
forget  her  soon.  Try  if  you  cannot  remind  her  of  that  debt  she  owes  me,  — 
and  be  sure  you  do  not  interfere  to  prevent  her  paying  it. 

I  regret  to  learn  that  you  have  resolved  to  not  return  to  Illinois.  I  shall 
be  very  lonesome  without  you.  How  miserable  things  seem  to  be  arranged 
in  this  world !  If  we  have  no  friends,  we  have  no  pleasure ;  and,  if  we  have 
them,  we  are  sure  to  lose  them,  and  be  doubly  pained  by  the  loss.  I  did 
hope  she  and  you  would  make  your  home  here ;  but  I  own  I  have  no  right  to 
insist.  You  owe  obligations  to  her  ten  thousand  times  more  sacred  than  you 
can  owe  to  others,  and  in  that  light  let  them  be  respected  and  observed.  It 
is  natural  that  she  should  desire  to  remain  with  her  relatives  and  friends. 
As  to  friends,  however,  she  could  not  need  them  anywhere :  she  would  have 
them  in  abundance  here. 

Give  my  kind  remembrance  to  Mr.  Williamson  and  his  family,  particu 
larly  Miss  Elizabeth ;  also  to  your  mother,  brother,  and  sisters.  Ask  little 
Eliza  Davis  if  she  will  ride  to  town  with  me  if  I  come  there  again. 

And,  finally,  give  Fanny  a  double  reciprocation  of  all  the  love  she  sent  me. 
Write  me  often,  and  believe  me 

Yours  forever, 

LINCOLN. 

P.  S.  —  Poor  Easthouse  is  gone  at  last.  He  died  a  while  before  day  this 
morning.  They  say  he  was  very  loath  to  die. 


SPKINGFIELD,  Feb.  25,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  12th,  written  the  day  you  went 
down  to  William's  place,  some  days  since,  but  delayed  answering  it  till  I 
should  receive  the  promised  one  of  the  16th,  which  came  last  night.  I  opened 
the  letter  with  intense  anxiety  and  trepidation ;  so  much,  that,  although  it 
turned  out  better  than  I  expected,  I  have  hardly  yet,  at  the  distance  of  ten 
hours,  become  calm. 

I  tell  you,  Speed,  our  forebodings  (for  which  you  and  I  are  peculiar)  are 
all  the  worst  sort  of  nonsense.  I  fancied,  from  the  time  I  received  your  letter 
of  Saturday,  that  the  one  of  Wednesday  was  never  to  come,  and  yet  it  did 
come,  and,  what  is  more,  it  is  perfectly  clear,  both  from  its  tone  and  hand 
writing,  that  you  were  much  happier,  or,  if  you  think  the  term  preferable,  less 
miserable,  when  you  wrote  it,  than  when  you  wrote  the  last  one  before.  You 
had  so  obviously  improved  at  the  very  time  I  so  much  fancied  you  would 
have  grown  worse.  You  say  that  something  indescribably  horrible  and 
alarming  still  haunts  you.  You  will  not  say  that  three  months  from  now,  I 
•will  venture.  When  your  nerves  once  get  steady  now,  the  whole  trouble  will 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  249 

be  over  forever.  Nor  should  you  become  impatient  at  their  being  even  very 
slow  in  becoming  steady.  Again  you  say,  you  much  fear  that  that  Elysium 
of  which  you  have  dreamed  so  much  is  never  to  be  realized.  Well,  if  it 
shall  not,  I  dare  swear  it  will  not  be  the  fault  of  her  who  is  now  your  wife. 
I  now  have  no  doubt,  that  it  is  the  peculiar  misfortune  of  both  you  and  me  to 
dream  dreams  of  Elysium  far  exceeding  all  that  any  thing  earthly  can  realize. 
Far  short  of  your  dreams  as  you  may  be,  no  woman  could  do  more  to  realize 
them  than  that  same  black-eyed  Fanny.  If  you  could  but  contemplate  her 
through  my  imagination,  it  would  appear  ridiculous  to  you  that  any  one 
should  for  a  moment  think  of  being  unhappy  with  her.  My  old  father  used 
to  have  a  saying,  that,  "  If  you  make  a  bad  bargain,  hug  it  all  the  tighter ; " 
and  it  occurs  to  me,  that,  if  the  bargain  you  have  just  closed  can  possibly  be 
called  a  bad  one,  it  is  certainly  the  most  pleasant  one  for  applying  that  maxim 
to  which  my  fancy  can  by  any  effort  picture. 

I  write  another  letter,  enclosing  this,  which  you  can  show  her,  if  she  desires 
it.  I  do  this  because  she  would  think  strangely,  perhaps,  should  you  tell  her 
that  you  received  no  letters  from  me,  or,  telling  her  you  do,  refuse  to  let  her 
see  them.  I  close  this,  entertaining  the  confident  hope  that  every  successive 
letter  I  shall  have  from  you  (which  I  here  pray  may  not  be  few,  nor  far 
between)  may  show  you  possessing  a  more  steady  hand  and  cheerful  heart 
than  the  last  preceding  it. 

As  ever,  your  friend, 

LINCOLN. 


SPRINGFIELD,  March  27,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  Yours  of  the  10th  inst.  was  received  three  or  four  days 
since.  You  know  I  am  sincere  when  I  tell  you  the  pleasure  its  contents 
gave  me  was  and  is  inexpressible.  As  to  your  farm  matter,  I  have  no  sym 
pathy  with  you.  /  have  no  farm,  nor  ever  expect  to  have,  and  consequently 
have  not  studied  the  subject  enough  to  be  much  interested  with  it.  I  can 
only  say  that  I  am  glad  you  are  satisfied  and  pleased  with  it. 

But  on  that  other  subject,  to  me  of  the  most  intense  interest  whether  in 
joy  or  sorrow,  I  never  had  the  power  to  withhold  my  sympathy  from  you. 
It  cannot  be  told  how  it  now  thrills  me  with  joy  to  hear  you  say  you  are 
"far  happier  than  you  ever  expected  to  be."  That  much  I  know  is  enough. 
I  know  you  too  well  to  suppose  your  expectations  were  not,  at  least,  some 
times  extravagant,  and,  if  the  reality  exceeds  them  all,  I  say,  Enough,  dear 
Lord.  I  am  not  going  beyond  the  truth  when  I  tell  you,  that  the  short  space 
it  took  me  to  read  your  last  letter  gave  me  more  pleasure  than  the  total  sum 
of  all  I  have  enjoyed  since  that  fatal  1st  of  January,  1841.  Since  then  it 
seems  to  me  I  should  have  been  entirely  happy,  but  for  the  never-absent 
idea  that  there  is  one  still  unhappy  whom  I  have  contributed  to  make  so. 
That  still  kills  my  soul.  I  cannot  but  reproach  myself  for  even  wishing  to 


250  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

be  happy  while  she  is  otherwise.  She  accompanied  a  large  party  on  the 
railroad  cars  to  Jacksonville  last  Monday,  and  on  her  return  spoke,  so  that  I 
heard  of  it,  of  having  enjoyed  the  trip  exceedingly.  God  be  praised  for 
that! 

You  know  with  what  sleepless  vigilance  I  have  watched  you  ever  since 
the  commencement  of  your  affair ;  and,  although  I  am  almost  confident  it  is 
useless,  I  cannot  forbear  once  more  to  say,  that  I  think  it  is  even  yet  possible 
for  your  spirits  to  flag  down  and  leave  you  miserable.  If  they  should,  don't 
fail  to  remember  that  they  cannot  long  remain  so.  One  thing  I  can  tell  you 

which  I  know  you  will  be  glad  to  hear,  and  that  is  that  I  have  seen and 

scrutinized  her  feelings  as  well  as  I  could,  and  am  fully  convinced  she  is  far 
happier  now  than  she  has  been  for  the  last  fifteen  months  past. 

You  will  see  by  the  last  "  Sangamon  Journal "  that  I  have  made  a  tem 
perance  speech  on  the  22d  of  February,  which  I  claim  that  Fanny  and  you 
shall  read  as  an  act  of  charity  to  me  ;  for  I  cannot  learn  that  anybody  else  has 
read  it,  or  is  likely  to.  Fortunately,  it  is  not  very  long,  and  I  shall  deem  it 
a  sufficient  compliance  with  my  request  if  one  of  you  listens  while  the  other 
reads  it. 

As  to  your  Lockridge  matter,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  there  has 
been  no  court  since  you  left,  and  that  the  next  commences  to-morrow  morn 
ing,  during  which  I  suppose  we  cannot  fail  to  get  a  judgment. 

I  wish  you  would  learn  of  Everett  what  he  would  take,  over  and  above  a 
discharge,  for  all  trouble  we  have  been  at,  to  take  his  business  out  of  our 
hands  and  give  it  to  somebody  else.  It  is  impossible  to  collect  money  on 
that  or  any  other  claim  here  now,  and,  although  you  know  I  am  not  a  very 
petulant  man,  I  declare  I  am  almost  out  of  patience  with  Mr.  Everett's  end 
less  importunity.  It  seems  like  he  not  only  writes  all  the  letters  he  can  him 
self,  but  gets  everybody  else  in  Louisville  and  vicinity  to  be  constantly  writing 
to  us  about  his  claim.  I  have  always  said  that  Mr.  Everett  is  a  very  clever 
fellow,  and  I  am  very  sorry  he  cannot  be  obliged ;  but  it  does  seem  to  me  he 
ought  to  know  we  are  interested  to  collect  his  claim,  and  therefore  would  do 
it  if  we  could. 

I  am  neither  joking  nor  in  a  pet  when  I  say  we  would  thank  him  to 
transfer  his  business  to  some  other,  without  any  compensation  for  what  we 
have  done,  provided  he  will  see  the  court  cost  paid,  for  which  we  are  security. 

The  sweet  violet  you  enclosed  came  safely  to  hand,  but  it  was  so  dry,  and 
mashed  so  flat,  that  it  crumbled  to  dust  at  the  first  attempt  to  handle  it. 
The  juice  that  mashed  out  of  it  stained  a  place  in  the  letter,  which  I  mean 
to  preserve  and  cherish  for  the  sake  of  her  who  procured  it  to  be  sent.  My 
renewed  good  wishes  to  her  in  particular,  and  generally  to  all  such  of  your 
relations  who  know  me. 

As  ever, 

LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  251 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  July  4,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  Yours  of  the  16th  June  was  received  only  a  day  or  two 
since.  It  was  not  mailed  at  Louisville  till  the  25th.  You  speak  of  the 
great  time  that  has  elapsed  since  I  wrote  you.  Let  me  explain  that.  Your 
letter  reached  here  a  day  or  two  after  I  had  started  on  the  circuit.  I  was 
gone  five  or  six  weeks,  so  that  I  got  the  letters  only  a  few  weeks  before 
Butler  started  to  your  country.  I  thought  it  scarcely  worth  while  to  write 
you  the  news  which  he  could  and  would  tell  you  more  in  detail.  On  his 
return,  he  told  me  you  would  write  me  soon,  and  so  1  waited  for  your  letter. 
As  to  my  having  been  displeased  with  your  advice,  surely  you  know  better 
than  that.  I  know  you  do,  and  therefore  will  not  labor  to  convince  you. 
True,  that  subject  is  painful  to  me  ;  but  it  is  not  your  silence,  or  the  silence 
of  all  the  world,  that  can  make  me  forget  it.  I  acknowledge  the  correct 
ness  of  your  advice  too ;  but,  before  I  resolve  to  do  the  one  thing  or  the 
other,  I  must  gain  my  confidence  in  my  own  ability  to  keep  my  resolves 
when  they  are  made.  In  that  ability  you  know  I  once  prided  myself,  as  the 
only  or  chief  gem  of  my  character :  that  gem  I  lost,  how  and  where  you 
know  too  well.  I  have  not  yet  regained  it ;  and,  until  I  do,  I  cannot  trust 
myself  in  any  matter  of  much  importance.  I  believe  now,  that,  had  you 
understood  my  case  at  the  time  as  well  as  I  understood  yours  afterwards,  by 
the  aid  you  would  have  given  me  I  should  have  sailed  through  clear ;  but 
that  does  not  now  afford  me  sufficient  confidence  to  begin  that  or  the  like 
of  that  again. 

You  make  a  kind  acknowledgment  of  your  obligations  to  me  for  your 
present  happiness.  I  am  much  pleased  with  that  acknowledgment.  But  a 
thousand  times  more  am  I  pleased,  to  know  that  you  enjoy  a  degree  of  hap 
piness  worthy  of  an  acknowledgment.  The  truth  is,  I  am  not  sure  that  there 
was  any  went  with  me  in  the  part  I  took  in  your  difficulty :  I  was  drawn  to 
it  as  by  fate.  If  I  would,  I  could  not  have  done  less  than  I  did.  I  always 
was  superstitious :  I  believe  God  made  me  one  of  the  instruments  of  bring 
ing  your  Fanny  and  you  together,  which  union  I  have  no  doubt  he  had 
fore-ordained.  Whatever  he  designs,  he  will  do  for  me  yet.  "  Stand  still,  and 
see  the  salvation  of  the  Lord  "  is  my  text  just  now.  If,  as  you  say,  you  have 
told  Fanny  all,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  her  seeing  this  letter,  but  for 
its  reference  to  our  friend  here:  let  her  seeing  it  depend  upon  whether  she 
has  ever  known  any  thing  of  my  affairs;  and,  if  she  has  not,  do  not  let  her. 

I  do  not  think  I  can  come  to  Kentucky  this  season.  I  am  so  poor,  and 
make  so  little  headway  in  the  world,  that  I  drop  back  in  a  month  of  idleness 
as  much  as  I  gain  in  a  year's  sowing.  I  should  like  to  visit  you  again.  I 
should  like  to  see  that  "  sis  "  of  yours  that  was  absent  when  I  was  there, 
though  I  suppose  she  would  run  away  again,  if  she  were  to  hear  I  was 
coming. 

My  respects  and  esteem  to  all  your  friends  there,  and,  by  your  permis 
sion,  my  love  to  your  Fanny.  Ever  yours.  LINCOLN. 


252  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Oct.  5,  1842. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  You  have  heard  of  my  duel  with  Shields,  and  I  have  HOT* 
to  inform  you  that  the  duelling  business  still  rages  in  this  city.  Day  before 
yesterday  Shields  challenged  Butler,  who  accepted,  and  proposed  fighting 
next  morning  at  sunrising  in  Bob  Allen's  meadow,  one  hundred  yards'  dis 
tance,  with  rifles.  To  this  Whitesides,  Shields's  second,  said  "  no,"  because 
of  the  law.  Thus  ended  duel  No.  2.  Yesterday  Whiteside  chose  to  con 
sider  himself  insulted  by  Dr.  Merryman,  so  sent  him  a  kind  of  quasi-chal- 
lenge,  inviting  him  to  meet  him  at  the  Planter's  House  in  St.  Louis,  on 
the  next  Friday,  to  settle  their  difficulty.  Merryman  made  me  his  friend, 
and  sent  W.  a  note,  inquiring  to  know  if  he  meant  his  note  as  a  chal 
lenge,  and,  if  so,  that  he  would,  according  to  the  law  in  such  case  made  and 
provided,  prescribe  the  terms  of  the  meeting.  W.  returned  for  answer, 
that,  if  M.  would  meet  him  at  the  Planter's  House  as  desired,  he  would 
challenge  him.  M.  replied  in  a  note,  that  he  denied  W.'s  right  to  dictate 
time  and  place,  but  that  he  (M.)  would  waive  the  question  of  time,  and 
meet  him  at  Louisiana,  Mo.  Upon  my  presenting  this  note  to  W.,  and 
stating  verbally  its  contents,  he  declined  receiving  it,  saying  he  had  busi 
ness  in  St.  Louis,  and  it  was  as  near  as  Louisiana.  Merryman  then 
directed  me  to  notify  Whiteside  that  he  should  publish  the  correspondence 
between  them,  with  such  comments  as  he  thought  fit.  This  I  did.  Thus 
it  stood  at  bedtime  last  night.  This  morning  Whiteside,  by  his  friend 
Shields,  is  praying  for  a  new  trial,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  mistaken 
in  Merryman's  proposition  to  meet  him  at  Louisiana,  Mo.,  thinking  it 
was  the  State  of  Louisiana.  This  Merryman  hoots  at,  and  is  preparing 
his  publication ;  while  the  town  is  in  a  ferment,  and  a  street-fight  somewhat 
anticipated. 

But  I  began  this  letter,  not  for  what  I  have  been  writing,  but  to  say 
something  on  that  subject  which  you  know  to  be  of  such  infinite  solicitude  to 
me.  The  immense  sufferings  you  endured  from  the  first  days  of  September 
till  the  middle  of  February  you  never  tried  to  conceal  from  me,  and  I  well 
understood.  You  have  now  been  the  husband  of  a  lovely  woman  nearly 
eight  months.  That  you  are  happier  now  than  the  day  you  married  her,  I 
well  know ;  for  without  you  could  not  be  living.  But  I  have  your  word 
for  it,  too,  and  tho  returning  elasticity  of  spirits  which  is  manifested  in  your 
letters.  But  I  want  to  ask  a  close  question,  "  Are  you  now  in  feeling,  as 
well  as  judgment,  glad  you  are  married  as  you  are  ?  "  From  anybody  but 
me  this  would  be  an  impudent  question,  not  to  be  tolerated ;  but  I  know 
you  will  pardon  it  in  me.  Please  answer  it  quickly,  as  I  am  impatient  to 
know. 

I  have  sent  my  love  to  your  Fanny  so  often,  I  fear  she  is  getting  tired 
of  it.  However,  I  venture  to  tender  it  again, 

Yours  forever, 

LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  253 

In  the  last  of  these  letters,  Mr.  Lincoln  refers  to  his  "  duel 
with  Shields."  That  was  another  of  the  disagreeable  conse 
quences  which  flowed  from  his  fatal  entanglement  with  Mary. 
Not  content  with  managing  a  timid,  although  half-frantic 
and  refractory,  lover,  her  restless  spirit  led  her  into  new 
fields  of  adventure.  Her  pen  was  too  keen  to  be  idle  in 
the  political  controversies  of  the  time.  As  a  satirical  writer, 
she  had  no  rival  of  either  sex  at  Springfield,  and  few,  we  ven 
ture  to  say,  anywhere  else.  But  that  is  a  dangerous  talent : 
the  temptations  to  use  it  unfairly  are  numerous  and  strong; 
it  inflicts  so  much  pain,  and  almost  necessarily  so  much  injus 
tice,  upon  those  against  whom  it  is  directed,  that  its  possessor 
rarely,  if  ever,  escapes  from  a  controversy  without  suffering 
from  the  desperation  it  provokes.  Mary  Todd  was  not  dis 
posed  to  let  her  genius  rust  for  want  of  use  ;  and,  finding  no 
other  victim  handy,  she  turned  her  attention  to  James  Shields, 
"  Auditor."  She  had  a  friend,  one  Miss  Jayne,  afterwards 
Mrs.  Trumbull,  who  helped  to  keep  her  literary  secrets,  and 
assisted  as  much  as  she  could  in  worrying  the  choleric  Irish 
man.  Mr.  Francis,  the  editor,  knew  very  well  that  Shields 
was  "a  fighting-man;"  but  the  "pieces"  sent  him  by  the 
wicked  ladies  were  so  uncommonly  rich  in  point  and  humor, 
that  he  yielded  to  a  natural  inclination,  and  printed  them,  one 
and  all.  Below  we  give  a  few  specimens:  — 

LETTER  FROM  THE  LOST  TOWNSHIPS. 

LOST  TOWNSHIPS,  Aug.  27,  1842. 

DEAR  MR.  PRINTER,  —  I  see  you  printed  that  long  letter  I  sent  you  a 
spell  ago :  I'm  quite  encouraged  by  it,  and  can't  keep  from  writing  again. 
I  think  the  printing  of  my  letters  will  be  a  good  thing  all  round,  —  it  will 
give  me  the  benefit  of  being  known  by  the  world,  and  give  the  world  the 
advantage  of  knowing  what's  going  on  in  the  Lost  Townships,  and  give  your 
paper  respectability  besides.  So  here  comes  another.  Yesterday  afternoon 
I  hurried  through  cleaning  up  the  dinner-dishes,  and  stepped  over  to  Neigh 
bor  S ,  to  see  if  his  wife  Peggy  was  as  well  as  mought  be  expected,  and 

hear  what  they  called  the  baby.  Well,  when  I  got  there,  and  just  turned 
round  the  corner  of  his  log-cabin,  there  he  was  setting  on  the  doorstep 
reading  a  newspaper. 


254  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  How  are  you,  Jeff?  "  says  I.  He  sorter  started  when  he  heard  me,  fof 
he  hadn't  seen  me  before. 

"  Why,"  says  he,  "  I'm  mad  as  the  devil,  Aunt  'Becca ! " 

"  What  about  ?  "  says  I :  "  ain't  its  hair  the  right  color  ?  None  of  that  non 
sense,  Jeff:  there  ain't  an  honester  woman  in  the  Lost  Townships  than"  — 

"  Than  who?  "  says  he :  "  what  the  mischief  are  you  about?  " 

I  began  to  see  I  was  running  the  wrong  trail,  and  so  says  I,  "  Oh  !  nothing  : 
I  guess  I  was  mistaken  a  little,  that's  all.  But  what  is  it  you're  mad  about  ?  " 

"  Why,"  says  he,  "  I've  been  tugging  ever  since  harvest  getting  out  wheat 
and  hauling  it  to  the  river,  to  raise  State-Bank  paper  enough  to  pay  my  tax 
this  year,  and  a  little  school-debt  I  owe ;  and  now,  just  as  I've  got  it,  here  I 
open  this  infernal  '  Extra  Register,'  expecting  to  find  it  full  of  '  Glorious 
Democratic  Victories '  and  '  High-Comb'd  Cocks,'  when,  lo  and  behold  I  I  find 
a  set  of  fellows  calling  themselves  officers  of  Slate  have  forbidden  the  tax-col 
lectors  and  school-commissioners  to  receive  State  paper  at  all ;  and  so  here  it 
is,  dead  on  my  hands.  I  don't  now  believe  alt  the  plunder  I've  got  will 
fetch  ready  cash  enough  to  pay  my  taxes  and  that  school-debt." 

I  was  a  good  deal  thunderstruck  myself;  for  that  was  the  first  I  had  heard 
of  the  proclamation,  and  my  old  man  was  pretty  much  in  the  same  fix  with 
Jeff.  We  both  stood  a  moment  staring  at  one  another,  without  knowing  what 

to  say.  At  last  says  I,  "  Mr.  S ,  let  me  look  at  that  paper."  He  handed 

it  to  me,  when  I  read  the  proclamation  over. 

"  There,  now,"  says  he,  "  did  you  ever  see  such  al  piece  of  impudence  and 
imposition  as  that  ?  "  I  saw  Jeff  was  in  a  good  tune  for  saying  some  ill-na 
tured  things,  and  so  I  tho't  I  wbuld  just  argue  a  little  on  the  contrary  side, 
and  make  him  rant  a  spell  if  I  could. 

"  Why,"  says  I,  looking  as  dignified  and  thoughtful  as  I  could,  "  it  seems 
pretty  tough,  to  be  sure,  to  have  to  raise  silver  where  there's  none  to  be 
raised  ;  but  then,  you  see,  '  there  will  be  danger  of  loss  '  if  it  ain't  done." 

"  Loss,  damnation  1 "  says  he.  "  I  defy  Daniel  Webster,  I  defy  King  Solo 
mon,  I  defy  the  world,  —  I  defy  —  I  defy  —  yes,  I  defy  even  you,  Aunt  'Becca, 
to  show  how  the  people  can  lose  any  thing  by  paying  their  taxes  in  State 
paper." 

"  Well,"  says  I,  "  you  see  what  the  officers  of  Slate  say  about  it,  and  they 
are  a  desarnin'  set  of  men.  But,"  says  I,  "  I  guess  you're  mistaken  about 
what  the  proclamation  says.  It  don't  say  the  people  will  lose  any  thing  by 
the  paper  money  being  taken  for  taxes.  It  only  says  '  there  will  be  danger 
of  loss  ;'  and  though  it  is  tolerable  plain  that  the  people  can't  lose  by  paying 
their  taxes  in  something  they  can  get  easier  than  silver,  instead  of  having  to 
pay  silver ;  and  though  it  is  just  as  plain  that  tlie  State  can't  lose  by  taking 
State-Bank  paper,  however  low  it  may  be,  while  she  owes  the  bank  more 
than  the  whole  revenue,  and  can  pay  that  paper  over  on  her  debt,  dollar  for 
dollar, —  still  there  is  danger  of  loss  to  the  'officers  of  State;  '  and  you  know, 
Jeff,  we  car  *t  get  along  without  officers  of  State" 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  255 

"  Damn  officers  of  State  1 "  says  he :  "  that's  what  you  Whigs  are  always 
hurrahing  for." 

"  Now,  don't  swear  so,  Jeff,"  says  I :  "  you  know  I  belong  to  the  meetin', 
and  swearin'  hurts  my  feelins'." 

"  Beg  pardon,  Aunt  "Becca,"  says  he ;  "  but  I  do  say  it's  enough  to  make 
Dr.  Goddard  swear,  to  have  tax  to  pay  in  silver,  for  nothing  only  that  Ford 
may  get  his  two  thousand  a  year,  and  Shields  his  twenty-four  hundred  a  year, 
and  Carpenter  his  sixteen  hundred  a  year,  and  all  without  '  danger  of  loss' 
by  taking  it  in  State  paper.  Yes,  yes :  it's  plain  enough  now  what  these 
officers  of  State  mean  by  '  danger  of  loss.'  Wash,  I  s'pose,  actually  lost  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  out  of  the  three  thousand  that  two  of  these  '  officers  of  State  ' 
let  him  steal  from  the  treasury,  by  being  compelled  to  take  it  in  State  paper. 
Wonder  if  we  don't  have  a  proclamation  before  long  commanding  us  to  make 
up  this  loss  to  Wash  in  silver." 

And  so  he  went  on  till  his  breath  run  out,  and  he  had  to  stop.  I  couldn't 
think  of  any  thing  to  say  just  then;  and  so  I  begun  to  look  over  the  paper 
again.  "  Ay  !  here's  another  proclamation,  or  something  like  it." 

"  Another!  "  says  Jeff;  "  and  whose  egg  is  it,  pray  ?  " 

I  looked  to  the  bottom  of  it,  and  read  aloud,  "  Your  obedient  servant,  Jas. 
Shields,  Auditor." 

"Aha!  "  says  Jeff,  "one  of  them  same  three  fellows  again.  Well,  read  it, 
and  let's  hear  what  of  it." 

I  read  on  till  I  came  to  where  it  says,  "  The  object  of  this  measure  is  to 
suspend  the  collection  of  the  revenue  for  the  current  year." 

"  Now  stop,  now  stop  I  "  says  he  :  "  that's  a  lie  a'ready,  and  I  don't  want 
to  hear  of  it." 

"  Oh !  maybe  not,"  says  I. 

"  I  say  it  —  is  —  a  —  lie.  Suspend  the  collection,  indeed  1  Will  the  collect 
ors,  that  have  taken  their  oaths  to  make  the  collection,  DAUE  to  suspend  it  ? 
Is  there  any  thing  in  the  law  requiring  them  to  perjure  themselves  at  the 
bidding  of  James  Shields  ?  Will  the  greedy  gullet  of  the  penitentiary  be 
satisfied  with  swallowing  him  instead  of  all  them,  if  they  should  venture  to 
obey  him  ?  And  would  he  not  discover  some  '  danger  of  loss,'  and  be  off, 
about  the  time  it  came  to  taking  their  places? 

"  And  suppose  the  people  attempt  to  suspend,  by  refusing  to  pay,  what 
then  ?  The  collectors  would  just  jerk  up  their  horses  and  cows,  and  the 
like,  and  sell  them  to  the  highest  bidder  for  silver  in  hand,  without  valuation 
or  redemption.  Why,  Shields  didn't  believe  that  story  himself:  it  was 
never  meant  for  the  truth.  If  it  was  true,  why  was  it  not  writ  till  five  days 
after  the  proclamation  ?  Why  didn't  Carlin  and  Carpenter  sign  it  as  well 
as  Shields  ?  Answer  me  that,  Aunt  'Becca.  I  say  it's  a  lie,  and  not  a  well- 
told  one  at  that.  It  grins  out  like  a  copper  dollar.  Shields  is  a  fool  as  well 
as  a  liar.  With  him  truth  is  out  of  the  question  ;  and,  as  for  getting  a  good 
bright  passable  lie  out  of  him,  you  might  as  well  try  to  strike  fire  from  a 
cake  of  tallow.  I  stick  to  it,  it's  all  an  infernal  Whig  lie !  " 


256  LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

«  A  Whig  lie !    Highty  tighty !  " 

"  Yes,  a  Whig  lie ;  and  it's  just  like  every  thing  the  cursed  British  Whigs 
do.  First  they'll  do  some  divilment,  and  then  they'll  tell  a  lie  to  hide  it. 
And  they  don't  care  how  plain  a  lie  it  is :  they  think  they  can  cram  any 
sort  of  a  one  down  the  throats  of  the  ignorant  Locofocos,  as  they  call  the 
Democrats." 

"  Why,  Jeff,  you're  crazy :  you  don't  mean  to  say  Shields  is  a  Whig !  " 

"  Yes,  I  do." 

"  Why,  look  here !  the  proclamation  is  in  your  own  Democratic  paper,  as 
you  call  it." 

"  I  know  it ;  and  what  of  that  ?  They  only  printed  it  to  let  us  Democrats 
see  the  deviltry  the  Whigs  are  at." 

"  Well,  but  Shields  is  the  auditor  of  this  Loco  —  I  mean  this  Democratic 
State." 

"  So  he  is,  and  Tyler  appointed  him  to  office." 

"  Tyler  appointed  him  ?  " 

"Yes  (if  you  must  chaw  it  over),  Tyler  appointed  him ;  or,  if  it  wasn't 
him,  it  was  old  Granny  Harrison,  and  that's  all  one.  I  tell  you,  Aunt  'Becca, 
there's  no  mistake  about  his  being  a  Whig.  Why,  his  very  looks  shows  it,  — 
every  thing  about  him  shows  it :  if  I  was  deaf  and  blind,  I  could  tell  him  by 
the  smell.  I  seed  him  when  I  was  down  in  Springfield  last  winter.  They 
had  a  sort  of  a  gatherin*  there  one  night  among  the  grandees,  they  called  a 
fair.  All  the  gals  about  town  was  there ;  and  all  the  handsome  widows  and 
married  women,  finickin'  about,  trying  to  look  like  gals,  tied  as  tight  in  the 
middle,  and  puffed  out  at  both  ends,  like  bundles  of  fodder  that  hadn't  been 
stacked  yet,  but  wanted  stackin'  pretty  bad.  And  then  they  had  tables  all 
round  the  house  kivered  over  with  [  ]  caps,  and  pincushions,  and  ten 

thousand  such  little  knick-knacks,  tryin'  to  sell  'em  to  the  fellows  that  were 
bowin'  and  scrapin'  and  kungeerin'  about  'em.  They  wouldn't  let  no  Demo 
crats  in,  for  fear  they'd  disgust  the  ladies,  or  scare  the  little  gals,  or  dirty 
the  floor.  I  looked  in  at  the  window,  and  there  was  this  same  fellow  Shields 
floatin'  about  on  the  air,  without  heft  or  earthly  substance,  just  like  a  lock 
of  cat-fur  where  cats  had  been  fightin'. 

"  He  was  paying  his  money  to  this  one,  and  that  one,  and  t'other  one,  and 
sufferin'  great  loss  because  it  wasn't  silver  instead  of  State  paper ;  and  the 
sweet  distress  he  seemed  to  be  in,  —  his  very  features,  in  the  ecstatic  agony 
of  his  soul,  spoke  audibly  and  distinctly,  '  Dear  girls,  it  is  distressing,  but 
I  cannot  marry  you  all.  Too  well  I  know  how  much  you  suffer  ;  but  do,  do 
remember,  it  is  not  my  fault  that  I  am  so  handsome  and  so  interesting.' 

"  As  this  last  was  expressed  by  a  most  exquisite  contortion  of  his  face, 
he  seized  hold  of  one  of  their  hands,  and  squeezed,  and  held  on  to  it  about 
a  quarter  of  an  hour.  '  O  my  good  fellow  ! '  says  I  to  myself, '  if  that  was  one 
of  our  Democratic  gals  in  the  Lost  Townships,  the  way  you'd  get  a  brass  pin 
let  into  you,  would  be  about  up  to  the  head.'  He  a  Democrat !  Fiddle- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  257 

sticks  !     I  tell  you,  Aunt  'Becca,  he's  a  Whig,  and  no  mistake  :  nobody  but 
a  Whig  could  make  such  a  conceity  dunce  of  himself." 

"  Well,"  says  I,  "  maybe  he  is  ;  but,  if  he  is,  I'm  mistaken  the  worst  sort. 
Maybe  so,  maybe  so ;  but,  if  I  am,  I'll  suffer  by  it ;  I'll  be  a  Democrat  if  it 
turns  out  that  Shields  is  a  Whig ;  considerin'  you  shall  be  a  Whig  if  he  turns 
out  a  Democrat." 

"  A  bargain,  by  jingoes  1  "  says  he  ;  "  but  how  will  we  find  out  ?  " 

"  Why,"  says  I,  "  we'll  just  write,  and  ax  the  printer." 

"  Agreed  again  !  "  says  he  ;  "  and,  by  thunder  !  if  it  does  turn  out  that 
Shields  is  a  Democrat,  I  never  will  "  — 

"  Jefl'erson,  —  Jefferson  "  — 

"  What  do  you  want,  Peggy  ?  " 

"  Do  get  through  your  everlasting  clatter  sometime,  and  bring  me  a  gourd 
of  water :  the  child's  been  crying  for  a  drink  this  live-long  hour." 

"  Let  it  die,  then :  it  may  as  well  die  for  water  as  to  be  taxed  to  death  to 
fatten  officers  of  State." 

Jeff  run  off  to  get  the  water,  though,  just  like  he  hadn't  been  sayin'  any 
thing  spiteful ;  for  he's  a  raal  good-hearted  fellow,  after  all,  once  you  get  at 
the  foundation  of  him. 

I  walked  into  the  house,  and  "  Why,  Peggy,"  says  I,  "  I  declare,  we  like  to 
forgot  you  altogether." 

"  Oh,  yes !  "  says  she,  "  when  a  body  can't  help  themselves,  everybody 
soon  forgets  'em  ;  but,  thank  God !  by  day  after  to-morrow  I  shall  be  well 
enough  to  milk  the  cows,  and  pen  the  calves,  and  wring  the  contrary  ones' 
tails  for  'em,  and  no  thanks  to  nobody." 

"  Good-evening,  Peggy,"  says  I ;  and  so  I  sloped,  for  I  seed  she  was  mad 
at  me  for  making  Jeff  neglect  her  so  long. 

And  now,  Mr.  Printer,  will  you  be  sure  to  let  us  know  in  your  next  paper 
whether  this  Shields  is  a  Whig  or  a  Democrat  ?  I  don't  care  about  it  for 
myself,  for  I  know  well  enough  how  it  is  already ;  but  I  want  to  convince 
Jeff.  It  may  do  some  good  to  let  him,  and  others  like  him,  know  who  and 
what  those  officers  of  State  are.  It  may  help  to  send  the  present  hypocritical 
set  to  where  they  belong,  and  to  fill  the  places  they  now  disgrace  with  men 
who  will  do  more  work  for  less  pay,  and  take  a  fewer  airs  while  they  are 
doing  it.  It  ain't  sensible  to  think  that  the  same  men  who  get  us  into  trouble 
will  change  their  course ;  and  yet  it's  pretty  plain,  if  some  change  for  the 
better  is  not  made,  it's  not  long  that  either  Peggy  or  I,  or  any  of  us,  will 
have  a  cow  left  to  milk,  or  a  calf's  tail  to  wring. 

Yours,  truly, 

REBECCA . 

LOST  TOWNSHIPS,  Sept.  8,  1842. 

DEAR  MR.  PRINTER,  —  I  was  a-standin'  at  the  spring  yesterday  a-washin' 
out  butter,  when  I  seed  Jim  Snooks  a-ridin'  up  towards  the  house  for  very  life 
17 


258  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

like,  when,  jist  as  I  was  a  wonderin'  what  on  airth  was  the  matter  with 
him,  he  stops  suddenly,  and  ses  he,  "  Aunt  'Becca,  here's  somethin'  for  you ;  " 
and  with  that  he  hands  out  your  letter.  Well,  you  see  I  steps  out  towards  him, 
not  thinkin'  that  I  had  both  hands  full  of  butter ;  and  seein'  I  couldn't  take  the 
letter,  you  know,  without  greasin'  it,  I  ses,  "  Jim,  jist  you  open  it,  and  read  it  for 
me."  Well,  Jim  opens  it,  and  reads  it ;  and  would  you  believe  it,  Mr.  Editor  ?  I 
was  so  completely  dumfounded,  and  turned  into  stone,  that  there  I  stood  in 
the  sun,  a-workin'  the  butter,  and  it  a-runnin'  on  the  ground,  while  he  read  the 
letter,  that  I  never  thunk  what  I  was  about  till  the  hull  on't  run  melted  on 
the  ground,  and  was  lost.  Now,  sir,  it's  not  for  the  butter,  nor  the  price  of  the 
butter,  but,  the  Lord  have  massy  on  us,  I  wouldn't  have  sich  another  fright  for 
a  whole  firkin  of  it.  Why,  when  I  found  out  that  it  was  the  man  what  JeiF 
seed  down  to  the  fair  that  had  demanded  the  author  of  my  letter?,  threatnin1 
to  take  personal  satisfaction  of  the  writer,  I  was  so  skart  that  I  tho't  I  should 
quill-wheel  right  where  I  was. 

You  say  that  Mr.  S.  is  offended  at  being  compared  to  cat's  fur,  and  is  as 
mad  as  a  March  hare  (that  ain't  fur),  because  I  told  about  the  squeezin'.  Now, 
I  want  you  to  tell  Mr.  S,  that,  rather  than  fight,  I'll  make  any  apology ;  and, 
if  he  wants  personal  satisfaction,  let  him  only  come  here,  and  he  may  squeeze 
my  hand  as  hard  as  I  squeeze  the  butter,  and,  if  that  ain't  personal  satisfac 
tion,  I  can  only  say  that  he  is  the  fust  man  that  was  not  satisfied  with 
squeezin'  my  hand.  If  this  should  not  answer,  there  is  one  thing  more 
that  I  would  do  rather  than  get  a  lickin'.  I  have  all  along  expected  to  die  a 
widow ;  but,  as  Mr.  S.  is  rather  good-looking  than  otherwise,  I  must  say  I 
don't  care  if  we  compromise  the  matter  by  —  really,  Mr.  Printer,  I  can't  help 
blushin'  —  but  I  —  it  must  come  out  —  I  —  but  widcwed  modesty  —  well,  if  I 
must,  I  must  —  wouldn't  he  —  maybe  sorter,  let  the  old  grudge  drap  if  I  was 
to  consent  to  be  —  be  —  h-i-s  w-i-f-e  ?  I  know  he's  a  fightin'  man,  and  would 
rather  fight  than  eat ;  but  isn't  marryin'  better  than  fightin',  though  it  does 
sometimes  run  into  it  ?  And  I  don't  think,  upon  the  whole,  that  I'd  be  sich 
a  bad  match  neither :  I'm  not  over  sixty,  and  am  just  four  feet  three  in  my 
bare  feet,  and  not  much  more  round  the  girth ;  and  for  color,  I  wouldn't  turn 
my  back  to  nary  gal  in  the  Lost  Townships.  But,  after  all,  maybe  I'm 
countin'  my  chickins  before  they're  hatched,  and  dreamin' of  matrimonial 
bliss  when  the  only  alternative  reserved  for  me  may  be  a  lickin'.  Jeff  tells 
me  the  way  these  fire-eaters  do  is  to  give  the  challenged  party  choice 
of  weapons,  &c.,  which  bein'  the  case,  I'll  tell  you  in  confidence  that  I  never 
fights  with  any  thing  but  broomsticks,  or  hot  water,  or  a  shovelful  of  coals, 
or  some  such  thing ;  the  former  of  which  being  somewhat  like  a  shillalah,  may 
not  be  very  objectionable  to  him.  I  will  give  him  choice,  however,  in  one 
thing,  and  that  is,  whether,  when  we  fight,  I  shall  wear  breeches  or  he  petti 
coats  ;  for  I  presume  that  change  is  sufficient  to  place  us  on  an  equality. 

Yours,  &c. 

REBECCA . 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  259 

P.  S.  —  Jist  say  to  your  friend,  if  he  concludes  to  marry  rather  than  fight,  I 
shall  only  inforce  one  condition  :  that  is,  if  he  should  ever  happen  to  gallant 
any  young  gals  home  of  nights  from  our  house,  he  must  not  squeeze  their 
hands. 

It  is  by  no  means  a  subject  of  wonder  that  these  publica 
tions  threw  Mr.  James  Shields  into  a  state  of  wrath.  A 
thin-skinned,  sensitive,  high-minded,  and  high-tempered  man, 
tender  of  his  honor,  and  an  Irishman  besides,  it  would  have 
been  strange  indeed,  if  he  had  not  felt  like  snuffing  blood. 
But  his  rage  only  afforded  new  delights  to  his  tormentors  ;  and 
when  it  reached  its  height,  "  Aunt  'Becca  "  transformed  her 
self  to  "  Cathleen,"  and  broke  out  in  rhymes  like  the  following, 
which  Miss  Jayne's  brother  "  Bill "  kindly  consented  to 
"  drop  "  for  the  amiable  ladies. 

[For  The  Journal.] 

Ye  Jew's-harps  awake  !     The  A s  won : 

Rebecca  the  widow  has  gained  Erin's  son  ; 
The  pride  of  the  North  from  Emerald  Isle 
Has  been  wooed  and  won  by  a  woman's  smile. 
The  combat's  relinquished,  old  loves  all  forgot : 
To  the  widow  he's  bound.     Oh,  bright  be  his  lot ! 
In  the  smiles  of  the  conquest  so  lately  achieved, 
Joyful  be  his  bride,  "widowed  modesty"  relieved. 
The  footsteps  of  time  tread  lightly  on  flowers, 
May  the  cares  of  this  world  ne'er  darken  his  hours  I 
But  the  pleasures  of  life  are  fickle  and  coy 
As  the  smiles  of  a  maiden  sent  off  to  destroy. 
Happy  groom  !  in  sadness,  far  distant  from  thee, 
The  Fair  girls  dream  only  of  past  times  of  glee 
Enjoyed  in  thy  presence ;  whilst  the  soft  blarnied  store 
Will  be  fondly  remembered  as  relics  of  yore, 
And  hands  that  in  rapture  you  oft  would  have  prest 
In  prayer  will  be  clasped  that  your  lot  may  be  blest. 

CATHLEEN. 

It  was  too  bad.  Mr.  Shields  could  stand  it  no  longer.  He 
sent  Gen.  Whiteside  to  Mr.  Francis,  to  demand  the  name 
of  the  person  who  wrote  the  letters  from  the  "  Lost  Town 
ships;"  and  Mr.  Francis  told  him  it  was  A.  Lincoln.  This 


260  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

information  led  to  a  challenge,  a  sudden  scampering  off  of 
parties  and  friends  to  Missouri,  a  meeting,  an  explanation, 
and  a  peaceful  return. 

Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  field  of  honor,  sword  in  hand, 
manoeuvred  by  a  second  learned  in  the  duello,  would  be  an 
attractive  spectacle  under  any  circumstances.  But  with  a 
celebrated  man  for  an  antagonist,  and  a  lady's  humor  the 
occasion,  the  scene  is  one  of  transcendent  interest ;  and  the 
documents  which  describe  it  are  well  entitled  to  a  place  in 
his  history.  The  letter  of  Mr.  Shields's  second,  being  first 
in  date,  is  first  in  order. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Oct.  3,  1842. 
To  THE  EDITOR  OF  "THE  SANGAMON  JOURNAL." 

Sir,  —  To  prevent  misrepresentation  of  the  recent  affair  between  Messrs. 
Shields  and  Lincoln,  I  think  it  proper  to  give  a  brief  narrative  of  the  facts 
of  the  case,  as  they  came  within  my  knowledge ;  for  the  truth  of  which  I 
hold  myself  responsible,  and  request  you  to  give  the  same  publication.  An 
offensive  article  in  relation  to  Mr.  Shields  appeared  in  "  The  Sangamon 
Journal"  of  the  2d  September  last ;  and,  on  demanding  the  author,  Mr.  Lin 
coln  was  given  up  by  the  editor.  Mr.  Shields,  previous  to  this  demand,  made 
arrangements  to  go  to  Quincy  on  public  business  ;  and  before  his  return  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  left  for  Tremont,  to  attend  the  court,  with  the  intention,  as  we 
learned,  of  remaining  on  the  circuit  several  weeks.  Mr.  Shields,  on  his  return, 
requested  me  to  accompany  him  to  Tremont ;  and,  on  arriving  there,  we  found 
that  Dr.  Merryman  and  Mr.  Butler  had  passed  us  in  the  night,  and  got  there 
before  us.  We  arrived  in  Tremont  on  the  1 7th  ult. ;  and  Mr.  Shields  addressed 
a  note  to  Mr.  Lincoln  immediately,  informing  him  that  he  was  given  up  as 
the  author  of  some  articles  that  appeared  in  "  The  Sangamon  Journal "  (one 
more  over  the  signature  having  made  its  appearance  at  this  time),  and 
requesting  him  to  retract  the  offensive  allusions  contained  in  said  articles  in 
relation  to  his  private  character.  Mr.  Shields  handed  this  note  to  me  to 
deliver  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  directed  me,  at  the  same  time,  not  to  enter  into 
any  verbal  communication,  or  be  the  bearer  of  any  verbal  explanation,  as 
such  were  always  liable  to  misapprehension.  This  note  was  delivered  by  me 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  stating,  at  the  same  time,  that  I  would  call  at  his  conve 
nience  for  an  answer.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  handed 
me  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Shields.  In  this  he  gave  or  offered  no  expla 
nation,  but  stated  therein  that  he  could  not  submit  to  answer  further,  on  the 
ground  that  Shields's  note  contained  an  assumption  of  facts  and  also  a  men 
ace.  Mr.  Shields  then  addressed  him  another  note,  in  which  he  disarowed 
all  indention  to  menace,  and  requested  to  know  whether  he  (Mr.  Lincoln) 


LIFE   OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.  261 

was  the  author  of  either  of  the  articles  which  appeared  in  "  The  Journ?!," 
headed  "  Lost  Townships,"  and  signed  "  Rebecca ; "  and,  if  so,  he  repeated  his 
request  of  a  retraction  of  the  offensive  matter  in  relation  to  his  private  char 
acter  ;  if  not,  his  denial  would  be  held  sufficient.  This  letter  was  returned 
to  Mr.  Shields  unanswered,  with  a  verbal  statement  "  that  there  could  be  no 
further  negotiation  between  them  until  the  first  note  was  withdrawn."  Mr. 
Shields  thereupon  sent  a  note  designating  me  as  his  friend,  to  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied  by  designating  Dr.  Merryman.  These  three  last  notes  passed 
on  Monday  morning,  the  19th.  Dr.  Merryman  handed  me  Mr.  Lincoln's  last 
note  when  by  ourselves.  I  remarked  to  Dr.  Merryman  that  the  matter  was 
now  submitted  to  us,  and  that  I  would  propose  that  he  and  myself  should 
pledge  our  words  of  honor  to  each  other  to  try  to  agree  upon  terms  of  amica 
ble  arrangement,  and  compel  our  principals  to  accept  of  them.  To  this  he 
readily  assented,  and  we  shook  hands  upon  the  pledge.  It  was  then  mutu 
ally  agreed  that  we  should  adjourn  to  Springfield,  and  there  procrastinate  the 
matter,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  the  secret  arrangement  between  him  and 
myself.  All  this  I  kept  concealed  from  Mr.  Shields.  Our  horse  had  got  a 
little  lame  in  going  to  Tremont,  and  Dr.  Merryman  invited  me  to  take  a  seat 
in  his  buggy.  I  accepted  the  invitation  the  more  readily,  as  I  thought,  that 
leaving  Mr.  Shields  in  Tremont  until  his  horse  would  be  in  better  condition 
to  travel  would  facilitate  the  private  agreement  between  Dr.  Merryman  and 
myself.  I  travelled  to  Springfield  part  of  the  way  with  him,  and  part  with 
Mr.  Lincoln ;  but  nothing  passed  between  us  on  the  journey  in  relation  to  the 
matter  in  hand.  We  arrived  in  Springfield  on  Monday  night.  About  noon 
on  Tuesday,  to  my  astonishment,  a  proposition  was  made  to  meet  in  Missouri, 
within  three  miles  of  Alton,  on  the  next  Thursday !  The  weapons,  cavalry 
broadswords  of  the  largest  size ;  the  parties  to  stand  on  each  side  of  a  bar 
rier,  and  to  be  confined  to  a  limited  space.  As  I  had  not  been  consulted  at 
all  on  the  subject,  and  considering  the  private  understanding  between  Dr. 
Merryman  and  myself,  and  it  being  known  that  Mr.  Shields  was  left  at  Tre- 
niout,  such  a  proposition  took  me  by  surprise.  However,  being  determined 
not  to  violate  the  laws  of  the  State,  I  declined  agreeing  upon  the  terms  until 
we  should  meet  in  Missouri.  Immediately  after,  I  called  upon  Dr.  Merry- 
man,  and  withdrew  the  pledge  of  honor  between  him  and  myself  in  relation 
to  a  secret  arrangement.  I  started  after  this  to  meet  Mr.  Shields,  and  met 
him  about  twenty  miles  from  Springfield.  It  was  late  on  Tuesday  night 
when  we  both  reached  the  city,  and  learned  that  Dr.  Merryman  had  left  for 
Missouri,  Mr.  Lincoln  having  left  before  the  proposition  was  made,  as  Dr. 
Merryman  had  himself  informed  me.  The  time  and  place  made  it  neces 
sary  to  start  at  once.  We  left  Springfield  at  eleven  o'clock  on  Tuesday  night, 
travelled  all  night,  and  arrived  in  Ilillsborough  on  Wednesday  morning, 
where  we  took  in  Gen.  Ewing.  From  there  we  went  to  Alton,  where  we 
arrived  on  Thursday ;  and,  as  the  proposition  required  three  friends  on  each 
side,  I  was  joined  by  Gen.  Ewing  and  Dr.  Hope,  as  the  friends  of  Mr.  Shields. 


262  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

We  then  crossed  to  Missouri,  where  a  proposition  was  made  by  Gen.  Hardin 
and  Dr.  English  (who  had  arrived  there  in  the  mean  time  as  mutual  friends) 
to  refer  the  matter  to,  I  think,  four  friends  for  a  settlement.  This  I  believed 
Mr.  Shields  would  refuse,  and  declined  seeing  him ;  but  Dr.  Hope,  who  con 
ferred  with  him  upon  the  subject,  returned,  and  stated  that  Mr.  Shields  declined 
settling  the  matter  through  any  other  than  the  friends  he  had  selected  to 
stand  by  him  on  that  occasion.  The  friends  of  both  the  parties  finally  agreed 
to  withdraw  the  papers  (temporarily)  to  give  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  an 
opportunity  to  explain.  Whereupon  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  wit, 
Messrs.  Merryman,  Bledsoe,  and  Butler,  made  a  full  and  satisfactory  expla 
nation  in  relation  to  the  article  which  appeared  in  "  The  Sangamon  Journal " 
of  the  2d,  the  only  one  written  by  him.  This  was  all  done  without  the  knowl 
edge  or  consent  of  Mr.  Shields ;  and  he  refused  to  accede  to  it  until  Dr.  Hope, 
Gen.  Ewing,  and  myself  declared  the  apology  sufficient,  and  that  we  could 
not  sustain  him  in  going  further.  I  think  it  necessary  to  state  further,  that 
no  explanation  or  apology  had  been  previously  offered  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln  to  Mr.  Shields,  and  that  none  was  ever  communicated  by  me  to  him,  nor 
was  any  ever  offered  to  me,  unless  a  paper  read  to  me  by  Dr.  Merryman  after 
he  had  handed  me  the  broadsword  proposition  on  Tuesday.  I  heard  so  little 
of  the  reading  of  the  paper,  that  I  do  not  know  fully  what  it  purported  to  be ; 
and  I  was  the  less  inclined  to  inquire,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  gone  to  Mis 
souri,  and  Mr.  Shields  not  yet  arrived  from  Tremont.  In  fact,  I  could  not 
entertain  any  offer  of  the  kind,  unless  upon  my  own  responsibility ;  and  that 
I  was  not  disposed  to  do  after  what  had  already  transpired. 

I  make  this  statement,  as  I  am  about  to  be  absent  for  some  time,  and  I 
think  it  due  to  all  concerned  to  give  a  true  version  of  the  matter  before 
I  leave. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  D.  WHITESIDE. 

To  which  Mr.  Merryman  replied  :  — 

SPRINGFIKLD,  Oct.  8,  1842. 
EDITORS  OF  "  THE  JOURNAL." 

Gents,  —  By  your  paper  of  Friday,  I  discover  that  Gen.  Whiteside  has 
published  his  version  of  the  late  affair  between  Messrs.  Shields  and  Lincoln. 
I  now  bespeak  a  hearing  of  my  version  of  the  same  affair,  which  shall  be 
true  and  full  as  to  all  material  facts. 

On  Friday  evening,  the  16th  of  September,  I  learned  that  Mr.  Shields 
&nd  Gen.  Whiteside  had  started  in  pursuit  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  at 
Tremont,  attending  court.  I  knew  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  wholly  unpractised 
both  as  to  the  diplomacy  and  weapons  commonly  employed  in  similar  affairs ; 
and  I  felt  it  my  duty,  as  a  friend,  to  be  with  him,  and,  so  far  as  in  my  power, 
to  prevent  any  advantage  being  taken  of  him  as  to  either  his  honor  or  his 
life.  Accordingly,  Mr.  Butler  and  myself  started,  passed  Shields  and  White- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  263 

ride  in  the  night,  and  arrived  at  Treraont  ahead  of  them  on  Saturday  morn 
ing.  I  told  Mr.  Lincoln  what  was  brewing,  and  asked  him  what  course  he 
proposed  to  himself.  He  stated  that  he  was  wholly  opposed  to  duelling,  and 
would  do  any  thing  to  avoid  it  that  might  not  degrade  him  in  the  estimation 
of  himself  and  friends ;  but,  if  such  degradation  or  a  Jiyht  were  the  only 
alternative,  he  would  fight. 

In  the  afternoon  Shields  and  Whiteside  arrived,  and  very  soon  the  former 
sent  to  Mr.  Lincoln  by  the  latter  the  following  note  or  letter  :  — 

TREMONT,  Sept.  17, 1842. 

A.  LINCOLN,  ESQ.  —  I  regret  that  my  absence  on  public  business  compelled  me  to 
postpone  a  matter  of  private  consideration  a  little  longer  than  I  could  have  desired.  It 
will  only  be  necessary,  however,  to  account  for  it  by  informing  you  that  I  have  been 
to  Quincy  on  business  that  would  not  admit  of  delay.  I  will  now  state  briefly  the 
reasons  of  my  troubling  you  with  this  communication,  the  disagreeable  nature  of  which 
I  regret,  as  I  had  hoped  to  avoid  any  difficulty  with  any  one  in  Springfield  while  resid 
ing  there,  by  endeavoring  to  conduct  myself  in  such  a  way  amongst  both  my  politi 
cal  friends  and  opponents,  as  to  escape  the  necessity  of  any.  Whilst  thus  abstaining 
from  giving  provocation,  I  have  become  the  object  of  slandei,  vituperation,  and  personal 
abuse,  which,  were  I  capable  of  submitting  to,  I  would  prove  myself  worthy  of  the  whole 
of  it. 

In  two  or  three  of  the  last  numbers  of"  The  Sangamon  Journal,"  articles  of  the  most 
personal  nature,  and  calculated  to  degrade  me,  have  made  their  appearance.  On  in 
quiring,  I  was  informed  by  the  editor  of  that  paper,  through  the  medium  of  my  friend, 
Gen.  Whiteside,  that  you  are  the  author  of  those  articles.  This  information  satisfies 
me  that  I  have  become,  by  some  means  or  other,  the  object  of  your  secret  hostility.  I 
will  not  take  the  trouble  of  inquiring  into  the  reason  of  all  this;  but  I  will  take  the 
liberty  of  requiring  a  full,  positive,  and  absolute  retraction  of  all  offensive  allusions  used 
by  you  in  these  communications,  in  relation  to  my  private  character  and  standing  as  a 
man,  as  an  apology  for  the  insults  conveyed  in  them. 

This  may  prevent  consequences  which  no  one  will  regret  more  than  myself. 

Your  ob't  serv't, 
[Copy.]  JAS.  SHIELDS. 

About  sunset  Gen.  Whiteside  called  again,  and  received  from  Mr.  Lin 
coln  the  following  answer  to  Mr.  Shields's  note  :  — 

TREMONT,  Sept.  17, 1812 

JAS.  SHIELDS,  ESQ.  —  Your  note  of  to-day  was  handed  me  by  Gen.  Whiteside.  In 
that  note,  you  say  you  have  been  informed,  through  the  medium  of  the  editor  of  "Th« 
Journal,"  that  I  am  the  author  of  certain  articles  in  that  paper  which  you  deem  per 
sonally  abusive  of  you ;  and,  without  stopping  to  inquire  whether  I  really  am  the  author, 
or  to  point  out  what  is  offensive  in  them,  you  demand  an  unqualified  retraction  of  all 
that  is  offensive,  and  then  proceed  to  hint  at  consequences. 

Now,  sir,  there  is  in  this  so  much  assumption  of  facts,  and  so  much  of  menace  as  to 
consequences,  that  I  cannot  submit  to  answer  that  note  any  further  than  I  have,  and  to 
add,  that  the  consequence  to  which  I  suppose  you  allude  would  be  matter  of  as  groat 
regret  to  me  as  it  possibly  could  to  you.  Respectfully, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


264  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  about  an  hour  Gen.  Whiteside  called  again  with  another  note  from  Mr. 
Shields ;  but  after  conferring  with  Mr.  Butler  for  a  long  time,  say  two 
or  three  hours,  returned  without  presenting  the  note  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  This 
was  in  consequence  of  an  assurance  from  Mr.  Butler  that  Mr.  Lincoln  could 
not  receive  any  communication  from  Mr.  Shields,  unless  it  were  a  withdrawal 
of  his  first  note,  or  a  challenge.  Mr.  Butler  further  stated  to  Gen.  White- 
side,  that,  on  the  withdrawal  of  the  first  note,  and  a  proper  and  gentlemanly 
request  for  an  explanation,  he  had  no  doubt  one  would  be  given.  Gen. 
Whiteside  admitted  that  that  was  the  course  Mr.  Shields  ought  to  pursue, 
but  deplored  that  his  furious  and  intractable  temper  prevented  his  having 
any  influence  with  him  to  that  end.  Gen.  W.  then  requested  us  to  wait 
with  him  until  Monday  morning,  that  he  might  endeavor  to  bring  Mr.  Shields 
to  reason. 

On  Monday  morning  he  called  and  presented  Mr.  Lincoln  the  same  note 
as,  Mr.  Butler  says,  he  had  brought  on  Saturday  evening.  It  was  as  fol 
lows  :  — 

TRKMONT,  Sept.  17, 1842. 

A.  LINCOLN,  ESQ.  —  In  your  reply  to  my  note  of  this  date,  you  intimate  that  I  assume 
facts  and  menace  consequences,  and  that  you  cannot  submit  to  answer  it  further.  As 
now,  sir,  you  desire  it,  I  will  be  a  little  more  particular.  The  editor  of  "  The  Sangamon 
Journal "  gave  me  to  understand  that  you  are  the  author  of  an  article  which  appeared, 
I  think,  in  that  paper  of  the  2d  September  inst.,  headed  "  The  Lost  Townships,"  and 
signed  Rebecca  or  'Becca.  I  would  therefore  take  the  liberty  of  asking  whether  you  are 
the  author  of  said  article,  or  any  other  over  the  same  signature  which  has  appeared  in 
any  of  the  late  numbers  of  that  paper.  If  so,  I  repeat  my  request  of  an  absolute  retraction 
of  all  offensive  allusion  contained  therein  in  relation  to  my  private  character  and  stand 
ing.  If  you  are  not  the  author  of  any  of  the  articles,  your  denial  will  be  sufficient.  I 
will  say  further,  it  is  not  my  intention  to  menace,  but  to  do  myself  justice. 

Your  ob't  serv't, 
[Copy.]  JAS.  SHIELDS. 

This  Mr.  Lincoln  perused,  and  returned  to  Gen.  Whiteside,  telling  him 
verbally,  that  he  did  not  think  it  consistent  with  his  honor  to  negotiate  for 
peace  with  Mr.  Shields,  unless  Mr.  Shields  would  withdraw  his  former  offen 
sive  letter. 

In  a  very  short  time  Gen.  Whiteside  called  with  a  note  from  Mr.  Shields, 
designating  Gen.  Whiteside  as  his  friend,  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln  instantly  re 
plied,  designating  me  as  his.  On  meeting  Gen.  Whiteside,  he  proposed  that 
we  should  pledge  our  honor  to  each  other  that  we  would  endeavor  to  settle 
the  matter  amicably ;  to  which  I  agreed,  and  stated  to  him  the  only  con 
ditions  on  which  it  could  be  so  settled  ;  viz.,  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Shields's 
first  note ;  which  he  appeared  to  think  reasonable,  and  regretted  that  the  note 
had  been  written,  —  saying,  however,  that  he  had  endeavored  to  prevail 
on  Mr.  Shields  to  write  a  milder  one,  but  had  not  succeeded.  He  added, 
too,  that  I  must  promise  not  to  mention  it,  as  he  would  not  dare  to  let  Mr. 
Shields  know  that  he  was  negotiating  peace  ;  for,  said  he,  "  He  would  chal 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  265 

lenge  me  next,  and  as  soon  cut  my  throat  as  not."  Not  willing  that  he  should 
suppose  my  principal  less  dangerous  than  his  own,  I  promised  not  to  men. 
tion  our  pacific  intentions  to  Mr.  Lincoln  or  any  other  person ;  and  we  started 
for  Springfield  forthwith. 

We  all,  except  Mr.  Shields,  arrived  in  Springfield  late  at  night  on  Mon 
day.  We  discovered  that  the  affair  had,  somehow,  got  great  publicity  iu 
Springfield,  and  that  an  arrest  was  probable.  To  prevent  this,  it  was  agreed 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  that  he  should  leave  early  on  Tuesday  morning. 
Accordingly,  he  prepared  the  following  instructions  for  my  guide,  on  a  sug 
gestion  from  Mr.  Butler  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  an  attempt  would 
be  made  by  the  opposite  party  to  have  the  matter  accommodated :  — 

la  case  Whiteside  shall  signify  a  wish  to  adjust  this  affair  without  further  difficulty, 
let  him  know,  that,  if  the  present  papers  be  withdrawn,  and  a  note  from  Mr.  Shields  ask 
ing  to  know  if  I  am  the  author  of  the  articles  of  which  he  complains,  and  asking  that  I 
shall  make  him  gentlemanly  satisfaction  if  I  am  the  author,  and  this  without  menace  or 
dictation  as  to  what  that  satisfaction  shall  be,  a  pledge  is  made  that  the  following  answer 
shall  be  given :  — 

"  I  did  write  the  '  Lost  Township '  letter  which  appeared  in  the  '  Journal '  of  the  2d 
inst,  but  had  no  participation  in  any  form  in  any  other  article  alluding  to  you.  I  wrote 
that  wholly  for  political  effect.  I  had  no  intention  of  injuring  your  personal  or  private 
character,  or  standing  as  a  man  or  a  gentleman ;  and  I  did  not  then  think,  and  do  not  now 
think,  that  that  article  could  produce, or  has  produced,  that  effect  against  you;  and,  had 
I  anticipated  such  an  effect,  would  have  forborne  to  write  it.  And  I  will  add,  that  your 
conduct  towards  me,  so  far  as  I  knew,  had  always  been  gentlemanly,  and  that  I  had  no 
personal  pique  against  you,  and  no  cause  for  any." 

If  this  should  be  done,  I  leave  it  with  you  to  manage  what  shall  and  what  shall  uot 
be  published. 

If  nothing  like  this  is  done,  the  preliminaries  of  the  fight  are  to  be:  — 

1st,  WEAPONS.  —  Cavalry  broadswords  of  the  largest  size,  precisely  equal  in  all 
respects,  and  such  as  now  used  by  the  cavalry  company  at  Jacksonville. 

2d,  POSITION.  —  A  plank  ten  feet  long,  and  from  nine  to  twelve  inches  broad,  to  be 
firmly  fixed  on  edge  on  the  ground  as  the  line  between  us,  which  neither  is  to  pass  his 
foot  over  upon  forfeit  of  his  life.  Next,  a  line  drawn  on  the  ground  on  either  side  of 
said  plank  and  parallel  with  it,  each  at  the  distance  of  the  whole  length  of  the  sword  and 
three  feet  additional  from  the  plank;  and  the  passing  of  his  own  such  line  by  either 
party  during  the  fight  shall  be  deemed  a  surrender  of  the  contest. 

3d,  TIME.  —  On  Thursday  evening  at  5  o'clock,  if  you  can  get  it  so;  but  iu  no  case 
to  be  at  a  greater  distance  of  time  than  Friday  evening  at  6  o'clock. 

4th,  PLACE.  —  Within  three  miles  of  Alton,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  the 
particular  spot  to  be  agreed  on  by  you. 

Any  preliminary  details  coming  within  the  above  rules,  you  are  at  liberty  to  make 
at  your  discretion;  but  you  are  in  no  case  to  swerve  from  these  rules,  or  to  pass  beyond 
their  limits. 

In  the  course  of  the  forenoon  I  met  Gen.  Whiteside,  and  he  again  inti 
mated  a  wish  to  adjust  the  matter  amicably.  I  then  read  to  him  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  instructions  to  an  adjustment,  and  the  terms  of  the  hostile  meeting,  if 
there  must  be  one,  both  at  the  same  time. 


266  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  replied  that  it  was  useless  to  talk  of  an  adjustment,  if  it  could  only 
be  effected  by  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Shields's  paper,  for  such  withdrawal  Mr. 
Shields  would  never  consent  to ;  adding,  that  he  would  as  soon  think  of  ask 
ing  Mr.  Shields  to  "butt  his  brains  out  against  a  brick  wall  as  to  withdraw 
that  paper."  He  proceeded  :  '•  I  see  but  ons  course,  —  that  is  a  desperate 
remedy :  'tis  to  tell  them,  if  they  will  not  make  the  matter  up,  they  must 
fight  us."  I  replied,  that,  if  he  chose  to  fight  Mr.  Shields  to  compel  him 
to  do  right,  he  might  do  so ;  but  as  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  was  on  the  defensive, 
and,  I  believed,  in  the  right,  and  I  should  do  nothing  to  compel  him  to  do 
wrong.  Such  withdrawal  having  been  made  indispensable  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
I  cut  the  matter  short  as  to  an  adjustment,  an  1  proposed  to  Gen.  Whiteside 
to  accept  the  terms  of  the  fight,  which  he  refused  to  do  until  Mr.  Shields's 
arrival  in  town,  but  agree.1,  verbally,  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends  should  pro 
cure  the  broadswords,  and  take  them  to  the  ground.  In  the  afternoon  he 
came  to  me,  saying  that  some  persons  were  swearing  out  affidavits  to  have  us 
arrested,  and  that  he  intended  to  meet  Mr.  Shields  immediately,  and  proceed 
to  the  place  designated  ;  lamenting,  however,  that  I  would  not  delay  the  time, 
that  he  might  procure  the  interference  of  Gov.  Ford  and  Gen.  Ewing  to 
mollify  Mr.  Shields.  I  told  him  that  an  accommodation,  except  upon  the 
terms  I  mentioned,  was  out  of  the  question  ;  that  to  delay  the  meeting  was 
to  facilitate  our  arrest ;  and,  as  I  was  determined  not  to  be  arrested,  I  should 
leave  town  in  fifteen  minutes.  1  then  pressed  his  acceptance  of  the  prelimi 
naries,  which  he  disclaimed  upon  the  ground  that  it  would  interfere  with  his 
oath  of  office  as  Fund  Commissioner.  I  then,  with  two  other  friends,  went 
to  Jacksonville,  where  we  joined  Mr.  Lincoln  about  11  o'clock  on  Tuesday 
night.  Wednesday  morning  we  procured  the  broadswords,  and  proceeded 
to  Alton,  where  we  arrived  about  11,  A.M.,  on  Thursday.  The  other  party 
were  in  town  before  us.  We  crossed  the  river,  and  they  soon  followed. 
Shortly  after,  Gen.  Hardin  and  Dr.  English  presented  to  Gen.  Whiteside  and 
myself  the  following  note  :  — 

ALTON,  Sept.  22,  1842. 

MESSRS.  WHITESIDE  AND  MERRYMAN.  —  As  the  mutual  personal  friends  of  Messrs. 
Shields  and  Lincoln,  but  without  authority  from  either,  we  earnestly  desire  to  see  a 
reconciliation  of  the  misunderstanding  which  exists  between  them.  Such  difficulties 
should  always  be  arranged  amicably,  if  it  is  possible  to  do  so  with  honor  to  both  parties. 
Believing  ourselves,  that  such  an  arrangement  can  possibly  be  effected,  we  respect 
fully,  but  earnestly,  submit  the  following  proposition  for  your  consideration  :  — 

Let  the  whole  difficulty  be  submitted  to  four  or  more  gentlemen,  to  be  selected  by 
yourselves,  who  shall  consider  the  affair,  and  report  thereupon  for  your  considera 
tion. 

JOHN  J.  HARDIN. 
K.  W.  ENGLISH. 

To  this  proposition  Gen.  Whiteside  agreed :  I  declined  doing  so  without 
consulting  Mr.  Lincoln.  Mr.  Lincoln  remarked,  that,  as  they  had  accepted 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  267 

the  proposition,  he  would  do  so,  but  directed  that  his  friends  should  make  no 
terms  except  those  first  proposed.  Whether  the  adjustment  was  finally  made 
upon  these  very  terms,  and  no  other,  let  the  following  documents  attest :  — 

MISSOURI,  Sept.  22,  1842. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  All  papers  in  relation  to  the  matter  in  controversy  between  Mr. 
Shields  and  Mr.  Lincoln  having  been  withdrawn  by  the  friends  of  the  parties  concerned, 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Shields  ask  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  explain  all  offensive  matter 
in  the  articles  which  appeared  in  "The  Sangamon  Journal"  of  the  2d,  9th,  and  16th  of 
September,  under  the  signature  of  "  Rebecca,"  and  headed  "Lost  Townships." 

It  is  due  to  Gen.  Hardin  and  Mr.  English  to  state  that  their  interference  was  of  the 
most  courteous  and  gentlemanly  character. 

JOHN  D.  WHITESIDK. 
WM.  LEE  D.  EWING. 
T.  M.  HOPE. 

MISSOURI,  Sept.  22,  1842. 

GENTLEMEN, —  All  papers  in  relation  to  the  matter  in  controversy  between  Mr.  Lin 
coln  and  Mr.  Shields  having  been  withdrawn  by  the  friends  of  the  parties  concerned, 
we,  the  undersigned,  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  accordance  with  your  request  that  expla 
nation  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  publication  in  relation  to  Mr.  Shields  in  "  The  Sangamon  Jour 
nal  "  of  the  2d,  9th,  and  16th  of  September  be  made,  take  pleasure  in  saying,  that, 
although  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  writer  of  the  article  signed  "  Rebecca  "  in  the  "  Journal " 
of  the  2d,  and  that  only,  yet  he  had  no  intention  of  injuring  the  personal  or  private  char 
acter  or  standing  of  Mr.  Shields  as  a  gentleman  or  a  man,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not 
think,  nor  does  he  now  think,  that  said  article  could  produce  such  an  effect;  and,  had 
Mr.  Lincoln  anticipated  such  an  effect,  he  would  have  forborne  to  write  it.  We  will 
further  state,  that  said  article  was  written  solely  for  political  effect,  and  not  to  gratify 
any  personal  pique  against  Mr.  Shields,  for  he  had  none,  and  knew  of  no  cause  for  any. 
It  is  due  to  Gen.  Hardin  and  Mr.  English  to  say  that  their  interference  was  of  the  most 
courteous  and  gentlemanly  character. 

E.  H.  MERRYMAN. 

A.  T.  BLEDSOE. 

WM.  BUTLER. 

Let  it  be  observed  now,  that  Mr.  Shields's  friends,  after  agreeing  to  the 
arbitrament  of  four  disinterested  gentlemen,  declined  the  contract,  saying 
that  Mr.  Shields  wished  his  own  friends  to  act  for  him.  They  then  pro 
posed  that  we  should  explain  without  any  withdrawal  of  papers.  This  was 
promptly  and  firmly  refused,  and  Gen.  Whiteside  himself  pronounced  the 
papers  withdrawn.  They  then  produced  a  note  requesting  us  to  "  disavow" 
all  offensive  intentions  in  the  publications,  &c.,  &c.  This  we  declined 
answering,  and  only  responded  to  the  above  request  for  an  explanation. 

These  are  the  material  facts  in  relation  to  the  matter,  and  I  think  present 
the  case  in  a  very  different  light  from  the  garbled  and  curtailed  statement 
of  Gen.  Whiteside.  Why  he  made  that  statement  I  know  not,  unless  he 
wished  to  detract  from  the  honor  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  This  was  ungenerous, 
more  particularly  as  he  on  the  ground  requested  us  not  to  make  in  our 


268  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

explanation  any  quotations  from  the  "  Rebecca  papers  ;  "  also  not  to  make 
public  the  terms  of  reconciliation,  and  to  unite  with  them  in  defending  the 
honorable  character  of  the  adjustment. 

Gen.  W.,  in  his  publication,  says,  "  The  friends  of  both  parties  agreed  to 
withdraw  the  papers  (temporarily)  to  give  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  an 
opportunity  to  explain."  This  I  deny.  I  say  the  papers  were  withdrawn 
to  enable  Mr.  Shields's  friends  to  ask  an  explanation ;  and  I  appeal  to  the 
documents  for  proof  of  my  position. 

By  looking  over  these  documents,  it  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Shields  had  not 
before  asked  for  an  explanation,  but  had  all  the  time  been  dictatorily  insist 
ing  on  a  retraction. 

Gen.  Whiteside,  in  his  communication,  brings  to  light  much  of  Mr.  Shields's 
manifestations  of  bravery  behind  the  scenes.  I  can  do  nothing  of  the  kind 
for  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  took  his  stand  when  I  first  met  him  at  Tremont,  and 
maintained  it  calmly  to  the  last,  without  difficulty  or  difference  between 
himself  and  his  friends. 

I  cannot  close  this  article,  lengthy  as  it  is,  without  testifying  to  the  honor 
able  and  gentlemanly  conduct  of  Gen.  Ewing  and  Dr.  Hope,  nor  indeed  can 
I  say  that  I  saw  any  thing  objectionable  in  the  course  of  Gen.  Whiteside  up 
to  the  time  of  his  communication.  This  is  so  replete  with  prevarication 
and  misrepresentation,  that  I  cannot  accord  to  the  General  that  candor  which 
I  once  supposed  him  to  possess.  He  complains  that  I  did  not  procrastinate 
time  according  to  agreement.  He  forgets  that  by  his  own  act  he  cut  me  off 
from  that  chance  in  inducing  me,  by  promise,  not  to  communicate  our  secret 
contract  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Moreover,  I  could  see  no  consistency  in  wishing 
for  an  extension  of  time  at  that  stage  of  the  affair,  when  in  the  outset  they 
were  in  so  precipitate  a  hurry,  that  they  could  not  wait  three  days  for  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  return  from  Tremont,  but  must  hasten  there,  apparently  with 
the  intention  of  bringing  the  matter  to  a  speedy  issue.  He  complains,  too, 
that,  after  inviting  him  to  take  a  seat  in  my  buggy,  I  never  broached  the 
subject  to  him-on  our  route  here.  But  was  I,  the  defendant  in  the  case,  with 
a  challenge  hanging  over  me,  to  make  advances,  and  beg  a  reconciliation  ? 
Absurd  !  Moreover,  the  valorous  general  forgets  that  he  beguiled  the  tedium 
of  the  journey  by  recounting  to  me  his  exploits  in  many  a  well-fought  battle,  — 
dangers  by  "  flood  and  field  "  in  which  I  don't  believe  he  ever  participated, 
—  doubtless  with  a  view  to  produce  a  salutary  effect  on  my  nerves,  and 
impress  me  with  a  proper  notion  of  his  fire-eating  propensities. 

One  more  main  point  of  his  argument,  and  I  have  done.  The  General 
seems  to  be  troubled  with  a  convenient  shortness  of  memory  on  some  occa 
sions.  He  does  not  remember  that  any  explanations  were  offered  at  any 
time,  unless  it  were  a  paper  read  when  the  "  broadsword  proposition  "  was 
tendered,  when  his  mind  was  so  confused  by  the  anticipated  clatter  of 
broadswords,  or  something  else,  that  he  did  "  not  know  fully  what  it  pur 
ported  to  be."  The  truth  is,  that  by  unwisely  refraining  from  mentioning  it 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  269 

to  his  principal,  he  placed  himself  in  a  dilemma  which  he  is  now  endeavor 
ing  to  shuffle  out  of.  By  his  inefficiency,  and  want  of  knowledge  of  those 
laws  which  govern  gentlemen  in  matters  of  this  kind,  he  has  done  great 
injustice  to  his  principal,  a  gentleman  who  I  believe  is  ready  at  all  times  to 
vindicate  his  honor  manfully,  but  who  has  been  unfortunate  in  the  selection 
of  his  friend ;  and  this  fault  he  is  now  trying  to  wipe  out  by  doing  an  act  of 
still  greater  injustice  to  Mr.  Lincoln. 

E.  H.  MERRYMAN. 

And  so  Mr.  Lincoln  acknowledged  himself  to  have  been 
the  author  of  one  of  the  "  Lost  Township  Letters."  Whether 
he  was  or  not,  was  known  only  perhaps  to  Miss  Todd  and 
himself.  At  the  time  of  their  date,  he  was  having  secret 
meetings  with  her  at  Mr.  Francis's  house,  and  endeavoring 
to  nerve  himself  to  the  duty  of  marrying  her,  with  what 
success  the  letters  to  Speed  are  abundant  evidence.  It  is 
probable  that  Mary  composed  them  fresh  from  these  stolen 
conferences  ;  that  some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  original  conceptions 
and  peculiarities  of  style  unwittingly  crept  into  them,  and 
that  here  and  there  he  altered  and  amended  the  manuscript 
before  it  went  to  the  printer.  Such  a  connection  with  a 
lady's  productions  made  it  obligatory  upon  him  to  defend 
them.  But  why  avow  one,  and  disavow  the  rest  ?  It  is 
more  than  likely  that  he  was  determined  to  take  just  enough 
responsibility  to  fight  upon,  provided  Shields  should  prove 
incorrigible,  and  not  enough  to  prevent  a  peaceful  issue,  if  the 
injured  gentleman  should  be  inclined  to  accept  an  apology. 

After  his  marriage,  Mr.  Lincoln  took  up  his  residence  at 
the  "  Globe  Tavern,"  where  he  had  a  room  and  boarding  for 
man  and  wife  for  the  moderate  sum  of  four  dollars  per  week. 
But,  notwithstanding  cheap  living,  he  was  still  as  poor  as  ever, 
and  gave  "  poverty  "  as  one  of  his  reasons  for  not  paying  a 
friendly  visit  which  seemed  to  be  expected  of  him. 

At  the  bar  and  in  political  affairs  he  continued  to  work 
with  as  much  energy  as  before,  although  his  political  prospects 
seem  just  now  to  have  suffered  an  unexpected  eclipse.  In 
1843,  Lincoln,  Hardin,  and  Baker  were  candidates  for  the 
Whig  congressional  nomination  ;  but  between  Hardin  and 


270  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Baker  there  was  "  bitter  hostility,"  and  between  Baker  and 
Lincoln  "  suspicion  and  dislike."  The  contest  was  long 
and  fierce  ;  but,  before  it  was  over,  Lincoln  reluctantly  with 
drew  in  favor  of  Baker.  He  had  had  a  hard  time  of  it,  and 
had  been  compelled  to  meet  accusations  of  a  very  strange 
character.  Among  other  things,  he  was  charged  with  being 
•an  aristocrat ;  with  having  deserted  his  old  friends,  the  people, 
by  marrying  a  proud  woman  on  account  of  her  blood  and 
family.  This  hurt  him  keenly,  and  he  took  great  pains  to 
disprove  it ;  but  this  was  not  all.  He  was  called  an  infidel 
by  some,  a  Presbyterian  here,  an  Episcopalian  there  ;  so  that 
by  turns  he  incurred  the  hostility  of  all  the  most  powerful 
religious  societies  in  the  district. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Speed  as  follows :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  March  24,  1843. 

DEAR  SPEED, —  .  .  .  We  had  a  meeting  of  the  Whigs  of  the  county  here 
on  last  Monday  to  appoint  delegates  to  a  district  convention  ;  and  Baker  beat 
me,  and  got  the  delegation  instructed  to  go  for  him.  The  meeting,  in  spite 
of  my  attempt  to  decline  it,  appointed  me  one  of  the  delegates  ;  so  that,  in 
getting  Baker  the  nomination,  I  shall  be  fixed  a  good  deal  like  a  fellow  who 
is  made  a  groomsman  to  a  man  that  has  cut  him  out,  and  is  marrying  his 
own  dear  "  gal."  About  the  prospects  of  your  having  a  namesake  at  our 
town,  can't  say  exactly  yet. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

He  was  now  a  Baker  delegate,  pledged  to  get  him  the 
nomination  if  he  could  ;  and  yet  he  was  far  from  giving  up 
the  contest  in  his  own  behalf.  Only  two  days  after  the  letter 
to  Speed,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Morris :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  March  26,  1843. 

FRIEND  MORRIS,  —  Your  letter  of  the  23d  was  received  on  yesterday 
morning,  and  for  which  (instead  of  an  excuse,  which  you  thought  proper  to 
ask)  I  tender  you  my  sincere  thanks.  It  is  truly  gratifying  to  me  to  learn, 
that,  while  the  people  of  Sangamon  have  cast  me  off,  my  old  friends  of 
Menard,  who  have  known  me  longest  and  best,  stick  to  me.  It  would  aston 
ish,  if  not  amuse,  the  older  citizens  (a  stranger,  friendless,  uneducated,  penni 
less  boy,  working  on  a  flat-boat  at  ten  dollars  per  month)  to  learn  that  I 
have  been  put  down  here  as  the  candidate  of  pride,  wealth,  and  aristocratic 
family  distinction.  Yet  so,  chiefly,  it  was.  There  was,  too,  the  strangest 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  271 

combination  of  church-influence  against  me.  Baker  is  a  Campbellite ;  and 
therefore,  as  I  suppose,  with  few  exceptions,  got  all  that  church. 

My  wife  has  some  relations  in  the  Presbyterian  churches,  and  some  with 
the  Episcopal  churches ;  and  therefore,  wherever  it  would  tell,  I  was  set 
down  as  either  the  one  or  the  other,  while  it  was  everywhere  contended  that 
no  Christian  ought  to  go  for  me,  because  I  belonged  to  no  church,  was  sus 
pected  of  being  a  deist,  and  had  talked  about  fighting  a  duel.  With  all 
these  things,  Baker,  of  course,  had  nothing  to  do.  Nor  do  I  complain  of 
them.  As  to  his  own  church  going  for  him,  I  think  that  was  right  enough ; 
and  as  to  the  influences  I  have  spoken  of  in  the  other,  though  they  were  very 
strong,  it  would  be  grossly  untrue  and  unjust  to  charge  that  they  acted  upon 
them  in  a  body,  or  were  very  near  so.  I  only  mean  that  those  influences 
levied  a  tax  of  a  considerable  per  cent  upon  my  strength  throughout  the 
religious  controversy.  But  enough  of  this. 

You  say,  that,  in  choosing  a  candidate  for  Congress,  you  have  an  equal 
right  with  Sangamon ;  and  in  this  you  are  undoubtedly  earnest.  In  agreeing 
to  withdraw  if  the  Whigs  of  Sangamon  should  go  against  me,  I  did  not 
mean  that  they  alone  were  worth  consulting,  but  that  if  she,  with  her  heavy 
delegation,  should  be  against  me,  it  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  succeed ; 
and  therefore  I  had  as  well  decline.  And  in  relation  to  Menard  having 
rights,  permit  me  fully  to  recognize  them,  and  to  express  the  opinion,  that, 
if  she  and  Mason  act  circumspectly,  they  will  in  the  convention  be  able  so  far 
to  enforce  their  rights  as  to  decide  absolutely  which  one  of  the  candidates  shall 
be  successful.  Let  me  show  the  reason  of  this.  Hardin,  or  some  other  Mor 
gan  candidate,  will  get  Putnam,  Marshall,  Woodford,  Tazewell,  and  Logan, 
—  make  sixteen.  Then  you  and  Mason,  having  three,  can  give  the  victory 
to  either  side. 

You  say  you  shall  instruct  your  delegates  for  me,  unless  I  object.  I  cer 
tainly  shall  not  object.  That  would  be  too  pleasant  a  compliment  for  me  to 
tread  in  the  dust.  And  besides,  if  any  thing  should  happen  (which,  however, 
is  not  probable)  by  which  Baker  should  be  thrown  out  of  the  fight,  I  would 
be  at  liberty  to  accept  the  nomination  if  I  could  get  it.  I  do,  however,  feel 
myself  bound  not  to  hinder  him  in  any  way  from  getting  the  nomination.  I 
should  despise  myself  were  I  to  attempt  it.  I  think,  then,  it  would  be  proper 
for  your  meeting  to  appoint  three  delegates,  and  to  instruct  them  to  go  for 
some  one  as  a,  first  choice,  some  one  else  as  a  second,  and  perhaps  some  one 
as  a  third;  and,  if  in  those  instructions  I  were  named  as  the  first  choice,  it 
would  gratify  me  very  much. 

If  you  wish  to  hold  the  balance  of  power,  it  is  important  for  you  to  attend 
to  and  secure  the  vote  of  Mason  also.  You  should  be  sure  to  have  men 
appointed  delegates  that  you  know  you  can  safely  confide  in.  If  yourself 
and  James  Short  were  appointed  for  your  county,  all  would  be  safe ;  but 
whether  Jim's  woman  affair  a  year  ago  might  not  be  in  the  way  of  his  ap 
pointment  is  a  question.  I  don't  know  whether  you  know  it,  but  I  know  him 


272  LIFE  OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN. 

to  be  as  honorable  a  man  as  there  is  in  the  world.  You  have  my  permission, 
and  even  request,  to  show  this  letter  to  Short ;  but  to  no  one  else,  unless  it 
be  a  very  particular  friend,  who  you  know  will  not  speak  of  it. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
P.  S.  —  Will  you  write  me  again  ? 

To  MARTIN  M.  MORRIS,  Petersburg,  HI. 

And  finally  to  Speed  on  the  same  subject :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  18,  1843. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  Yours  of  the  9th  inst.  is  duly  received,  which  I  do  not 
meet  as  a  "  bore,"  but  as  a  most  welcome  visitor.  I  will  answer  the  business 
part  of  it  first. 

In  relation  to  our  Congress  matter  here,  you  were  right  in  supposing  I 
would  support  the  nominee.  Neither  Baker  nor  I,  however,  is  the  man,  but 
Hardin,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  present  appearances.  We  shall  have  no 
split  or  trouble  about  the  matter,  —  all  will  be  harmony.  In  relation  to  the 
"  coming  events  "  about  which  Butler  wrote  you,  I  had  not  heard  one  word 
before  I  got  your  letter;  but  I  have  so  much  confidence  in  the  judgment  of  a 
Butler  on  such  a  subject,  that  I  incline  to  think  there  may  be  some  reality 
in  it.  What  day  does  Butler  appoint?  By  the  way,  how  do  "events"  of 
the  same  sort  come  on  in  your  family  ?  Are  you  possessing  houses  and 
lands,  and  oxen  and  asses,  and  men-servants  and  maid-servants,  and  beget 
ting  sons  and  daughters  ?  We  are  not  keeping  house,  but  boarding  at  the 
Globe  Tavern,  which  is  very  well  kept  now  by  a  widow  lady  of  the  name  of 
Beck.  Our  room  (the  same  Dr.  Wallace  occupied  there)  and  boarding  only 
costs  us  four  dollars  a  week.  Ann  Todd  was  married  something  more  than 
a  year  since  to  a  fellow  by  the  name  of  Campbell,  and  who,  Mary  says,  is 
pretty  much  of  a  "  dunce,"  though  he  has  a  little  money  and  property.  They 
live  in  Boonville,  Mo.,  and  have  not  been  heard  from  lately  enough  for  me  to 
say  any  thing  about  her  health.  I  reckon  it  will  scarcely  be  in  our  power 
to  visit  Kentucky  this  year.  Besides  poverty  and  the  necessity  of  attending 
to  business,  those  "  coming  events,"  I  suspect,  would  be  somewhat  in  the  way. 
I  most  heartily  wish  you  and  your  Fanny  would  not  fail  to  come.  Just 
let  us  know  the  time,  and  we  will  have  a  room  provided  for  you  at  our  house, 
and  all  be  merry  together  for  a  while.  Be  sure  to  give  my  respects  to  your 
mother  and  family  :  assure  her,  that,  if  I  ever  come  near  her,  I  will  not  fail 
to  call  and  see  her.  Mary  joins  in  sending  love  to  your  Fanny  and  you. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


.  •• '"'  ''•• 
JOSHUA  F.  SPEED. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  273 

After  the  "  race,"  still  smarting  from  the  mortification  of 
defeat,  and  the  disappointment  of  a  cherished  hope,  he  took 
his  old  friend  Jim  Matheny  away  off  to  a  solitary  place  in  the 
woods,  "  and  then  and  there,"  "  with  great  emphasis,"  pro 
tested  that  he  had  not  grown  proud,  and  was  not  an  aristocrat. 
"  Jim,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  I  am  now,  and  always  shall 
be,  the  same  Abe  Lincoln  that  I  always  was." 


is 


CHAPTER  XII. 

IN  1844  Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  a  candidate  for  elector  on 
the  "Whig  ticket.  Mr.  Clay,  as  he  has  said  himself,  was 
his  "  beau-ideal  of  a  statesman,"  and  he  labored  earnestly 
and  as  effectually  as  any  one  else  for  his  election.  For  the 
most  part,  he  still  had  his  old  antagonists  to  meet  in  the  Spring 
field  region,  chief  among  whom  this  year  was  John  Calhoun. 
With  him  and  others  he  had  joint  debates,  running  through 
several  nights,  which  excited  much  popular  feeling.  One  of 
his  old  friends  and  neighbors,  who  attended  all  these  discus 
sions,  speaks  in  very  enthusiastic  terms  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and, 
after  enumerating  his  many  noble  gifts  of  head  and  heart, 
concludes  that  "  Calhoun  came  nearer  of  whipping  Lincoln  in 
debate  than  Douglas  did." 

Mr.  Lincoln  made  many  speeches  in  Illinois,  and  finally,  to 
wards  the  close  of  the  campaign,  he  went  over  into  Indiana,  and 
there  continued  "  on  the  stump  "  until  the  end.  Among  other 
places  he  spoke  at  Rockport  on  the  Ohio,  —  where  he  had  first 
embarked  for  New  Orleans  with  Gentry,  —  at  Gentryville,  and 
at  a  place  in  the  country  about  two  miles  from  the  cabin 
where  his  father  had  lived.  While  he  was  in  the  midst  of 
his  speech  at  Gentryville,  his  old  friend,  Nat  Grigsby,  entered 
the  room.  Lincoln  recognized  him  on  the  instant,  and,  stop 
ping  short  in  his  remarks,  cried  out,  "  There's  Nat !  "  With 
out  the  slightest  regard  for  the  proprieties  of  the  occasion,  he 
suspended  his  address  totally,  and,  striding  from  the  platform, 
began  scrambling  through  the  audience  and  over  the  benches, 
toward  the  modest  Nat,  who  stood  near  the  door.  When  he 

274 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  275 

reached  him,  Lincoln  shook  his  hand  "  cordially  ;  "  and,  after 
felicitating  himself  sufficiently  upon  the  happy  meeting,  he 
returned  to  the  platform,  and  finished  his  speech.  When  that 
was  over,  Lincoln  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  part  with 
Nat,  but  insisted  that  they  must  sleep  together.  Accordingly, 
they  wended  their  way  to  Col.  Jones's,  where  that  fine  old 
Jackson  Democrat  received  his  distinguished  "  clerk  "  with 
all  the  honors  he  could  show  him.  Nat  says,  that  in  the 
night  a  cat  "  began  mewing,  scratching,  and  making  a  fuss 
generally."  Lincoln  got  up,  took  the  cat  in  his  hands,  and 
stroking  its  back  u  gently  and  kindly,"  made  it  sparkle  for 
Nat's  amusement.  He  then  "  gently  "  put  it  out  of  the  door, 
and,  returning  to  bed,  "  commenced  telling  stories  and  talk 
ing  over  old  times." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say,  that  the  result  of  the  canvass 
was  a  severe  disappointment  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  No  defeat  but 
his  own  could  have  given  him  more  pain  ;  and  thereafter  he 
seems  to  have  attended  quietly  to  his  own  private  business 
until  the  Congressional  canvass  of  1846. 

It  was  thought  for  many  years  by  some  persons  well  in 
formed,  that  between  Lincoln,  Logan,  Baker,  and  Hardin,  — 
four  very  conspicuous  Whig  leaders,  —  there  was  a  secret  per 
sonal  understanding  that  they  four  should  "  rotate  "  in  Con 
gress  until  each  had  had  a  term.  Baker  succeeded  Hardin  in 
1844  ;  Lincoln  was  elected  in  1846,  and  Logan  was  nominated, 
but  defeated,  in  1848.  Lincoln  publicly  declined  to  contest 
the  nomination  with  Baker  in  1844  ;  Hardin  did  the  same  for 
Lincoln  in  1846  (although  both  seem  to  have  acted  reluctant 
ly),  and  Lincoln  refused  to  run  against  Logan  in  1848.  Col. 
Matheny  and  others  insist,  with  great  show  of  reason,  that 
the  agreement  actually  existed  ;  and,  if  such  was  the  case,  it 
was  practically  carried  out,  although  Lincoln  was  a  candidate 
against  Baker,  and  Hardin  against  Lincoln,  as  long  as  either 
of  them  thought  there  was  the  smallest  prospect  of  success. 
They  might  have  done  this,  however,  merely  to  keep  other  and 
less  tractable  candidates  out  of  the  field.  That  Lincoln  would 
cheerfully  have  made  such  a  bargain  to  insure  himself  a  seat 


276  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

in  Congress,  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  but  the  supposition  that 
he  did  do  it  can  scarcely  be  reconciled  with  the  feeling  dis 
played  by  him  in  the  conflict  with  Baker,  or  the  persistency 
of  Hardin,  to  a  very  late  hour,  in  the  contest  of  1846. 

At  all  events,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Gen.  Hardin  were  the  two, 
and  the  only  two,  candidates  for  the  Whig  nomination  in 
1846.  The  contest  was  much  like  the  one  with  Baker,  and 
Lincoln  was  assailed  in  much  the  same  fashion.  He  was 
called  a  deist  and  an  infidel,  both  before  and  after  his  nomi 
nation,  and  encountered  in  a  less  degree  the  same  opposition 
from  the  members  of  certain  religious  bodies  that  had  met  him 
before.  But  with  Hardin  he  maintained  personal  relations 
the  most  friendly.  The  latter  proposed  to  alter  the  mode  of 
making  the  nomination  ;  and,  in  the  letter  conveying  this  desire 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  also  offered  to  stipulate  that  each  candidate 
should  remain  within  the  limits  of  his  own  county.  To  this 
Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "  As  to  your  proposed  stipulation  that 
all  the  candidates  shall  remain  in  their  own  counties,  and  re 
strain  their  friends  to  the  same,  it  seems  to  me,  that,  on  reflec 
tion,  you  will  see  the  fact  of  your  having  been  in  Congress 
has,  in  various  ways,  so  spread  your  name  in  the  district  as  to 
give  you  a  decided  advantage  in  such  a  stipulation.  I  appre 
ciate  your  desire  to  keep  down  excitement,  and  I  promise  you 
to  '  keep  cool '  under  the  circumstances." 

On  the  26th  of  February,  1846,  "  The  Journal "  contained 
Gen.  Hardin's  card  declining  to  be  "  longer  considered  a  can 
didate,"  and  in  its  editorial  comments  occurred  the  following : 
"  We  have  had,  and  now  have,  no  doubt  that  he  (Hardin) 
has  been,  and  now  is,  a  great  favorite  with  the  Whigs  of  the 
district.  He  states,  in  substance,  that  there  was  never  any 
understanding  on  his  part  that  his  name  was  not  to  be  pre 
sented  in  the  canvasses  of  1844  -and  1846.  This,  we  believe, 
is  strictly  true.  Still,  the  doings  of  the  Pekin  Convention 
did  seem  to  point  that  way ;  and  the  general's  voluntary  dec 
lination  as  to  the  canvass  of  1844  was  by  many  construed 
into  an  acquiescence  on  his  part.  These  things  had  led  many 
of  his  most  devoted  friends  to  not  expect  him  to  be  a  candi- 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLX.  277 

date  at  this  time.  Add  to  this  the  relation  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
bears,  and  has  borne,  to  the  party,  and  it  is  not  strange  that 
many  of  those  who  are  as  strongly  devoted  to  Gen.  Hardin 
as  they  are  to  Mr.  Lincoln  should  prefer  the  latter  at  this 
time.  We  do  not  entertain  a  doubt,  that,  if  AVC  could  reverse 
the  positions  of  the  two  men,  that  a  very  large  portion  of 
those  who  now  have  supported  Mr.  Lincoln  most  warmly 
would  have  supported  Gen.  Hardin  quite  as  warmly."  This 
article  was  admirably  calculated  to  soothe  Gen.  Hardin,  and 
to  win  over  his  friends.  It  was  wise  and  timely.  The  editor 
was  Mr.  Lincoln's  intimate  friend.  It  is  marked  by  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  style,  and  has  at  least  one  expression  which  was  pecu 
liar  to  him. 

In  its  issue  of  May  7,  "  The  Journal "  announced  the  nom 
ination  as  having  been  made  at  Petersburg,  on  the  Friday 
previous,  and  said  further,  "  This  nomination  was,  of  course, 
anticipated,  there  being  no  other  candidate  in  the  field.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  we  all  know,  is  a  good  Whig,  a  good  man,  an  able 
speaker,  and  richly  deserves,  as  he  enjoys,  the  confidence  of 
the  Whigs  of  this  district  and  of  the  State." 

Peter  Cartwright,  the  celebrated  pioneer  Methodist  preach 
er,  noted  for  his  piety  and  combativeness,  was  Mr.  Lincoln's 
competitor  before  the  people.  We  know  already  the  nature 
of  the  principal  charges  against  Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  charac 
ter;  and  these,  with  the  usual  criticism  upon  Whig  policy, 
formed  the  staple  topics  of  the  campaign  on  the  Democratic 
side.  But  Peter  himself  did  not  escape  with  that  impunity 
which  might  have  been  expected  in  the  case  of  a  minister  of 
the  gospel.  Rough  tongues  circulated  exaggerated  stories  of 
his  wicked  pugnacity  and  his  worldly-mindedness,  whilst  the 
pretended  servant  of  the  Prince  of  peace.  Many  Democrats 
looked  with  intense  disgust  upon  his  present  candidacy,  and 
believed,  that,  by  mingling  in  politics,  he  was  degrading  his 
officevand  polluting  the  Church.  One  of  these  Democrats  told 
Mr.  Lincoln  what  he  thought,  and  said,  that,  although  it  was 
a  hard  thing  to  vote  against  his  party,  he  would  do  it  if  it 
should  be  necessary  to  defeat  Cartwright.  Mr.  Lincoln  told 


278  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

him,  that  on  the  day  of  the  election  he  would  give  him  a 
candid  opinion  as  to  whether  the  vote  was  needed  or  not. 
Accordingly,  on  that  day,  he  called  upon  the  gentleman, 
and  said,  "  I  have  got  the  preacher,  .  .  .  and  don't  want 
your  vote." 

Clay's  majority  in  this  district  in  1844  had  been  but  nine 
hundred  and  fourteen ;  whereas  it  now  gave  Mr.  Lincoln  a 
majority  of  fifteen  hundred  and  eleven,  in  a  year  which  had 
no  Presidential  excitements  to  bring  out  electors.  In  1848 
Gen.  Tajdor's  majority  was  smaller  by  ten,  and  the  same  year 
the  Whig  candidate  for  Congress  was  defeated  by  a  hundred 
and  six. 

In  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Speed,  he  intimates  that  the 
first  sensations  of  pleasure  attending  his  new  distinction  were 
not  of  long  duration ;  at  least,  that  there  were  moments  in 
which,  if  he  did  not  forget  his  greatness,  it  afforded  him 
little  joy. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Oct.  22,  1846. 
DEAR  SPEED, — 

You  no  doubt  assign  the  suspension  of  our  correspondence  to  the  true 
philosophic  cause ;  though  it  must  be  confessed  by  both  of  us,  that  this  is 
rather  a  cold  reason  for  allowing  a  friendship  such  as  ours  to  die  out  by 
degrees.  I  propose  now,  that,  upon  receipt  of  this,  you  shall  be  considered 
in  my  debt,  and  under  obligations  to  pay  soon,  and  that  neither  shall  remain 
long  in  arrears  hereafter.  Are  you  agreed  ? 

Being  elected  to  Congress,  though  I  am  very  grateful  to  our  friends  for 
having  done  it,  has  not  pleased  me  as  much  as  I  expected. 

We  have  another  boy,  born  the  10th  of  March.  He  is  very  much  such  a 
child  as  Bob  was  at  his  age,  rather  of  a  longer  order.  Bob  is  "  short  and 
low,"  and  expect  always  will  be.  He  talks  very  plainly,  —  almost  as  plainly 
as  anybody.  He  is  quite  smart  enough.  I  sometimes  fear  he  is  one  of  the 
little  rare-ripe  sort,  that  are  smarter  at  about  five  than  ever  after.  He  has 
a  great  deal  of  that  sort  of  mischief  that  is  the  offspring  of  much  animal 
spirits.  Since  I  began  this  letter,  a  messenger  came  to  tell  me  Bob  was 
lost ;  but  by  the  time  I  reached  the  house  his  mother  had  found  him,  and  had 
him  whipped ;  and  by  now,  very  likely,  he  is  run  away  again.  Mary  has 
read  your  letter,  and  wishes  to  be  remembered  to  Mrs.  S.  and  you,  in  which 

I  most  sincerely  join  her.  . 

As  ever  yours, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  279 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress  Mr.  Lincoln  took 
his  seat,  and  went  about  the  business  of  his  office  with  a 
strong  determination  to  do  something  memorable.  He  was 
the  only  Whig  member  from  Illinois,  and  would  be  carefully 
watched.  His  colleagues  were  several  of  them  old  acquaint 
ances  of  the  Vandalia  times.  They  were  John  McClernand, 
O.  B.  Ficklin,  William  A.  Richardson,  Thomas  J.  Turner, 
Robert  Smith,  and  John  Wentworth  (Long  John).  And  at 
this  session  that  alert,  tireless,  ambitious  little  man,  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate. 

The  roll  of  this  House  shone  with  an  array  of  great  and 
brilliant  names.  Robert  C.  Winthrop  was  the  Speaker.  On 
the  Whig  side  were  John  Quincy  Adams,  Horace  Mann, 
Hunt  of  New  York,  Collamer  of  Vermont,  Ingersoll  of  Penn 
sylvania,  Botts  and  Goggin  of  Virginia,  Morehead  of  Ken 
tucky,  Caleb  B.  Smith  of  Indiana,  Stephens  and  Toombs 
of  Georgia,  Gentry  of  Tennessee,  and  Vinton  and  Schenck 
of  Ohio.  On  the  Democratic  side  were  Wilmot  of  Penn 
sylvania,  McLane  of  Maryland,  McDowell  of  Virginia,  Rhett 
of  South  Carolina,  Cobb  of  Georgia,  Boyd  of  Kentucky, 
Brown  and  Thompson  of  Mississippi,  and  Andrew  Johnson 
and  George  W.  Jones  of  Tennessee.  In  the  Senate  were 
Webster,  Calhoun,  Benton,  Berrien,  Clayton,  Bell,  Hunter, 
and  William  R.  King. 

The  House  organized  on  the  6th ;  and  the  day  previous  to 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  to  his  friend  and  partner,  William 

H.  Herndon  :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  5,  1847. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  You  may  remember  that  about  a  year  ago  a  man  by 
the  name  of  Wilson  (James  Wilson,  I  think)  paid  us  twenty  dollars  as  an 
advance  fee  to  attend  to  a  case  in  the  Supreme  Court  for  him,  against  a 
Mr.  Campbell,  the  record  of  which  case  was  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Dixon  of 
St.  Louis,  who  never  furnished  it  to  us.  When  I  was  at  Bloomington  last 
fall,  I  met  a  friend  of  Wilson,  who  mentioned  the  subject  to  me,  and  induced 
me  to  write  to  Wilson,  telling  him  that  I  would  leave  the  ten  dollars  with 
you  which  had  been  left  with  me  to  pay  for  making  abstracts  in  the  case,  so 
that  the  case  may  go  on  this  winter ;  but  I  came  away,  and  forgot  to  do  it. 
What  I  want  now  is  to  send  you  the  money  to  be  used  accordingly,  if  any 
one  comes  on  to  start  the  case,  or  to  be  retained  by  you  if  no  one  does. 


280  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

There  is  nothing  of  consequence  new  here.  Congress  is  to  organize 
to-morrow.  Last  night  we  held  a  Whig  caucus  for  the  House,  and  nominated 
Winthrop  of  Massachusetts  for  Speaker,  Sargent  of  Pennsylvania  for  Ser- 
geant-at-arms,  Homer  of  New  Jersey  Doorkeeper,  and  McCormick  of  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  Postmaster.  The  Whig  majority  in  the  House  is  so  small, 
that,  together  with  some  little  dissatisfaction,  leaves  it  doubtful  whether  we 
will  elect  them  all. 

This  paper  is  too  thick  to  fold,  which  is  the  reason  I  send  only  a  half- 
sheet. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Again  on  the  13th,  to  the  same  gentleman :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  13,  1847. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Your  letter  advising  me  of  the  receipt  of  our  fee  in 
the  bank-case  is  just  received,  and  I  don't  expect  to  hear  another  as  good  a 
piece  of  news  from  Springfield  while  I  am  away.  I  am  under  no  obligations 
to  the  bank ;  and  I  therefore  wish  you  to  buy  bank  certificates,  and  pay  my 
debt  there,  so  as  to  pay  it  with  the.  least  money  possible.  I  would  as  soon 
you  should  buy  them  of  Mr.  Ridgely,  or  any  other  person  at  the  bank,  as  of 
any  one  else,  provided  you  can  get  them  as  cheaply.  I  suppose,  after  the 
bank-debt  shall  be  paid,  there  will  be  some  money  left,  out  of  which  I  would 
like  to  have  you  pay  Lavely  and  Stout  twenty  dollars,  and  Priest  and  some 
body  (oil-makers)  ten  dollars,  for  materials  got  for  house-painting.  If  there 
shall  still  be  any  left,  keep  it  till  you  see  or  hear  from  me. 

I  shall  begin  sending  documents  so  soon  as  I  can  get  them.  I  wrote  you 
yesterday  about  a  "  Congressional  Globe."  As  you  are  all  so  anxious  for  me 
to  distinguish  myself,  I  have  concluded  to  do  so  before  long. 

Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Post- 
offices  and  Post-roads,  and  in  that  capacity  had  occasion  to 
study  the  claim  of  a  mail-contractor  who  had  appealed  to 
Congress  against  a  decision  of  the  Department.  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  a  speech  on  the  case,  in  which,  being  his  first,  he  evi 
dently  felt  some  pride,  and  reported  progress  to  his  friends  at 
home :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  8,  1 848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM, — Your  letter  of  Dec.  27  was  received  a  day  or  two 
ago.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken,  and  promise 
to  take,  in  my  little  business  there.  As  to  speech-making,  by  way  of  getting 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  281 

the  hang  of  the  House,  I  made  a  little  speech  two  or  three  days  ago,  on  a 
post-office  question  of  no  general  interest.  I  find  speaking  here  and  elsewhere 
about  the  same  thing.  I  was  about  as  badly  scared,  and  no  worse,  as  I  am 
when  I  speak  in  court.  I  expect  to  make  one  within  a  week  or  two,  in  which 
I  hope  to  succeed  well  enough  to  wish  you  to  see  it. 

It  is  very  pleasant  to  me  to  learn  from  you  that  there  are  some  who  desire 
that  I  should  be  re-elected.  I  most  heartily  thank  them  for  the  kind  par 
tiality  ;  and  I  can  say,  as  Mr.  Clay  said  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  that 
"personally  I  would  not  object "  to  a  re-election,  although  I  thought  at  the 
time,  and  still  think,  it  would  be  quite  as  well  for  me  to  return  to  the  law  at 
the  end  of  a  single  term.  I  made  the  declaration,  that  I  would  not  be  a  can 
didate  again,  more  from  a  wish  to  deal  fairly  with  others,  to  keep  peace  among 
our  friends,  and  to  keep  the  district  from  going  to  the  enemy,  than  for  any 
cause  personal  to  myself;  so  that,  if  it  should  so  happen  that  nobody  else 
wishes  to  be  elected,  1  could  not  refuse  the  people  the  right  of  sending  me 
again.  But  to  enter  myself  as  a  competitor  of  others,  or  to  authorize  any 
one  so  to  cuter  me,  is  what  my  word  and  honor  forbid. 

I  get  some  letters  intimating  a  probability  of  so  much  difficulty  amongst 
our  friends  as  to  lose  us  the  district ;  but  I  remember  such  letters  were  writ 
ten  to  Baker  when  my  own  case  was  under  consideration,  and  I  trust  there  is 
no  more  ground  for  such  apprehension  now  than  there  was  then. 

Remember  I  am  always  glad  to  receive  a  letter  from  you. 

Most  truly  your  friend, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


Thoroughly  hostile  to  Polk,  and  hotly  opposed  to  the  war, 
Mr.  Lincoln  took  an  active,  although  not  a  leading  part  in 
the  discussions  relating  to  the  commencement  and  conduct 
of  the  latter.  He  was  politician  enough,  however,  to  go  with 
the  majority  of  his  party  in  voting  supplies  to  the  troops,  and 
thanks  to  the  generals,  whilst  censuring  the  President  by  sol 
emnly  declaring  that  the  "  war  was  unnecessarily  and  uncon 
stitutionally  begun  by  the  President  of  the  United  States." 
But  his  position,  and  the  position  of  the  Whigs,  will  be  made 
sufficiently  apparent  by  the  productions  of  his  own  pen. 

On  the  22d  of  December,  1847,  Mr.  Lincoln  introduced  a 
preamble  and  resolutions,  which  attained  great  celebrity  in 
Illinois  under  the  title  of  "  Spot  Resolutions,"  and  in  all 
probability  lost  the  party  a  great  many  votes  in  the  Spring 
field  district.  They  were  as  follows  :  — 


282  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

WHEREAS,  The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  Message  of  May 
11,  1846,  has  declared  that  "the  Mexican  Government  not  only  refused  to 
receive  him  [the  envoy  of  the  United  States],  or  listen  to  his  propositions, 
but,  after  a  long-continued  series  of  menaces,  has  at  last  invaded  our  territory, 
and  shed  the  blood  of  our  fellow-citizens  on  our  own  soil ;  " 

And  again,  in  his  Message  of  Dec.  8,  1846,  that  "  we  had  ample  cause  of 
war  against  Mexico  long  before  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities ;  but  even 
then  we  forbore  to  take  redress  into  our  own  hands  until  Mexico  herself  be 
came  the  aggressor,  by  invading  our  soil  in  hostile  array,  and  shedding  the 
blood  of  our  citizens ;  " 

And  yet  again,  in  his  Message  of  Dec.  7,  1847,  that  "the  Mexican  Gov 
ernment  refused  even  to  hear  the  terms  of  adjustment  which  he  [our  minis 
ter  of  peace]  was  authorized  to  propose,  and  finally,  under  wholly  unjustifiable 
pretexts,  involved  the  two  countries  in  war,  by  invading  the  territory  of  the 
State  of  Texas,  striking  the  first  blow,  and  shedding  the  blood  of  our  citizens 
on  our  own  soil ; "  and, 

WHEREAS,  This  House  is  desirous  to  obtain  a  full  knowledge  of  all  the 
facts  which  go  to  establish  whether  the  particular  spot  on  which  the  blood  of 
our  citizens  was  so  shed  was  or  was  not  at  that  time  " our  own  soil;"  there 
fore, 

Resolved  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  respectfully  requested  to  inform  this  House,  — 

1st.  Whether  the  spot  on  which  the  blood  of  our  citizens  was  shed,  as  in 
his  Messages  declared,  was  or  was  not  within  the  territory  of  Spain,  at  least 
after  the  treaty  of  1819,  until  the  Mexican  revolution. 

2d.  Whether  that  spot  is  or  is  not  within  the  territory  which  was  wrested 
from  Spain  by  the  revolutionary  government  of  Mexico. 

3d.  Whether  that  spot  is  or  is  not  within  a  settlement  of  people,  which 
settlement  has  existed  ever  since  long  before  the  Texas  revolution,  and  until 
its  inhabitants  fled  before  the  approach  of  the  United  States  army. 

4th.  Whether  that  settlement  is  or  is  not  isolated  from  any  and  all  other 
settlements  by  the  Gulf  and  the  Rio  Grande  on  the  south  and  west,  and  by 
wide,  uninhabited  regions  on  the  north  and  east. 

5th.  Whether  the  people  of  that  settlement,  or  a  majority  of  them,  or  any 
of  them,  have  ever  submitted  themselves  to  the  government  or  laws  of  Texas 
or  of  the  United  States,  by  consent  or  by  compulsion,  either  by  accepting 
office,  or  voting  at  elections,  or  paying  tax,  or  serving  on  juries,  or  having 
process  served  upon  them,  or  in  any  other  way. 

6th.  Whether  the  people  of  that  settlement  did  or  did  not  flee  from  the 
approach  of  the  United  States  army,  leaving  unprotected  their  homes  and 
their  growing  crops,  before  the  blood  was  shed,  as  in  the  Messages  stated ; 
and  whether  the  first  blood,  so  shed,  was  or  was  not  shed  within  the  enclosure 
of  one  of  the  people  who  had  thus  fled  from  it. 

7th.   Whether  our  citizens,  whose  blood  was  shed,  as  in  his  Messages 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  283 

declared,  were  or  were  not  at  that  time  armed  officers  and  soldiers,  sent  into 
that  settlement  by  the  military  order  of  the  President,  through  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

8th.  Whether  the  military  force  of  the  United  States  was  or  was  not  so 
sent  into  that  settlement  after  Gen.  Taylor  had  more  than  once  intimated 
to  the  War  Department,  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  such  movement  was  neces 
sary  to  the  defence  or  protection  of  Texas. 

Mr.  Lincoln  improved  the  first  favorable  opportunity  (Jan. 
12,  1848),  to  address  the  House  in  the  spirit  of  the  "  Spot 
Resolutions." 

In  Committee  of  the  Whole  House,  Jan.  12,  1848. 

Mr.  Lincoln  addressed  the  Committee  as  follows  :  — 

MR.  CHAIRMAN,  —  Some,  if  not  at  all,  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  of  the  House,  who  have  addressed  the  Committee  within  the  last  two 
days,  have  spoken  rather  complainingly,  if  I  have  rightly  understood  them, 
of  the  vote  given  a  week  or  ten  days  ago,  declaring  that  the  war  with  Mexico 
was  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by  the  President.  1 
admit  that  such  a  vote  should  not  be  given  in  mere  party  wantonness,  and 
that  the  one  given  is  justly  censurable,  if  it  have  no  other  or  better  foun 
dation.  I  am  one  of  those  who  joined  in  that  vote,  and  did  so  under  my 
best  impression  of  the  truth  of  the  case.  How  I  got  this  impression,  and 
how  it  may  possibly  be  removed,  I  will  now  try  to  show.  When  the  war 
began,  it  was  my  opinion  that  all  those  who,  because  of  knowing  too  little, 
or  because  of  knowing  too  much,  could  not  conscientiously  approve  the 
conduct  of  the  President  (in  the  beginning  of  it),  should,  nevertheless,  as 
good  citizens  and  patriots,  remain  silent  on  that  point,  at  least  till  the  war 
should  be  ended.  Some  leading  Democrats,  including  ex-President  Van 
Buren,  have  taken  this  same  view,  as  I  understand  them  ;  and  I  adhered 
to  it,  and  acted  upon  it,  until  since  I  took  my  seat  here  ;  and  I  think  I  should 
still  adhere  to  it,  were  it  not  that  the  President  and  his  friends  will  not  allow 
it  to  be  so.  Besides  the  continual  effort  of  the  President  to  argue  every 
silent  vote  given  for  supplies  into  an  indorsement  of  the  justice  and  wisdom 
of  his  conduct  ;  besides  that  singularly  candid  paragraph  in  his  late  Mes 
sage,  in  which  he  tells  us  that  Congress,  with  great  unanimity  (only  two  in 
the  Senate  and  fourteen  in  the  House  dissenting),  had  declared  that"  by  the 
act  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico  a  state  of  war  exists  between  that  govern 
ment  and  the  United  States  ;  "  when  the  same  journals  that  informed  him 
of  this  also  informed  him,  that,  when  that  declaration  stood  disconnected 
from  the  question  of  supplies,  sixty-seven  in  the  House,  and  not  fourteen 

riy,  voted  against  it ;  besides  this  open  attempt  to  prove  by  telling  the 
« 


284  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

truth  what  he  could  not  prove  by  telling  the  whole  truth,  demanding  of  all 
who  will  not  submit  to  be  misrepresented,  in  justice  to  themselves,  to  speak 
out ;  besides  all  this,  one  of  my  colleagues  [Mr.  Richardson],  at  a  very  early 
day  in  the  session,  brought  in  a  set  of  resolutions  expressly  indorsing  the 
original  justice  of  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  President.  Upon  these  reso 
lutions,  when  they  shall  be  put  on  their  passage,  I  shall  be  compelled  to  vote  ; 
so  that  I  cannot  be  silent  if  I  would.  Seeing  this,  I  went  about  preparing 
myself  to  give  the  vote  understandingly  when  it  should  come.  I  carefully 
examined  the  President's  Messages,  to  ascertain  what  he  himself  had  said 
and  proved  upon  the  point.  The  result  of  this  examination  was  to  make 
the  impression,  that,  taking  for  true  all  the  President  states  as  facts,  he  fulls 
far  short  of  proving  his  justification  ;  and  that  the  President  would  have 
gone  further  with  his  proof,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  small  matter  that  the 
truth  would  not  permit  him.  Under  the  impression  thus  made,  I  gave  the 
vote  before  mentioned.  I  propose  now  to  give  concisely  the  process  of 
the  examination  I  made,  and  how  I  reached  the  conclusion  I  did. 

The  President,  in  his  first  Message  of  May,  1846,  declares  that  the  soil 
was  ours  on  which  hostilities  were  commenced  by  Mexico ;  and  he  repeats 
that  declaration,  almost  in  the  same  language,  in  each  successive  annual 
Message,  —  thus  showing  that  he  esteems  that  point  a  highly  essential  one. 
In  the  importance  of  that  point  I  entirely  agree  with  the  President.  To 
my  judgment,  it  is  the  vary  point  upon  which  he  should  be  justified  or  con 
demned.  In  his  Message  of  December,  1846,  it  seems  to  have  occurred  to 
him,  as  is  certainly  true,  that  title,  ownership  to  soil,  or  any  thing  else,  is  not 
a  simple  fact,  but  is  a  conclusion  following  one  or  more  simple  facts ;  and 
that  it  was  incumbent  upon  him  to  present  the  facts  from  which  he  concluded 
the  soil  was  ours  on  which  the  first  blood  of  the  war  was  shed. 

Accordingly,  a  little  below  the  middle  of  page  twelve,  in  the  Message 
last  referred  to,  he  enters  upon  that  task;  forming  an  issue  and  introducing 
testimony,  extending  the  whole  to  a  little  below  the  middle  of  page  fourteen. 
Now,  I  propose  to  try  to  show  that  the  whole  of  this,  issue  and  evidence, 
is,  from  beginning  to  end,  the  sheerest  deception.  The  issue,  as  he  pre 
sents  it,  is  in  these  words  :  "  But  there  are  those  who,  conceding  all  this  to 
be  true,  assume  the  ground  that  the  true  western  boundary  of  Texas  is  the 
Nueces,  instead  of  the  Rio  Grande ;  and  that,  therefore,  in  marching  our 
army  to  the  east  bank  of  the  latter  river,  we  passed  the  Texan  line,  and  in 
vaded  the  Territory  of  Mexico."  Now,  this  issue  is  made  up  of  two  affirm 
atives,  and  no  negative.  The  main  deception  of  it  is,  that  it  assumes  as 
true,  that  one  river  or  the  oilier  is  necessarily  the  boundary,  and  cheats  the 
superficial  thinker  entirely  out  of  the  idea  that  possibly  the  boundary  is 
somewhere  between  the  two,  and  not  actually  at  either.  A  further  deception 
is,  that  it  will  let  in  evidence  which  a  true  issue  would  exclude.  A  true 
issue  made  by  the  President  would  be  about  as  follows  :  "  I  say  the  soil  was 
ours  on  which  the  first  blood  was  shed ;  there  are  those  who  say  it  was  not/' 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  285 

I  now  proceed  to  examine  the  President's  evidence,  as  applicable  to  such 
an  issue.  When  that  evidence  is  analyzed,  it  is  all  included  in  the  following 
propositions :  — 

1.  That  the  Rio  Grande  was  the  western  boundary  of  Louisiana,  as  we 
purchased  it  of  France  in  1803. 

2.  That  the  Republic  of  Texas  always  claimed  the  Rio  Grande  as  her 
western  boundary. 

3.  That,  by  various  acts,  she  had  claimed  it  on  paper, 

4.  That    Santa   Anna,  in   his   treaty  with   Texas,   recognized   the   Rio 
Grande  as  her  boundary. 

5.  That  Texas  before,  and  the  United  States  after  annexation,  had  exer 
cised  jurisdiction  beyond  the  Nueces,  between  the  two  rivers. 

6.  That  our  Congress  understood  the  boundary  of  Texas  to  extend  beyond 
the  Nueces. 

Now  for  each  of  these  in  its  turn  :  — 

His  first  item  is,  that  the  Rio  Grande  was  the  western  boundary  of  Loui 
siana,  as  we  purchased  it  of  France  in  1803;  and,  seeming  to  expect  this 
to  be  disputed,  he  argues  over  the  amount  of  nearly  a  page  to  prove  it  true  ; 
at  the  end  of  which,  he  lets  us  know,  that,  by  the  treaty  of  1819,  we  sold  to 
Spain  the  whole  country,  from  the  Rio  Grande  eastward  to  the  Sabine. 
Now,  admitting  for  the  present,  that  the  Rio  Grande  was  the  boundary  of 
Louisiana,  what,  under  Heaven,  had  that  to  do  with  the  present  boundary 
between  us  and  Mexico  ?  How,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  line  that  once  divided 
your  land  from  mine  can  still  be  the  boundary  between  us  after  I  have  sold 
my  land  to  you,  is,  to  me,  beyond  all  comprehension.  And  how  any  man, 
with  an  honest  purpose  only  of  proving  the  truth,  could  ever  have  thought 
of  introducing  such  a  fact  to  prove  such  an  issue,  is  equally  incomprehen 
sible.  The  outrage  upon  common  right,  of  seizing  as  our  own  what  we  have 
once  sold,  merely  because  it  was  ours  before  we  sold  it,  is  only  equalled  by 
the  outrage  on  common  sense  of  any  attempt  to  justify  it. 

The  President's  next  piece  of  evidence  is,  that  "  The  Republic  of  Texas 
always  claimed  this  river  (Rio  Grande)  as  her  western  boundary."  That  is 
not  true,  in  fact.  Texas  has  claimed  it,  but  she  has  not  always  claimed  it. 
There  is,  at  least,  one  distinguished  exception.  Her  State  Constitution  — 
the  public's  most  solemn  and  well-considered  act,  that  which  may,  without 
impropriety,  be  called  her  last  will  and  testament,  revoking  all  others  — 
makes  no  such  claim.  But  suppose  she  had  always  claimed  it.  Has  not 
Mexico  always  claimed  the  contrary  ?  So  that  there  is  but  claim  against 
claim,  leaving  nothing  proved  until  we  get  back  of  the  claims,  and  find 
which  has  the  better  foundation. 

Though  not  in  the  order  in  which  the  President  presents  his  evidence,  I 
now  consider  that  class  of  his  statements  which  are,  in  substance,  nothing 
more  than  that  Texas  has,  by  various  acts  of  her  Convention  and  Congress, 
claimed  the  Rio  Grande  as  her  boundary  —  on  paper.  I  mean  here  what 


286  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

he  says  about  the  fixing  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  her  boundary  in  her  old  con 
stitution  (not  her  State  Constitution),  about  forming  congressional  districts, 
counties,  &c.  Now,  all  this  is  but  naked  claim  ;  and  what  I  have  already  said 
about  claims  is  strictly  applicable  to  this.  If  I  should  claim  your  land  by 
word  of  mouth,  that  certainly  would  not  make  it  mine  ;  and  if  I  were  to 
claim  it  by  a  deed  which  I  had  made  myself,  and  with  which  you  had 
nothing  to  do,  the  claim  would  be  quite  the  same  in  substance,  or  rather  in 
utter  nothingness. 

I  next  consider  the  President's  statement  that  Santa  Anna,  in  his  treaty 
with  Texas,  recognized  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  western  boundary  of  Texas. 
Besides  the  position  so  often  taken  that  Santa  Anna,  while  a  prisoner  of 
war,  a  captive,  could  not  bind  Mexico  by  a  treaty,  which  I  deem  con 
clusive,  —  besides  this,  I  wish  to  say  something  in  relation  to  this  treaty,  so 
called  by  the  President,  with  Santa  Anna.  If  any  man  would  like  to  be 
amused  by  a  sight  at  that  little  thing,  which  the  President  calls  by  that  big 
name,  he  can  have  it  by  turning  to  "  Niles's  Register,"  vol.  1.  p.  336. 
And  if  any  one  should  suppose  that  "  Niles's  Register  "  is  a  curious  reposi 
tory  of  so  mighty  a  document  as  a  solemn  treaty  between  nations,  I  can 
only  say  that  I  learned,  to  a  tolerable  degree  of  certainty,  by  inquiry  at  the 
State  Department,  that  the  President  himself  never  saw  it  anywhere  else. 
By  the  way,  I  believe  I  should  not  err  if  I  were  to  declare,  that,  during  the 
first  ten  years  of  the  existence  of  that  document,  it  was  never  by  anybody 
called  a  treaty ;  that  it  was  never  so  called  till  the  President,  in  his  ex 
tremity,  attempted,  by  so  calling  it,  to  wring  something  from  it  in  justification 
of  himself  in  connection  with  the  Mexican  war.  It  has  none  of  the  dis 
tinguishing  features  of  a  treaty.  It  does  not  call  itself  a  treaty.  Santa 
Anna  does  not  therein  assume  to  bind  Mexico  :  he  assumes  only  to  act  as 
president,  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mexican  army  and  navy ;  stipulates 
that  the  then  present  hostilities  should  cease,  and  that  he  would  not  himself 
take  up  arms,  nor  influence  the  Mexican  people  to  take  up  arms,  against 
Texas  during  the  existence  of  the  war  of  independence.  He  did  not  rec 
ognize  the  independence  of  Texas  ;  he  did  not  assume  to  put  an  end  to  the 
war,  but  clearly  indicated  his  expectation  of  its  continuance  ;  he  did  not 
say  one  word  about  boundary,  and  most  probably  never  thought  of  it.  It  is 
stipulated  therein  that  the  Mexican  forces  should  evacuate  the  Territory  of 
Texas,  passing  to  the  other  side  of  the  Rio  Grande;  and  in  another  article  it 
is  stipulated,  that,  to  prevent  collisions  between  the  armies,  the  Texan  army 
should  not  approach  nearer  than  within  five  leagues,  —  of  what  is  not  said ; 
but  clearly,  from  the  object  stated,  it  is  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Now,  if  this 
is  a  treaty  recognizing  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boundary  of  Texas,  it  con 
tains  the  singular  feature  of  stipulating  that  Texas  shall  not  go  within  five 
leagues  of  her  own  boundary. 

Next  comes  the  evidence  of  Texas  before  annexation,  and  the  United 
States  afterwards,  exercising  jurisdiction  beyond  the  Nueces,  and  between 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  287 

the  two  rivers.  This  actual  exercise  of  jurisdiction  is  the  very  class  or 
quality  of  evidence  we  want.  It  is  excellent  so  far  as  it  goes  ;  but  does  it 
go  far  enough  ?  He  tells  us  it  went  beyond  the  Nueces  ;  but  he  does  not  tell 
us  it  went  to  the  Rio  Grande.  He  tells  us  jurisdiction  was  exercised 
between  Vhe  two  rivers ;  but  he  does  not  tell  us  it  was  exercised  over  all  the 
territory  between  them.  Some  simple-minded  people  think  it  possible  to 
cross  one  river  and  go  beyond  it,  without  going  all  the  way  to  the  next ; 
that  jurisdiction  may  be  exercised  between  two  rivers  without  covering  all 
the  country  between  them.  I  know  a  man,  not  very  unlike  myself,  who 
exercises  jurisdiction  over  a  piece  of  land  between  the  Wabash  and  the  Mis 
sissippi  ;  and  yet  so  far  is  this  from  being  all  there  is  between  those  rivers, 
that  it  is  just  a  hundred  and  fifty-two  feet  long  by  fifty  wide,  and  no  part 
of  it  much  within  a  hundred  miles  of  either.  He  has  a  neighbor  between 
him  and  the  Mississippi,  —  that  is,  just  across  the  street,  in  that  direction,  — 
whom,  I  am  sure,  he  could  neither  persuade  nor  force  to  give  up  his  habita 
tion  ;  but  which,  nevertheless,  he  could  certainly  annex,  if  it  were  to  be 
done  by  merely  standing  on  his  own  side  of  the  street  and  claiming  it,  or 
even  sitting  down  and  writing  a  deed  for  it. 

But  next,  the  President  tells  us,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  under 
stood  the  State  of  Texas  they  admitted  into  the  Union  to  extend  beyond  the 
Nueces.  Well,  I  suppose  they  did,  —  I  certainly  so  understand  it,  —  but 
how/ar  beyond  ?  That  Congress  did  not  understand  it  to  extend  clear  to 
the  Rio  Grande,  is  quite  certain  by  the  fact  of  their  joint  resolutions  for 
admission,  expressly  leaving  all  questions  of  boundary  to  future  adjustment. 
And  it  may  be  added,  that  Texas  herself  is  proved  to  have  had  the  same 
understanding  of  it  that  our  Congress  had,  by  the  fact  of  the  exact  con 
formity  of  her  new  Constitution  to  those  resolutions. 

I  am  now  through  the  whole  of  the  President's  evidence ;  and  it  is  a 
singular  fact,  that,  if  any  one  should  declare  the  President  sent  the  army 
into  the  midst  of  a  settlement  of  Mexican  people,  who  had  never  submitted, 
by  consent  or  by  force,  to  the  authority  of  Texas  or  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  there,  and  thereby,  the  first  blood  of  the  war  was  shed,  there  is  not 
one  word  in  all  the  President  has  said  which  would  either  admit  or  deny 
the  declaration.  In  this  strange  omission  chiefly  consists  the  deception  of 
the  President's  evidence,  —  an  omission  which,  it  docs  seem  to  me,  could 
scarcely  have  occurred  but  by  design.  My  way  of  living  leads  me  to  be 
about  the  courts  of  justice  ;  and  there  I  have  sometimes  seen  a  good  lawyer, 
struggling  for  his  client's  neck  in  a  desperate  case,  employing  every  artifice 
to  work  round,  befog,  and  cover  up  with  many  words,  some  position  pressed 
upon  him  by  the  prosecution,  which  he  dared  not  admit,  and  yet  could  not 
deny.  Party  bias  may  help  to  make  it  appear  so ;  but,  with  all  the  allowance 
I  can  make  for  such  bias,  it  still  does  appear  to  me  that  just  such,  and  from 
just  such  necessity,  are  the  President's  struggles  in  this  case. 

Some  time  after  my  colleague  (Mr.  Richardson)  introduced  the  resolutions 


288  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

I  have  mentioned,  I  introduced  a  preamble,  resolution,  and  interrogatories, 
intended  to  draw  the  President  out,  if  possible,  on  this  hitherto  untrodden 
ground.  To  show  their  relevancy,  I  propose  to  state  my  understanding  of 
the  true  rule  for  ascertaining  the  boundary  between  Texas  and  Mexico.  It 
is,  that,  wherever  Texas  was  exercising  jurisdiction  was  hers  ;  and  wherever 
Mexico  was  exercising  jurisdiction  was  hers;  and  that  whatever  separated 
the  actual  exercise  of  jurisdiction  of  the  one  from  that  of  the  other  was 
the  true  boundary  between  them.  If,  as  is  probably  true,  Texas  was  exer 
cising  jurisdiction  along  the  western  bank  of  the  Nueces,  and  Mexico  was 
exercising  it  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  then  neither  river 
was  the  boundary,  but  the  uninhabited  country  between  the  two  was.  The 
extent  of  our  territory  in  that  region  depended,  not  on  any  treaty-fixed  boun 
dary  (for  no  treaty  had  attempted  it),  but  on  revolution.  Any  people  any 
where,  being  inclined  and  having  the  power,  have  the  right  to  rise  up  and 
shake  off  the  existing  government,  and  form  a  new  one  that  suits  them 
better.  This  is  a  most  valuable,  a  most  sacred  right,  —  a  right  which,  we 
hope  and  believe,  is  to  liberate  the  world.  Nor  is  this  right  confined  to 
cases  in  which  the  whole  people  of  an  existing  government  may  choose 
to  exercise  it.  Any  portion  of  such  people  that  can  may  revolutionize,  and 
make  their  own  of  so  much  of  the  territory  as  they  inhabit.  More  than  this? 
a  majority  of  any  portion  of  such  people  may  revolutionize,  putting  down  a 
minority,  intermingled  with  or  near  about  them,  who  may  oppose  their 
movements.  Such  minority  was  precisely  the  case  of  the  Tories  of  our  own 
Revolution.  It  is  a  quality  of  revolutions  not  to  go  by  old  lines  or  old 
laws,  but  to  break  up  both,  and  make  new  ones.  As  to  the  country  now 
in  question,  we  bought  it  of  France  in  1803,  and  sold  it  to  Spain  in  1819, 
according  to  the  President's  statement.  After  this,  all  Mexico,  including 
Texas,  revolutionized  against  Spain  ;  and,  still  later,  Texas  revolutionized 
against  Mexico.  In  my  view,  just  so  far  as  she  carried  her  revolution,  by 
obtaining  the  actual,  willing  or  unwilling,  submission  of  the  people,  so  far 
the  country  was  hers,  and  no  farther. 

Now,  sir,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  very  best  evidence  as  to  whether 
Texas  had  actually  carried  her  revolution  to  the  place  where  the  hostilities 
of  the  present  war  commenced,  let  the  President  answer  the  interrogatories 
I  proposed,  as  before  mentioned,  or  some  other  similar  ones.  Let  him 
answer  fully,  fairly,  and  candidly.  Let  him  answer  with  facts,  and  not 
with  arguments.  Let  him  remember  he  sits  where  Washington  sat ;  and, 
so  remembering,  let  him  answer  as  Washington  would  answer.  As  a  nation 
should  not,  and  the  Almighty  will  not,  be  evaded,  so  let  him  attempt  no 
evasion,  no  equivocation.  And  if,  so  answering,  he  can  show  that  the  soil 
was  ours  where  the  first  blood  of  the  war  was  shed ;  that  it  was  not  within 
an  inhabited  country,  or,  if  within  such,  that  the  inhabitants  had  submitted 
themselves  to  the  civil  authority  of  Texas,  or  of  the  United  States,  and  that 
the  same  is  true  of  the  site  of  Fort  Brown,  then  I  am  with  him  for  his 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  289 

justification.  In  that  case,  I  shall  be  most  happy  to  reverse  the  vote  I  gave 
the  other  day.  I  have  a  selfish  motive  for  desiring  that  the  President  may 
do  this :  I  expect  to  give  some  votes,  in  connection  with  the  war,  which, 
without  his  so  doing,  will  be  of  doubtful  propriety,  in  my  own  judgment, 
but  which  will  be  free  from  the  doubt  if  he  does  so.  But  if  he  cannot  or 
will  not  do  this,  —  if,  on  any  pretence,  or  no  pretence,  he  shall  refuse  or  omit 
it,  —  then  I  shall  be  fully  convinced  of  what  I  more  than  suspect  already,  — j 
that  he  is  deeply  conscious  of  being  in  the  wrong ;  that  he  feels  the  blood 
of  this  war,  like  the  blood  of  Abel,  is  crying  to  Heaven  against  him ;  that 
he  ordered  Gen.  Taylor  into  the  midst  of  a  peaceful  Mexican  settlement, 
purposely  to  bring  on  a  war  ;  that,  originally  having  some  strong  motive  — • 
what  I  will  not  stop  now  to  give  my  opinion  concerning  —  to  involve  the 
two  countries  in  a  war,  and  trusting  to  escape  scrutiny  by  fixing  the  public 
gaze  upon  the  exceeding  brightness  of  military  glory,  —  that  attractive  rain 
bow  that  rises  in  showers  of  blood,  that  serpent'3  eye  that  charms  to 
destroy,  — he  plunged  into  it,  and  has  swept  on  and  on,  till,  disappointed  in 
his  calculation  of  the  ease  with  which  Mexico  might  be  subdued,  he  now 
finds  himself  he  knows  not  where.  How  like  the  half-insane  mumbling  of  a 
fever-dream  is  the  whole  war  part  of  the  late  Message  1  At  one  time  telling  us 
that  Mexico  has  nothing  whatever  that  we  can  get  but  territory  ;  at  another, 
showing  us  how  we  can  support  the  war  by  levying  contributions  on  Mexico. 
At  one  time  urging  the  national  honor,  the  security  of  the  future,  the  pre 
vention  of  foreign  interference,  and  even  the  good  of  Mexico  herself,  as 
among  the  objects  of  the  war ;  at  another,  telling  us  that,  "  to  reject  indem 
nity  by  refusing  to  accept  a  cession  of  territory,  would  be  to  abandon  all 
our  just  demands,  and  to  wage  the  war,  bearing  all  its  expenses,  without 
a  purpose  or  definite  object."  So,  then,  the  national  honor,  security  of  the 
future,  and  every  thing  but  territorial  indemnity,  may  be  considered  the  no 
purposes  and  indefinite  objects  of  the  war  1  But  having  it  now  settled  that 
territorial  indemnity  is  the  only  object,  we  are  urged  to  seize,  by  legislation 
here,  all  that  he  was  content  to  take  a  few  months  ago,  and  the  whole 
province  of  Lower  California  to  boot,  and  to  still  carry  on  the  war,  —  to  take 
all  we  are  fighting  for,  and  still  fight  on.  Again,  the  President  is  resolved, 
under  all  circumstances,  to  have  full  territorial  indemnity  for  the  expenses  of 
the  war  ;  but  he  forgets  to  tell  us  how  we  are  to  get  the  excess  after  those 
expenses  shall  have  surpassed  the  value  of  the  whole  of  the  Mexican  ter 
ritory.  So,  again,  he  insists  that  the  separate  national  existence  of  Mexico 
shall  be  maintained  ;  but  he  does  not  tell  us  how  this  can  be  done  after  we 
shall  have  taken  all  her  territory.  Lest  the  questions  I  here  suggest  be  con 
sidered  speculative  merely,  let  me  be  indulged  a  moment  in  trying  to  show 
they  are  not. 

The  war  has  gone  on  some  twenty  months  ;  for  the  expenses  of  which, 
together  with  an  inconsiderable  old  score,  the  President  now  claims  about 
one-half  of  the  Mexican  territory,  and  that  by  far  the  better  half,  so  far  as 
19 


290  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

concerns  our  ability  to  make  any  thing  out  of  it.  It  is  comparatively  unin 
habited  ;  so  that  we  could  establish  land-offices  in  it,  and  raise  some  money 
in  that  way.  But  the  other  half  is  already  inhabited,  as  I  understand  it, 
tolerably  densely  for  the  nature  of  the  country  ;  and  all  its  lands,  or  all  that 
are  valuable,  already  appropriated  as  private  property.  How,  then,  are  we 
to  make  any  thing  out  of  these  lands  with  this  encumbrance  on  them,  or 
how  remove  the  encumbrance  ?  I  suppose  no  one  will  say  we  should  kill 
the  people,  or  drive  them  out,  or  make  slaves  of  them,  or  even  confiscate 
their  property  V  How,  then,  can  we  make  much  out  of  this  part  of  the  ter 
ritory  ?  If  the  prosecution  of  the  war  has,  in  expenses,  already  equalled 
the  better  half  of  the  country,  how  long  its  future  prosecution  will  be  in 
equalling  the  less  valuable  half  is  not  a  speculative  but  a  practical  question, 
pressing  closely  upon  us  ;  and  yet  it  is  a  question  which  the  President  seems 
never  to  have  thought  of. 

As  to  the  mode  of  terminating  the  war  and  securing  peace,  the  President 
is  equally  wandering  and  indefinite.  First,  it  is  to  be  done  by  a  more  vigor 
ous  prosecution  of  the  war  in  the  vital  parts  of  the  enemy's  country ;  and, 
after  apparently  talking  himself  tired  on  this  point,  the  President  drops 
down  into  a  half-despairing  tone,  and  tells  us,  that  "  with  a  people  distracted 
and  divided  by  contending  factions,  and  a  government  subject  to  constant 
changes,  by  successive  revolutions,  the  continued  success  of  our  arms  may  fail 
to  obtain  a  satisfactory  peace"  Then  he  suggests  the  propriety  of  wheedling 
the  Mexican  people  to  desert  the  counsels  of  their  own  leaders,  and,  trusting 
in  our  protection,  to  set  up  a  government  from  which  we  can  secure  a  satis 
factory  peace,  telling  us  that,  "  this  may  become  the  only  mode  of  obtaining  such 
a  peace."  But  soon  he  falls  into  doubt  of  this,  too,  and  then  drops  back  on 
to  the  already  half-abandoned  ground  of  "more  vigorous  prosecution."  All 
this  shows  that  the  President  is  in  no  wise  satisfied  with  his  own  positions. 
First,  he  takes  up  one,  and,  in  attempting  to  argue  us  into  it,  he  argues 
himself  out  of  it ;  then  seizes  another,  and  goes  through  the  same  process ; 
and  then,  confused  at  being  able  to  think  of  nothing  new,  he  snatches  up 
the  old  one  again,  which  he  has  some  time  before  cast  off.  His  mind,  tasked 
beyond  its  power,  is  running  hither  and  thither,  like  some  tortured  creature 
on  a  burning  surface,  finding  no  position  on  which  it  can  settle  down  and  be 
at  ease. 

Again,  it  is  a  singular  omission  in  this  Message,  that  it  nowhere  intimates 
when  the  President  expects  the  war  to  terminate.  At  its  beginning,  Gen. 
Scott  was,  by  this  same  President,  driven  into  disfavor,  if  not  disgrace,  for 
intimating  that  peace  could  not  be  conquered  in  less  than  three  or  four 
months.  But  now  at  the  end  of  about  twenty  months,  during  which  time 
our  arms  have  given  us  the  most  splendid  successes,  —  every  department, 
and  every  part,  land  and  water,  officers  and  privates,  regulars  and  volun 
teers,  doing  all  that  men  could  do,  and  hundreds  of  things  which  it  had  ever 
before  been  thought  that  men  could  not  do,  —  after  all  this,  this  same  Presi- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  291 

dent  gives  us  a  long  Message  without  showing  us  that,  as  to  the  end,  he  has 
himself  even  an  imaginary  conception.  As  I  have  before  said,  he  knows 
not  where  he  is.  He  is  a  bewildered,  confounded,  and  miserably  perplexed 
man.  God  grant  he  may  be  able  to  show  that  there  is  not  something  about 
his  conscience  more  painful  than  all  his  mental  perplexity. 

This  speech  he  hastened  to  send  home  as  soon  as  it  was 
printed ;  for,  while  throughout  he  trod  on  unquestionable 
Whig  ground,  he  had  excellent  reasons  to  fear  the  result. 
The  following  is  the  first  letter  to  Mr.  Herndon  after  the 
delivery  of  the  speech,  and  notifying  him  of  the  fact :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Jan.  19,  1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Enclosed  you  find  a  letter  of  Louis  W.  Candler. 
What  is  wanted  is,  that  you  shall  ascertain  whether  the  claim  upon  the  note 
described  has  received  any  dividend  in  the  Probate  Court  of  Christian 
County,  where  the  estate  of  Mr.  Overton  Williams  has  been  administered 
on.  If  nothing  is  paid  on  it,  withdraw  the  note  and  send  it  to  me,  so  that 
Candler  can  see  the  indorser  of  it.  At  all  events,  write  me  all  about  it,  till 
I  can  somehow  get  it  off  hands.  I  have  already  been  bored  more  than 
enough  about  it ;  not  the  least  of  which  annoyance  is  his  cursed,  unread 
able,  and  ungodly  handwriting. 

I  have  made  a  speech,  a  copy  of  which  I  will  send  you  by  next  mail. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

About  the  last  of  January,  or  the  first  of  February,  he 
began  to  hear  the  first  murmurs  of  alarm  and  dissatisfaction 
from  his  district.  He  was  now  on  the  defensive,  and  com 
pelled  to  write  long  and  tedious  letters  to  pacify  some  of  the 
Whigs.  Of  this  character  are  two  extremely  interesting 
epistles  to  Mr.  Herndon  :  — 

"WASHINGTON,  Feb.  1,  1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  — Your  letter  of  the  19th  ult.  was  received  last  night, 
and  for  which  I  am  much  obliged.  The  only  thing  in  it  that  I  wish  to  talk 
to  you  about  at  once  is,  that,  because  of  my  vote  for  Ashmun's  amendment, 
you  fear  that  you  and  I  disagree  about  the  war.  I  regret  this,  not  because 
of  any  fear  we  shall  remain  disagreed  after  you  have  read  this  Ltter,  but 
because  if  you  misunderstand,  I  fear  other  good  friends  may  also.  That  vote 
affirms,  that  the  war  was  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced 
by  the  President;  and  I  will  stake  my  life,  that,  if  you  had  been  in  my  place, 
you  would  have  voted  just  as  I  did.  Would  you  have  voted  what  you  felt 


292  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  knew  to  be  a  lie  ?  I  know  you  would  not.  "Would  you  have  gone  out 
of  the  House,  —  skulked  the  vote  ?  I  expect  not.  If  you  had  skulked  one 
vote,  you  would  have  had  to  skulk  many  more  before  the  end  of  the  session. 
Richardson's  resolutions,  introduced  before  I  made  any  move,  or  gave  any 
vote  upon  the  subject,  make  the  direct  question  of  the  justice  of  the  war ;  so 
that  no  man  can  be  silent  if  he  would.  You  are  compelled  to  speak ;  and 
your  only  alternative  is  to  tell  the  truth  or  tell  a  lie.  I  cannot  doubt  which 
you  would  do. 

This  vote  has  nothing  to  do  in  determining  my  votes  on  the  questions  of 
supplies.  I  have  always  intended,  and  still  intend,  to  vote  supplies  ;  perhaps 
not  in  the  precise  form  recommended  by  the  President,  but  in  a  better  form 
for  all  purposes,  except  Locofoco  party  purposes.  It  is  in  this  particular  you 
seem  mistaken.  The  Locos  are  untiring  in  their  efforts  to  make  the  impres 
sion  that  all  who  vote  supplies,  or  take  part  in  the  war,  do,  of  necessity,  ap 
prove  the  President's  conduct  in  the  beginning  of  it ;  but  the  Whigs  have, 
from  the  beginning,  made  and  kept  the  distinction  between  the  two.  In  the 
very  first  act  nearly  all  the  Whigs  voted  against  the  preamble  declaring  that 
war  existed  by  the  act  of  Mexico  ;  and  yet  nearly  all  of  them  voted  for  the 
supplies.  As  to  the  Whig  men  who  have  participated  in  the  war,  so  far  as 
they  have  spoken  to  my  hearing,  they  do  not  hesitate  to  denounce  as  unjust 
the  President's  conduct  in  the  beginning  of  the  war.  They  do  not  suppose 
that  such  denunciation  is  directed  by  undying  hatred  to  them,  a?  "  The 
Register"  would  have  it  believed.  There  are  two  such  Whigs  on  this  floor 
(Col.  Haskell  and  Major  James).  The  former  fought  as  a  colonel  by  the  side 
of  Col.  Baker,  at  Cerro  Gordo,  and  stands  side  by  side  with  me  in  the  vote 
that  you  seem  dissatisfied  with.  The  latter,  the  history  of  whose  capture  with 
Cassius  Clay  you  well  know,  had  not  arrived  here  when  that  vote  was  given ; 
but,  as  I  understand,  he  stands  ready  to  give  just  such  a  vote  whenever  an 
occasion  shall  present.  Baker,  too,  who  is  now  here,  says  the  truth  is  un 
doubtedly  that  way  ;  and,  whenever  he  shall  speak  out,  he  will  say  so.  Col. 
Donaphin,  too,  the  favorite  Whig  of  Missouri,  and  who  overrun  all  Northern 
Mexico,  on  his  return  home,  in  a  public  speech  at  St.  Louis,  condemned  the 
administration  in  relation  to  the  war,  if  I  remember.  G.  T.  M.  Davis,  who 
has  been  through  almost  the  whole  war,  declares  in  favor  of  Mr.  Clay ;  from 
which  I  infer  that  he  adopts  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Clay,  generally  at  least. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  have  heard  of  but  one  Whig  who  has  been  to  the  war 
attempting  to  justify  the  President's  conduct.  That  one  was  Capt.  Bishop; 
editor  of  "  The  Charleston  Courier,"  and  a  very  clever  fellow.  I  do  not 
mean  this  letter  for  the  public,  but  for  you.  Before  it  reaches  you,  you  will 
have  seen  and  read  my  pamphlet  speech,  and,  perhaps,  scared  anew  by  it. 
After  you  get  over  your  scare,  read  it  over  again,  sentence  by  sentence,  and 
tell  me  honestly  what  you  think  of  it.  I  condensed  all  I  could  for  fear  of 
being  cut  off  by  the  hour  rule ;  and,  when  I  got  through,  I  had  spoken  but 
forty-five  minutes.  Yours  forever, 

A.   LlNCOLX. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  293 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  15,  1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Your  letter  of  the  29th  January  was  received  last 
night.  Being  exclusively  a  constitutional  argument,  I  wish  to  submit  some 
reflections  upon  it  in  the  same  spirit  of  kindness  that  I  know  actuates  you. 
Let  me  first  state  what  I  understand  to  be  your  position.  It  is,  that,  if  it 
shall  become  necessary  to  repel  invasion,  the  President  may,  without  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  cross  the  line,  and  invade  the  territory  of  another  coun 
try  ;  and  that  whether  such  necessity  exists  in  any  given  case,  the  President 
is  the  sole  judge. 

Before  going  farther,  consider  well  whether  this  is,  or  is  not,  your  position. 
If  it  is,  it  is  a  position  that  neither  the  President  himself,  nor  any  friend  of 
his,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  ever  taken.  Their  only  positions  are,  first,  that 
the  soil  was  ours  where  the  hostilities  commenced  ;  and  second,  that,  whether 
it  was  rightfully  ours  or  not,  Congress  had  annexed  it,  and  the  President,  for 
that  reason,  was  bound  to  defend  it,  both  of  which  are  as  clearly  proved  to 
be  false  in  fact  as  you  can  prove  that  your  house  is  mine.  That  soil  was 
not  ours  ;  and  Congress  did  not  annex,  or  attempt  to  annex  it.  But  to  re 
turn  to  your  position.  Allow  the  President  to  invade  a  neighboring  nation 
whenever  he  shall  deem  it  necessary  to  repel  an  invasion,  and  you  allow  him 
to  do  so  whenever  he  may  choose  to  say  he  deems  it  necessary  for  such  pur 
pose,  and  you  allow  him  to  make  war  at  pleasure.  Study  to  see  if  you  can  fix 
any  limit  to  his  power  in  this  respect,  after  having  given  him  so  much  as  you 
propose.  If  to-day  he  should  choose  to  say  he  thinks  it  necessary  to  invade 
Canada,  to  prevent  the  British  from  invading  us,  how  could  you  stop  him  V 
You  may  say  to  him,  "  I  see  no  probability  of  the  British  invading  us ; "  but 
he  will  say  to  you,  "  Be  silent :  I  see  it,  if  you  don't." 

The  provision  of  the  Constitution  giving  the  war-making  power  to  Con 
gress  was  dictated,  as  I  understand  it,  by  the  following  reasons  :  kings  had 
always  been  involving  and  impoverishing  their  people  in  wars,  pretending 
generally,  if  not  always,  that  the  good  of  the  people  was  the  object.  This 
our  convention  understood  to  be  the  most  oppressive  of  all  kingly  oppres 
sions  ;  and  they  resolved  to  so  frame  the  Constitution  that  no  one  man  should 
hold  the  power  of  bringing  this  oppression  upon  us.  But  your  view  destroys 
the  whole  matter,  and  places  our  President  where  kings  have  always  stood. 

Write  soon  again. 

Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

But  the  Whig  National  Convention  to  nominate  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency  was  to  meet  at  Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of 
June,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  be  a  member.  He  was  not  a 
Clay  man :  he  wanted  a  candidate  that  could  be  elected ;  and 


294  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

he  was  for  "  Old  Rough,"  as  the  only  available  material  at 
hand.     But  let  him  explain  himself  :  — 

WASHINGTON,  April  30,  1 848. 

DEAR  WILLIAMS,  —  I  have  not  seen  in  the  papers  any  evidence  of  a 
movement  to  send  a  delegate  from  your  circuit  to  the  June  Convention.  I 
wish  to  say  that  I  think  it  all  important  that  a  delegate  should  be  sent.  Mr. 
Clay's  chance  for  an  election  is  just  no  chance  at  all.  He  might  get  New 
York;  and  that  would  have  elected  in  1844,  but  it  will  not  now,  because 
he  must  now,  at  the  least,  lose  Tennessee,  which  he  had  then,  and  in  addi 
tion  the  fifteen  new  votqs  of  Florida,  Texas,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin.  I  know 
our  good  friend  Browning  is  a  great  admirer  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  I  therefore 
fear  he  is  favoring  his  nomination.  If  he  is,  ask  him  to  discard  feeling,  and 
try  if  he  can  possibly,  as  a  matter  of  judgment,  count  the  votes  necessary  to 
elect  him. 

In  my  judgment  we  can  elect  nobody  but  Gen.  Taylor ;  and  we  cannot 
elect  him  without  a  nomination.  Therefore  don't  fail  to  send  a  delegate. 

Your  friend  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


To  ARCHIBALD  WILLIAMS,  ESQ. 

WASHINGTON,  June  12,  1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAMS,  —  On  my  return  from  Philadelphia,  where  I  had  been 
attending  the  nomination  of  "  Old  Rough,"  I  found  your  letter  in  a  mass  of 
others  which  had  accumulated  in  my  absence.  By  many,  and  often,  it  had 
been  said  they  would  not  abide  the  nomination  of  Taylor;  but,  since  the 
deed  has  been  done,  they  are  fast  falling  in,  and  in  my  opinion  we  shall  have 
a  most  overwhelming,  glorious  triumph.  One  unmistakable  sign  is,  that  all 
the  odds  and  ends  are  with  us,  —  Barnburners,  Native  Americans,  Tyler 
men,  disappointed,  office-seeking  Locofocos,  and  the  Lord  knows  what.  This 
is  important,  if  in  nothing  else,  in  showing  which  way  the  wind  blows.  Some 
of  the  sanguine  men  here  set  down  all  the  States  as  certain  for  Taylor  but 
Illinois,  and  it  is  doubtful.  Cannot  something  be  done  even  in  Illinois  ? 
Taylor's  nomination  takes  the  Locos  on  the  blind  side.  It  turns  the  war 
thunder  against  them.  The  war  is  now  to  them  the  gallows  of  Hainan,  which 
they  built  for  us,  and  on  which  they  are  doomed  to  be  hanged  themselves. 

Excuse  this  short  letter.  I  have  so  many  to  write  that  I  cannot  devote 
much  time  to  any  one. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

But  his  young  partner  in  the  law  gave  him  a  great  deal  of 
annoyance.  Mr.  Herndon  seems  to  have  been  troubled  by 
patriotic  scruples.  He  could  not  understand  how  the  war  had 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  295 

been  begun  unconstitutionally  and  unnecessarily  by  President 
Polk,  nor  how  the  Whigs  could  vote  supplies  to  carry  on  the 
war  without  indorsing  the  war  itself.  Besides  all  this,  he 
sent  news  of  startling  defections ;  and  the  weary  Representa 
tive  took  up  his  pen  again  and  again  to  explain,  defend,  and 
advise :  — 

WASHINGTON,  June  22, 1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM, —  Last  night  I  was  attending  a  sort  of  caucus  of  the 
Whig  members,  held  in  relation  to  the  coming  Presidential  election.  The 
whole  field  of  the  nation  was  scanned  ;  and  all  is  high  hope  and  confidence. 
Illinois  is  expected  to  better  her  condition  in  this  race.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  judge  how  heart-reading  it  was  to  come  to  my  room  and  find  and 
read  your  discouraging  letter  of  the  loth.  We  have  made  no  gains,  but  have 
lost  "  H.  R.  Robinson,  Turner,  Campbell,  and  four  or  five  more."  Tell  Arney 
to  reconsider,  if  he  would  be  saved.  Baker  and  I  used  to  do  something,  but 
I  think  you  attach  more  importance  to  our  absence  than  is  just.  There  is 
another  cause  :  in  1840,  for  instance,  we  had  two  Senators  and  five  Repre 
sentatives  in  Sangamon ;  now,  we  have  part  of  one  Senator  and  two  Repre 
sentatives.  With  quite  one-third  more  people  than  we  had  then,  we  have 
only  half  the  sort  of  offices  which  are  sought  by  men  of  the  speaking  sort  of 
talent.  This,  I  think,  is  the  chief  cause.  Now,  as  to  the  young  men.  You 
must  not  wait  to  be  brought  forward  by  the  older  men.  For  instance,  do 
you  suppose  that  I  should  ever  have  got  into  notice  if  I  had  waited  to  be 
hunted  up  and  pushed  forward  by  older  men.  You  young  men  get  together 
and  form  a  Rough  and  Ready  Club,  and  have  regular  meetings  and  speeches. 
Take  in  everybody  that  you  can  get.  Harrison,  Grimsley,  Z.  A.  Enos,  Lee 
Kimball,  and  C.  W.  Matheny  will  do  to  begin  the  thing;  but,  as  you  go 
along,  gather  up  all  the  shrewd,  wild  boys  about  town,  whether  just  of  age  or 
a  little  under  age,  —  Chris.  Logan,  Reddick  Ridgely,  Lewis  Zwizler,  and 
hundreds  such.  Let  every  one  play  the  part  he  can  play  best,  —  some  speak, 
some  sing,  and  all  hollow.  Your  meetings  will  be  of  evenings ;  the  older 
men,  and  the  women,  will  go  to  hear  you ;  so  that  it  will  not  only  contribute 
to  the  election  of  "  Old  Zaek,"  but  will  be  an  interesting  pastime,  and  im 
proving  to  the  intellectual  faculties  of  all  engaged.  Don't  fail  to  do  this. 

You  ask  me  to  send  you  all  the  speeches  made  about  "  Old  Zack,"  the 
war,  &c.,  &c.  Now,  this  makes  me  a  little  impatient.  I  have  regularly  sent 
you  "The  Congressional  Globe"  and  "Appendix,"  and  you  cannot  have  exam 
ined  them,  or  you  would  have  discovered  that  they  contain  every  speech  made 
by  every  man  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  on  every  subject,  during  the  session. 
Can  I  send  any  more  ?  Can  I  send  speeches  that  nobody  has  made  ?  Think 
ing  it  would  be  most  natural  that  the  newspapers  would  feel  interested  to  give 
at  least  some  of  the  speeches  to  their  readers,  I,  at  the  beginning  of  the  session, 
made  arrangements  to  have  one  copy  of  "  The  Globe  "  and  "Appendix " 


296  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

regularly  sent  to  each  Whig  paper  of  the  district.  And  yet,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  my  own  little  speech,  which  was  published  in  two  only  of  the  then 
five,  now  four,  Whig  papers,  I  do  not  remember  having  seen  a  single  speech, 
or  even  extract  from  one,  in  any  single  one  of  those  papers.  With  equal 
and  full  means  on  both  sides,  I  will  venture  that  "  The  State  Register  "  has 
thrown  before  its  readers  more  of  Locofoco  speeches  in  a  month  than  all  the 
Whig  papers  of  the  district  have  done  of  Whig  speeches  during  the  session. 

If  you  wish  a  full  understanding  of  the  war,  I  repeat  what  I  believe  I  said 
to  you  in  a  letter  once  before,  that  the  whole,  or  nearly  so,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  speech  of  Dixon  of  Connecticut.  This  I  sent  you  in  pamphlet,  as  well, 
as  in  "  The  Globe."  Examine  and  study  every  sentence  of  that  speech 
thoroughly,  and  you  will  understand  the  whole  subject. 

You  ask  how  Congress  came  to  declare  that  war  had  existed  by  the  act 
of  Mexico.  Is  it  possible  you  don't  understand  that  yet  ?  You  have  at  least 
twenty  speeches  in  your  possession  that  fully  explain  it.  I  will,  however, 
try  it  once  more.  The  news  reached  Washington  of  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  of  the  great  peril  of  Gen.  Taylor's 
army.  Everybody,  Whigs  and  Democrats,  was  for  sending  them  aid,  in  men 
and  money.  It  was  necessary  to  pass  a  bill  for  this.  The  Locos  had  a 
majority  in  both  Houses,  and  they  brought  in  a  bill  with  a  preamble,  saying, 
Whereas,  War  exists  by  the  act  of  Mexico,  therefore  we  send  Gen.  Taylor 
money.  The  Whigs  moved  to  strike  out  the  preamble,  so  that  they  could 
vote  to  send  the  men  and  money,  without  saying  any  thing  about  how  the  war 
commenced;  but,  being  in  the  minority,  they  were  voted  down,  and  the  pre 
amble  was  retained.  Then,  on. the  passage  of  the  bill,  the  question  came 
upon  them,  "Shall  we  vote  for  preamble  and  bill  both  together,  or  against 
both  together  ?  "  They  did  not  want  to  vote  against  sending  help  to  Gen. 
Taylor,  and  therefore  they  voted  for  both  together.  Is  there  any  difficulty 
in  understanding  this  ?  Even  my  little  speech  shows  how  this  was ;  and,  if 
you  will  go  to  the  library,  you  may  get  "  The  Journal "  of  1845-46,  in  which 
you  can  find  the  whole  for  yourself. 

We  have  nothing  published  yet  with  special  reference  to  the  Taylor  race  ; 
but  we  soon  will  have,  and  then  I  will  send  them  to  everybody.  I  made  an 
internal-improvement  speech  day  before  yesterday,  which  I  shall  send  home 
as  soon  as  I  can  get  it  written  out  and  printed,  —  and  which  I  suppose 

nobody  will  read.  v       f  •      •, 

'  Your  friend  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

WASHINGTON,  July  10,  1848. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Your  letter  covering  the  newspaper  slips  was  received 
last  night.  The  subject  of  that  letter  is  exceedingly  painful  to  me;  and  I 
cannot  but  think  there  is  some  mistake  in  your  impression  of  the  motives 
of  the  oil  men.  I  suppose  I  am  now  one  of  the  old  men ;  and  I  declare,  on 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  297 

my  veracity,  which  I  think  is  good  with  you,  that  nothing  could  afford  me 
more  satisfaction  than  to  learn  that  you  and  others  of  my  young  friends  at 
home  were  doing  battle  in  the  contest,  and  endearing  themselves  to  the 
people,  and  taking  a  stand  far  above  any  I  have  ever  been  able  to  reach  in 
their  admiration.  I  cannot  conceive  that  other  old  men  fcel  differently. 
Of  course,  I  cannot  demonstrate  what  I  say ;  but  I  was  young  once,  and  I 
am  sure  I  was  never  ungenerously  thrust  back.  I  hardly  know  what  to 
say.  The  way  for  a  young  man  to  rise  is  to  improve  himself  every  way  he 
can,  never  suspecting  that  anybody  wishes  to  hinder  him.  Allow  me  to 
assure  you  that  suspicion  and  jealousy  never  did  help  any  man  in  any  situa 
tion.  There  may  sometimes  be  ungenerous  attempts  to  keep  a  young  man 
down;  and  they  will  succeed,  too,  if  he  allows  his  mind  to  be  diverted  from 
its  true  channel,  to  brood  over  the  attempted  injury.  Cast  about,  and  see 
if  this  feeling  has  not  injured  every  person  you  have  ever  known  to  fall 
into  it. 

Now,  in  what  I  have  said,  I  am  sure  you  will  suspect  nothing  but  sincere 
friendship.  I  would  save  you  from  a  fatal  error.  You  have  been  a  labori 
ous,  studious  young  man.  You  are  far  better  informed  on  almost  all  subjects 
than  I  have  ever  been.  You  cannot  fail  in  any  laudable  object,  unless  you 
allow  your  mind  to  be  improperly  directed.  I  have  some  the  advantage 
of  you  in  the  world's  experience,  merely  by  being  older ;  and  it  is  this  that 
induces  me  to  advise. 

You  still  seem  to  be  a  little  mistaken  about  "  The  Congressional  Globe  " 
and  "  Appendix."  They  contain  all  of  the  speeches  that  are  published  in  any 
•way.  My  speech  and  Dayton's  speech,  which  you  say  you  got  in  pamphlet 
form,  are  both,  word  for  word,  in  the  "  Appendix."  I  repeat  again,  all  are 
there. 

Your  friend,  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  "internal-improvement"  speech  to  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
alludes  in  one  of  these  letters  was  delivered  on  the  20th  of 
June,  and  contained  nothing  remarkable  or  especially  charac 
teristic.  It  was  in  the  main  merely  the  usual  Whig  argument 
in  favor  of  the  constitutionality  of  Mr.  Clay's  "  American 
System." 

But,  after  the  nominations  at  Baltimore  and  Philadelphia, 
everybody  in  either  House  of  Congress  who  could  compose 
any  thing  at  all  "  on  his  legs,"  or  in  the  closet,  felt  it  incum 
bent  upon  him  to  contribute  at  least  one  electioneering  speech 
to  the  political  literature  of  the  day.  At  last,  on  the  27th 
of  July,  Mr.  Lincoln  found  an  opportunity  to  make  his.  Few 


298  LIFE   Or  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

like  it  have  ever  been  heard  in  either  of  those  venerable 
chambers.  It  is  a  common  remark  of  those  who  know  nothing 
of  the  subject,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  devoid  of  imagination  ; 
but  the  reader  of  this  speech  will  entertain  a  different  opin 
ion.  It  opens  to  us  a  mind  fertile  in  images  sufficiently  rare 
and  striking,  but  of  somewhat  questionable  taste.  It  must 
have  been  heard  in  amazement  by  those  gentlemen  of  the 
House  who  had  never  known  a  Hanks,  or  seen  a  New  Salem. 

SPEECH  ON  THE  PRESIDENCY  AND  GENERAL  POLITICS. 
DELIVERED    IN    THE    HOUSE,   JULY   27,    1848. 

MR.  SPEAKER,  —  Our  Democratic  friends  seem  to  be  in  great  distress 
because  they  think  our  candidate  for  the  Presidency  don't  suit  us.  Most  of 
them  cannot  find  out  that  Gen.  Taylor  has  any  principles  at  all ;  some, 
however,  have  discovered  that  he  has  one,  but  that  that  one  is  entirely 
wrong.  This  one  principle  is  his  position  on  the  veto  power.  The  gentle 
man  from  Tennessee  (Mr.  Stanton),  who  has  just  taken  his  seat,  indeed,  has 
said  there  is  very  little,  if  any,  difference  on  this  question  between  Gen.  Tay 
lor  and  all  the  Presidents ;  and  he  seems  to  think  it  sufficient  detraction  from 
Gen.  Taylor's  position  on  it,  that  it  has  nothing  new  in  it.  But  all  others 
whom  I  have  heard  speak  assail  it  furiously.  A  new  member  from  Kentucky 
(Mr.  Clarke)  of  very  considerable  ability,  was  in  particular  concern  about 
it.  He  thought  it  altogether  novel  and  unprecedented  for  a  President,  or  a 
Presidential  candidate,  to  think  of  approving  bills  whose  constitutionality 
may  not  be  entirely  clear  to  his  own  mind.  He  thinks  the  ark  of  our  safety 
is  gone,  unless  Presidents  shall  always  veto  such  bills  as,  in  their  judgment, 
may  be  of  doubtful  constitutionality.  However  clear  Congress  may  be  of  their 
authority  to  pass  any  particular  act,  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  thinks 
the  President  must  veto  it  if  lie  has  doubts  about  it.  Now,  I  have  neither 
time  nor  inclination  to  argue  with  the  gentleman  on  the  veto  power  as  an 
original  question ;  but  I  wish  to  show  that  Gen.  Taylor,  and  not  he,  agrees 
with  the  earliest  statesmen  on  this  question.  When  the  bill  chartering  the 
first  Bank  of  the  United  States  passed  Congress,  its  constitutionality  was 
questioned ;  Mr.  Madison,  then  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  well  as 
others,  had  opposed  it  on  that  ground.  Gen.  Washington,  as  President,  was 
called  on  to  approve  or  reject  it.  He  sought  and  obtained,  on  the  constitu 
tional  question,  the  separate  written  opinions  of  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and 
Edmund  Randolph ;  they  then  being  respectively  Secretary  of  State,  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  and  Attorney-General.  Hamilton's  opinion  was  for 
the  power;  while  Randolph's  and  Jefferson's  were  both  against  it.  Mi. 
Jefferson,  in  his  letter  dated  Feb.  15,  1791,  after  giving  his  opinion  decid- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  299 

edly  against  the  constitutionality  of  that  bill,  closed  with  the  paragraph 
which  I  now  read  :  — 

"  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that,  unless  the  President's  mind,  on  a 
view  of  every  thing  which  is  urged  for  and  against  this  bill,  is  tolerably  clear 
that  it  is  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution;  if  the  pro  and  the  con  hang  so 
even  as  to  balance  his  judgment,  a  just  respect  for  the  wisdom  of  the  Legis 
lature  would  naturally  decide  the  balance  in  favor  of  their  opinion ;  it  is 
chiefly  for  cases  where  they  are  clearly  misled  by  error,  ambition,  or  inter 
est,  that  the  Constitution  has  placed  a  check  in  the  negative  of  the  Presi 
dent." 

Gen.  Taylor's  opinion,  as  expressed  in  his  Allison  letter,  is  as  I  now 
read  :  — 

"  The  power  given  by  the  veto  is  a  high  conservative  power,  but,  in  my 
opinion,  should  never  be  exercised,  except  in  cases  of  clear  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  or  manifest  haste  and  want  of  consideration  by  Congress. 

It  is  here  seen,  that,  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion,  if,  on  the  constitutionality 
of  any  given  bill,  the  President  doubts,  he  is  not  to  veto  it,  as  the  gen 
tleman  from  Kentucky  would  have  him  to  do,  but  is  to  defer  to  Congress,  and 
approve  it.  And  if  we  compare  the  opinions  of  Jefferson  and  Taylor,  as  ex 
pressed  in  these  paragraphs,  we  shall  find  them  more  exactly  alike  than  we 
can  often  find  any  two  expressions  having  any  literal  difference.  None  but 
interested  fault-finders  can  discover  any  substantial  variation. 

But  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  are  unanimously  agreed  that  Gen.  Taylor 
has  no  other  principle.  They  are  in  utter  darkness  as  to  his  opinions  on  any 
of  the  questions  of  policy  which  occupy  the  public  attention.  But  is  there 
any  doubt  as  to  what  he  will  do  on  the  prominent  question,  if  elected  ?  Not 
the  least.  It  is  not  possible  to  know  what  he  will  or  would  do  in  every 
imaginable  case,  because  many  questions  have  passed  away,  and  others 
doubtless  will  arise,  which  none  of  us  have  yet  thought  of;  but  on  the  promi 
nent  questions  of  currency,  tariff,  internal  improvements,  and  Wilmot  Pro 
viso,  Gen.  Taylor's  course  is  at  least  as  well  defined  as  is  Gen.  Cass's.  Why, 
in  their  eagerness  to  get  at  Gen.  Taylor,  several  Democratic  members 
here  have  desired  to  know  whether,  in  case  of  his  election,  a  bankrupt-law 
is  to  be  established.  Can  they  tell  Us  Gen.  Cass's  opinion  on  this  ques 
tion  ?  (Some  member  answered,  '•  He  is  against  it.")  Ay,  how  do  you 
know  he  is  ?  There  is  nothing  about  it  in  the  platform,  nor  elsewhere,  that 
I  have  seen.  If  the  gentleman  knows  any  thing  which  I  do  not,  he  can  show 
it.  But  to  return  :  Gen.  Taylor,  in  his  Allison  letter,  says,  — 

"  Upon  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  the  currency,  the  improvement  of  our 
great  highways,  rivers,  lakes,  and  harbors,  the  will  of  the  people,  as  ex 
pressed  through  their  Representatives  in  Congress,  ought  to  be  respected  and 
carried  out  by  the  Executive." 

Now,  this  is  the  whole  matter :  in  substance,  it  is  this :  The  people  say 
to  Gen.  Taylor,  "If  you  are  elected,  shall  we  have  a  national  bank?"  He 


300  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

answers,  "  Your  will,  gentlemen,  not  mine." — "What  about  the  tariff?"  — 
"  Say  yourselves."  —  "  Shall  our  rivers  and  harbors  be  improved?"  —  "  Just 
as  you  please."  —  "  If  you  desire  a  bank,  an  alteration  of  the  tariff,  internal 
improvements,  any  or  all,  I  will  not  hinder  you  :  if  you  do  not  desire  them, 
I  will  not  attempt  to  force  them  on  you.  Send  up  your  members  of  Congress 
from  the  various  districts,  with  opinions  according  to  your  own,  and  if  they 
are  for  these  measures,  or  any  of  them,  I  shall  have  nothing  to  oppose  :  if 
they  are  not  for  them,  I  shall  not,  by  any  appliances  whatever,  attempt  to 
dragoon  them  into  their  adoption."  Now,  can  there  be  any  difficulty  in 
understanding  this  ?  To  you,  Democrats,  it  may  not  seem  like  principle  ; 
but  surely  you  cannot  fail  to  perceive  the  position  plain  enough.  The  dis 
tinction  between  it  and  the  position  of  your  candidate  is  broad  and  obvious, 
and  I  admit  you  have  a  clear  right  to  show  it  is  wrong,  if  you  can  ;  but  you 
have  no  right  to  pretend  you  cannot  see  it  at  all.  We  see  it,  and  to  us  it 
appears  like  principle,  and  the  best  sort  of  principle  at  that,  —  the  principle 
of  allowing  the  people  to  do  as  they  please  with  their  own  business.  My 
friend  from  Indiana  (Mr.  C.  B.  Smith)  has  aptly  asked,  "  Are  you  willing  to 
trust  the  people  ?  "  Somi!  of  you  answered  substantially,  "  We  are  willing 
to  trust  the  people  ;  but  the  President  is  as  much  the  representative  of  the 
people  as  Congress."  In  a  certain  sense,  and  to  a  certain  extent,  he  is  the 
representative  of  the  people.  He  is  elected  by  them  as  well  as  Congress  is. 
But  can  he,  in  the  nature  of  things,  know  the  wants  of  the  people  as  well 
as  three  hundred  other  men  coming  from  all  the  various  localities  of  the 
nation  ?  If  so,  where  is  the  propriety  of  having  a  Congress  ?  That  the 
Constitution  gives  the  President  a  negative  on  legislation,  all  know  ;  but 
that  this  negative  should  be  so  combined  with  platforms  and  other  appli 
ances  as  to  enable  him,  and,  in  fact,  almost  compel  him,  to  take  the  whole  of 
legislation  into  his  own  hands,  is  what  we  object  to,  is  what  Gen.  Taylor 
objects  to,  and  is  what  constitutes  the  broad  distinction  between  you  and 
us.  To  thus  transfer  legislation  is  clearly  to  take  it  from  those  who  under 
stand  with  minuteness  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  give  it  to  one  who 
does  not  and  cannot  so  well  understand  it.  I  understand  your  idea,  —  that 
if  a  Presidential  candidate  avow  his  opinion  upon  a  given  question,  or  rather 
upon  all  questions,  and  the  people,  with  full  knowledge  of  this,  elect  him, 
they  thereby  distinctly  approve  all  those  opinions.  This,  though  plausible, 
is  a  most  pernicious  deception.  By  means  of  it,  measures  are  adopted  or 
rejected  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  whole  of  one  party,  and  often  nearly 
half  of  the  other.  -The  process  is  this  :  Three,  four,  or  half  a  dozen  ques 
tions  are  prominent  at  a  given  time  ;  the  party  selects  its  candidate,  and  he 
takes  his  position  on  each  of  these  questions.  On  all  but  one  his  positions 
have  already  been  indorsed  at  former  elections,  and  his  party  fully  commit 
ted  to  them  ;  but  that  one  is  new,  and  a  large  portion  of  them  are  against 
it.  But  what  are  they  to  do  ?  The  whole  are  strung  together,  and  they 
must  take  all  or  reject  all.  They  cannot  take  what  they  like,  and  leave  the 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  301 

rest.  What  they  are  already  committed  to  being  the  majority,  they  shut 
their  eyes  and  gulp  the  whole.  Next  election,  still  another  is  introduced  in 
the  same  way.  If  we  run  our  eyes  along  the  line  of  the  past,  we  shall  see 
that  almost,  if  not  quite,  all  the  articles  of  the  present  Democratic  creed 
have  been  at  first  forced  upon  the  party  in  this  very  way.  And  just  now, 
and  just  so,  opposition  to  internal  improvements  is  to  be  established  if  Gen. 
Cass  shall  be  elected.  Almost  half  the  Democrats  here  are  for  improve 
ments,  but  they  will  vote  for  Cass ;  and,  if  he  succeeds,  their  votes  will  have 
aided  in  closing  the  doors  against  improvements.  Now,  this  is  a  process 
which  we  think  is  wrong.  We  prefer  a  candidate,  who,  like  Gen.  Taylor, 
will  allow  the  people  to  have  their  own  way,  regardless  of  his  private  opin 
ion  ;  and  I  should  think  the  internal-improvement  Democrats,  at  least,  ought 
to  prefer  such  a  candidate.  He  would  force  nothing  on  them  which  they 
don't  want ;  and  he  would  allow  them  to  have  improvements  which  their 
own  candidate,  if  elected,  will  not. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  said  Gen.  Taylor's  position  is  as  well  defined  as  is 
that  of  Gen.  Cass.  In  saying  this,  I  admit  I  do  not  certainly  know  what  he 
would  do  on  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  I  am  a  Northern  man,  or,  rather,  a  West 
ern  Free  State  man,  with  a  constituency  I  believe  to  be,  and  with  personal 
feelings  I  know  to  be,  against  the  .extension  of  slavery.  As  such,  and  with 
what  information  I  have,  I  hope  and  believe  Gen.  Taylor,  if  elected,  would 
not  veto  the  proviso  ;  but  I  do  not  know  it.  Yet,  if  I  knew  he  would,  I  still 
would  vote  for  him.  I  should  do  so,  because,  in  my  judgment,  his  election 
alone  can  defeat  Gen.  Cass  ;  and  because,  should  slavery  thereby  go  into  the 
territory  we  now  have,  just  so  much  will  certainly  happen  by  the  election  of 
Cass,  and,  in  addition,  a  course  of  policy  leading  to  new  wars,  new  acqui 
sitions  of  territory,  and  still  farther  extensions  of  slavery.  One  of  the  two 
is  to  be  President ;  which  is  preferable  ? 

But  there  is  as  much  doubt  of  Cass  on  improvements  as  there  is  of  Taylor 
on  the  proviso.  I  have  no  doubt  myself  of  Gen.  Cass  on  this  question,  but 
I  know  the  Democrats  differ  among  themselves  as  to  his  position.  My  inter 
nal-improvement  colleague  (Mr.  Wentworth)  stated  on  this  floor  the  other 
day,  that  he  was  satisfied  Cass  was  for  improvements,  because  he  had  voted 
for  all  the  bills  that  he  (Mr.  W.)  had.  So  far,  so  good.  But  Mr.  Polk  vetoed 
some  of  these  very  bills ;  the  Baltimore  Convention  passed  a  set  of  resolu 
tions,  among  other  things,  approving  these  vetoes ;  and  Cass  declares,  in  his 
letter  accepting  the  nomination,  that  he  has  carefully  read  these  resolutions, 
and  that  he  adheres  to  them  as  firmly  as  he  approves  them  cordially.  In 
other  words,  Gen.  Cass  voted  for  the  bills,  and  thinks  the  President  did 
right  to  veto  them  ;  and  his  friends  here  are  amiable  enough  to  consider  him 
as  being  on  one  side  or  the  other,  just  as  one  or  the  other  may  correspond 
with  their  own  respective  inclinations.  My  colleague  admits  that  the  plat 
form  declares  against  the  constitutionality  of  a  general  system  of  improve 
ment,  and  that  Gen.  Cass  indorses  the  platform ;  but  he  still  thinks  Gen. 


302  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

Cass  is  in  favor  of  some  sort  of  improvements.  Well,  what  are  they  ?  As 
he  is  against  general  objects,  those  he  is  for  must  be  particular  and  local. 
Now,  this  is  taking  the  subject  precisely  by  the  wrong  end.  Particularity  — 
expending  the  money  of  the  whole  people  for  an  object  which  will  benefit 
only  a  portion  of  them  —  is  the  greatest  real  objection  to  improvements,  and 
has  been  so  held  by  Gen.  Jackson,  Mr.  Polk,  and  all  others,  I  believe,  till 
now.  But  now,  behold,  the  objects  most  general,  nearest  free  from  this 
objection,  are  to  be  rejected,  while  those  most  liable  to  it  are  to  be  embraced. 
To  return  :  I  cannot  help  believing  that  Gen.  Cass,  when  he  wrote  his  let 
ter  of  acceptance,  well  understood  he  was  to  be  claimed  by  the  advocates  of 
both  sides  of  this  question,  and  that  he  then  closed  the  door  against  all  fur 
ther  expressions  of  opinion,  purposely  to  retain  the  benefits  of  that  double 
position.  His  subsequent  equivocation  at  Cleveland,  to  my  mind,  proves 
such  to  have  been  the  case. 

One  word  more,  and  I  shall  have  done  with  this  branch  of  the  subject. 
You  Democrats  and  your  candidate,  in  the  main,  are  in  favor  of  laying  down 
in  advance  a  platform,  —  a  set  of  party  positions,  as  a  unit ;  and  then  of 
enforcing  the  people,  by  every  sort  of  appliance,  to  ratify  them,  however 
unpalatable  some  of  them  may  be.  We  and  our  candidate  are  in  favor  of 
making  Presidential  elections  and  the  legislation  of  the  country  distinct 
matters  ;  so  that  the  people  can  elect  whom  they  please,  and  afterward  legis 
late  just  as  they  please,  without  any  hinderance,  save  only  so  much  as  may 
guard  against  infractions  of  the  Constitution,  undue  haste,  and  want  of  con 
sideration.  The  difference  between  us  is  clear  as  noonday.  That  we  are 
right,  we  cannot  doubt.  We  hold  the  true  republican  position.  In  leaving 
the  people's  business  in  their  hands,  we  cannot  be  wrong.  We  are  willing, 
and  even  anxious,  to  go  to  the  people  on  this  issue. 

But  I  suppose  I  cannot  reasonably  hope  to  convince  you  that  we  have 
any  principles.  The  most  I  can  expect  is,  to  assure  you  that  we  think  wo 
have,  and  are  quite  contented  with  them.  The  other  day,  one  of  the  gentle 
men  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Iverson),  an  eloquent  man,  and  a  man  of  learning, 
so  far  as  I  can  judge,  not  being  learned  myself,  came  down  upon  us  astonish 
ingly.  He  spoke  in  what  "  The  Baltimore  American  "  calls  the  "  scathing 
and  withering  style."  At  the  end  of  his  second  severe  flash  I  was  struck 
blind,  and  found  myself  feeling  with  my  fingers  for  an  assurance  of  my  con 
tinued  physical  existence.  A  little  of  the  bone  was  left,  and  I  gradually  re 
vived.  He  eulogized  Mr.  Clay  in  high  and  beautiful  terms,  and  then  declared 
that  we  had  deserted  all  our  principles,  and  had  turned  Henry  Clay  out,  like 
an  old  horse,  to  root.  This  is  terribly  severe.  It  cannot  be  answered  by 
argument ;  at  least,  I  cannot  so  answer  it.  I  merely  wish  to  ask  the  gentle 
man  if  the  Whigs  are  the  only  party  he  can  think  of,  who  sometimes  turn 
old  horses  out  to  root  ?  Is  not  a  certain  Martin  Van  Buren  an  old  horse 
which  your  own  party  have  turned  out  to  root  ?  and  is  he  not  rooting  a  little 
to  your  discomfort  about  now  ?  But,  in  not  nominating  Mr.  Clay,  we 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  303 

deserted  our  principles,  you  say.  Ah  !  in  what  ?  Tell  us,  ye  men  of  princi 
ples,  what  principle  we  violated  ?  We  say  you  did  violate  principle  in  dis 
carding  Van  Buren,  and  we  can  tell  you  how.  You  violated  the  primary, 
the  cardinal,  the  one  great  living  principle  of  all  Democratic  representative 
government,  —  the  principle  that  the  representative  is  bound  to  carry  out 
the  known  will  of  his  constituents.  A  large  majority  of  the  Baltimore  Con 
vention  of  1844  were,  by  their  constituents,  instructed  to  procure  Van  Buren's 
nomination  if  they  could.  In  violation,  in  utter,  glaring  contempt  of  this, 
you  rejected  him,  —  rejected  him,  as  the  gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr. 
Birdsall),  the  other  day  expressly  admitted,  for  availability,  —  that  same 
"  general  availability  "  which  you  charge  upon  us,  and  daily  chew  over  here, 
as  something  exceedingly  odious  and  unprincipled.  But  the  gentleman  from 
Georgia  (Mr.  Iverson)  gave  us  a  second  speech  yesterday,  all  well  consid 
ered  and  put  clown  in  writing,  in  which  Van  Buren  was  scathed  and  withered 
a  "  few  "  for  his  present  position  and  movements.  I  cannot  remember  the 
gentleman's  precise  language,  but  I  do  remember  he  put  Van  Buren  down, 
down,  till  he  got  him  where  he  was  finally  to  "  stink  "  and  "  rot." 

Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  no  business  or  inclination  of  mine  to  defend  Martin 
Van  Buren.  In  the  war  of  extermination  now  waging  between  him  and  his 
old  admirers,  I  say,  Devil  take  the  hindmost  —  and  the  foremost.  But  there 
is  no  mistaking  the  origin  of  the  breach ;  and,  if  the  curse  of  "  stinking  "  and 
"  rotting  "  is  to  fall  on  the  first  and  greatest  violators  of  principle  in  the 
matter,  I  disinterestedly  suggest,  that  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  and  his 
present  co-workers  are  bound  to  take  it  upon  themselves. 

While  I  have  Gen.  Cass  in  hand,  I  wish  to  say  a  word  about  his  political 
principles.  As  a  specimen,  I  take  the  record  of  his  progress  on  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  In  "  The  Washington  Union  "  of  March  2,  1847,  there  is  a  report 
of  the  speech  of  Gen.  Cass,  made  the  day  before  in  the  Senate,  on  the  Wil 
mot  Proviso,  during  the  delivery  of  which,  Mr.  Miller  of  New  Jersey  is 
reported  to  have  interrupted  him  as  follows,  to  wit :  — 

"  Mr.  Miller  expressed  his  great  surprise  at  the  change  in  the  sentiments 
of  the  Senator  from  Michigan,  who  had  been  regarded  as  the  great  champion 
of  freedom  in  the  North-west,  of  which  he  was  a  distinguished  ornament. 
Last  year  the  Senator  from  Michigan  was  understood  to  be  decidedly  in  favor 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso;  and,  as  no  reason  had  been  stated  for  the  change, 
he  (Mr.  Miller)  could  not  refrain  from  the  expression  of  his  extreme  sur 
prise." 

To  this,  Gen.  Cass  is  reported  to  have  replied  as  follows,  to  wit :  — 

"  Mr.  Cass  said,  that  the  course  of  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey  was  most 
extraordinary.  Last  year  he  (Mr.  Cass)  should  have  voted  for  the  proposi 
tion  had  it  come  up.  But  circumstances  had  altogether  changed.  The  hon 
orable  Senator  then  read  several  passages  from  the  remarks  as  given  above 
which  he  had  committed  to  writing,  in  order  to  refute  such  a  charge  as  that 
of  the  Senator  from  New  Jersey." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  the  "  remarks  above  committed  to  writing,"  is  one  numbered  4,  as  fol 
lows,  to  wit :  — 

"  4th.  Legislation  would  now  be  wholly  imperative,  because  no  territory 
hereafter  to  be  acquired  can  be  governed  without  an  act  of  Congress  pro 
viding  for  its  government.  And  such  an  act,  on  its  passage,  would  open  the 
whole  subject,  and  leave  the  Congress  called  on  to  pass  it  free  to  exercise 
its  own  discretion,  entirely  uncontrolled  by  any  declaration  found  in  the 
statute-book." 

In  "  Niles's  Register,"  vol.  Ixxiii.,  p.  293,  there  is  a  letter  of  Gen.  Cass 
to  A.  O.  P.  Nicholson  of  Nashville,  Tenn.,  dated  Dec.  24,  1847,  from  which 
the  following  are  correct  extracts  :  — 

"  The  Wilrnot  Proviso  has  been  before  the  country  some  time.  It  has 
been  repeatedly  discussed  in  Congress,  and  by  the  public  press.  I  am  strongly 
impressed  with  the  opinion  that  a  great  change  has  been  going  on  in  the 
public  mind  upon  this  subject,  —  in  my  own  as  well  as  others  ;  and  that  doubts 
are  resolving  themselves  into  convictions,  that  the  principle  it  involves 
should  be  kept  out  of  the  national  Legislature,  and  left  to  the  people  of  the 
Confederacy  in  their  respective  local  governments. 

"Briefly,  then,  I  am  opposed  to  the  exercise  of  any  jurisdiction  by  Con 
gress  over  this  matter ;  and  I  am  in  favor  of  leaving  the  people  of  any  terri 
tory  which  may  be  hereafter  acquired,  the  right  to  regulate  it  themselves, 
under  the  general  principles  of  the  Constitution.  Because, 

"1.  I  do  not  see  in  the  Constitution  any  grant  of  the  requisite  power  to 
Congress  ;  and  I  am  not  disposed  to  extend  a  doubtful  precedent  beyond  its 
necessity,  —  the  establishment  of  territorial  governments  when  needed, — 
leaving  to  the  inhabitants  all  the  rights  compatible  with  the  relations  they 
bear  to  the  Confederation." 

These  extracts  show,  that,  in  184G,  Gen.  Cass  was  for  the  Proviso  at  once  ; 
that,  in  March,  1847,  he  was  still  for  it,  but  not  just  then  ;  and  that  in  Decem 
ber,  1847,  he  was  against  it  altogether.  This  is  a  true  index  to  the  whole 
man.  When  the  question  was  raised  in  1846,  he  was  in  a  blustering  hurry 
to  take  ground  for  it.  He  sought  to  be  in  advance,  and  to  avoid  the  uninter 
esting  position  of  a  mere  follower;  but  soon  he  began  to  see  glimpses  of  the 
great  Democratic  ox-gad  waving  in  his  face,  and  to  hear  indistinctly  a  voice 
saying,  "  Back !  "  "  Back,  sir!  "  "  Back  a  little !  "  He  shakes  his  head,  and  bats 
his  eyes,  and  blunders  back  to  his  position  of  March,  1847 ;  but  still  the  gad 
waves,  and  the  voice  grows  more  distinct,  and  sharper  still,  —  "  Back,  sir  I  " 
"  Back,  I  say  ! "  "  Further  back !  "  and  back  he  goes  to  the  position  of  Decem 
ber,  1847;  at  which  the  gad  is  still,  and  the  voice  soothingly  says,  "  Sol" 
"  Stand  still  at  that." 

Have  no  fears,  gentlemen,  of  your  candidate :  he  exactly  suits  you,  and 
we  congratulate  you  upon  it.  However  much  you  may  be  distressed  about 
our  candidate,  you  have  all  cause  to  be  contented  and  happy  with  your  own. 
If  elected,  he  may  not  maintain  all,  or  even  any,  of  his  positions  previously 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  305 

taken ;  but  he  will  be  sure  to  do  whatever  the  party  exigency,  for  the  time 
being,  may  require ;  and  that  is  precisely  what  you  want.  He  and  Van 
Buren  are  the  same  "  manner  of  men ; "  and,  like  Van  Buren,  he  will  never 
desert  ?/ou  till  you  first  desert  him. 

[After  referring  at  some  length  to  extra  "  charges"  of  Gen.  Cass  upon  the 
Treasury,  Mr.  Lincoln  continued  :  — ] 

But  I  have  introduced  Gen.  Cass's  accounts  here  chiefly  to  show  the  won 
derful  physical  capacities  of  the  man.  They  show  that  he  not  only  did  the 
labor  of  several  men  at  the  same  time,  but  that  he  often  did  it,  at  several 
places  many  hundred  miles  apart,  at  the  same  time.  And  at  eating,  too,  his 
capacities  are  shown  to  be  quite  as  wonderful.  From  October,  1821,  to  May, 
IS'22,  he  ate  ten  rations  a  day  in  Michigan,  ten  rations  a  day  here  in  Wash 
ington,  and  nearly  five  dollars'  worth  a  day  besides,  partly  on  the  road  be 
tween  the  two  places.  And  then  there  is  an  important  discovery  in  his  exam 
ple,  —  the  art  of  being  paid  for  what  one  eats,  instead  of  having  to  pay  for  it. 
flereafter,  if  any  nice  young  man  shall  owe  a  bill  which  he  cannot  pay  in 
any  other  way,  he  can  just  board  it  out.  Mr.  Speaker,  we  have  all  heard 
of  the  animal  standing  in  doubt  between  two  stacks  of  hay,  and  starving  to 
death  :  the  like  of  that  would  never  happen  to  Gen.  Cass.  Place  the  stacks 
a  thousand  miles  apart,  he  would  stand  stock-still,  midway  between  them, 
and  eat  them  both  at  once ;  and  the  green  grass  along  the  line  would  be  apt 
to  suffer  some,  too,  at  the  same  time.  By  all  means  make  him  President, 
gentlemen.  He  will  feed  you  bounteously  —  if — if — there  is  any  left  after 
he  shall  have  helped  himself. 

But  as  Gen.  Taylor  is,  par  excellence,  the  hero  of  the  Mexican  War,  and 
as  you  Democrats  say  we  Whigs  have  always  opposed  the  war,  you  think  it 
must  be  very  awkward  and  embarrassing  for  us  to  go  for  Gen.  Taylor.  The 
declaration  that  we  have  always  opposed  the  war  is  true  or  false  accordingly 
a-j  one  may  understand  the  term  "  opposing  the  war."  If  to  say  "  the  war 
was  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by  the  President,"  be 
opposing  the  war,  then  the  Whigs  have  very  generally  opposed  it.  When 
ever  they  have  spoken  at  all,  they  have  said  this  ;  and  they  have  said  it  on 
what  has  appeared  good  reason  to  them  :  the  marching  an  army  into  the  midst 
of  a  peaceful  Mexican  settlement,  frightening  the  inhabitants  away,  leaving 
their  growing  crops  and  other  property  to  destruction,  to  you  may  appear  a 
perfectly  amiable,  peaceful,  unprovoking  procedure;  but  it  does  not  appear  so 
to  us.  So  to  call  such  an  act,  to  us  appears  no  other  than  a  naked,  impudent 
absurdity,  and  we  speak  of  it  accordingly.  But  if  when  the  war  had  begun, 
and  had  become  the  cause  of  the  country,  the  giving  of  our  money  and  our 
blood,  in  common  with  yours,  was  support  of  the  war,  then  it  is  not  true  that 
we  have  always  opposed  the  war.  With  few  individual  exceptions,  you  have 
constantly  had  our  votes  here  for  all  the  necessary  supplies.  And,  more  than 
this,  you  have  had  the  services,  the  blood,  and  the  lives  of  our  political  breth 
ren  in  every  trial,  and  on  every  field.  The  beardless  boy  and  the  mature 
20 


306  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

man,  the  humble  and  the  distinguished,  —  you  have  had  them.  Through 
suffering  and  death,  by  disease  and  in  battle,  they  have  endured  and  fought 
and  fallen  with  you.  Clay  and  Webster  each  gave  a  son,  never  to  be  re 
turned.  From  the  State  of  my  own  residence,  besides  other  worthy  but  less 
known  Whig  names,  we  sent  Marshall,  Morrison,  Baker,  and  Hardin :  they 
all  fought,  and  one  fell,  and  in  the  fall  of  that  one  we  lost  our  best  Whig 
man.  Nor  were  the  Whigs  few  in  number,  or  laggard  in  the  day  of  danger. 
In  that  fearful,  bloody,  breathless  struggle  at  Buena  Vista,  .where  each  man's 
hard  task  was  to  beat  back  five  foes  or  die  himself,  of  the  five  high  officers 
who  perished,  four  were  Whigs. 

In  speaking  of  this,  I  mean  no  odious  comparison  between  the  lion-hearted 
Whigs  and  Democrats  who  fought  there.  On  other  occasions,  and  among 
the  lower  officers  and  privates  on  that  occasion,  I  doubt  not  the  proportion 
was  different.  I  wish  to  do  justice  to  all.  I  think  of  all  those  brave  men  as 
Americans,  in  whose  proud  fame,  as  an  American,  I,  too,  have  a  share.  Many 
of  them,  Whigs  and  Democrats,  are  my  constituents  and  personal  friends; 
and  I  thank  them,  —  more  than  thank  them,  —  one  and  all,  for  the  high, 
imperishable  honor  they  have  conferred  on  our  common  State. 

But  the  distinction  between  the  cause  of  the  President  in  beginning  the 
war,  and  the  cause  of  the  country  after  it  was  begun,  is  a  distinction  which 
you  cannot  perceive.  To  you,  the  President  and  the  country  seem  to  be  all 
one.  You  are  interested  to  see  no  distinction  between  them ;  and  I  venture 
to  suggest  that  possibly  your  interest  blinds  you  a  little.  We  see  the  distinc 
tion,  as  we  think,  clearly  enough ;  and  our  friends,  who  have  fought  in  the 
war,  have  no  difficulty  in  seeing  it  also.  What  those  who  have  fallen  would 
say,  were  they  alive  and  here,  of  course  we  can  never  know  ;  but  with  those 
who  have  returned  there  is  no  difficulty.  Col.  Haskell  and  Major  Gaines> 
members  here,  both  fought  in  the  war ;  and  one  of  them  underwent  extraordi 
nary  perils  and  hardships  ;  still  they,  like  all  other  Whigs  here,  vote  on  the 
record  that  the  war  was  unnecessarily  and  unconstitutionally  commenced  by 
the  President.  And  even  Gen.  Taylor  himself,  the  noblest  Roman  of  them 
all,  has  declared  that,  as  a  citizen,  and  particularly  as  a  soldier,  it  is  sufficient 
for  him  to  know  that  his  country  is  at  war  with  a  foreign  nation,  to  do  all  in 
his  power  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and  honorable  termination,  by  the  most 
vigorous  and  energetic  operations,  without  inquiring  about  its  justice,  or  any 
thing  else  connected  with  it. 

Mr.  Speaker,  let  our  Democratic  friends  be  comforted  with  the  assurance 
that  we  are  content  with  our  position,  content  with  our  company,  and  con 
tent  with  our  candidate ;  and  that  although  they,  in  their  generous  sympa 
thy,  think  we  ought  to  be  miserable,  we  really  are  not,  and  that  they  may 
dismiss  the  great  anxiety  they  have  on  our  account.1 

1  The  following  passage  has  generally  been  omitted  from  this  speech,  as  published  in 
the  "  Lives  of  Lincoln."  The  reason  for  the  omission  is  quite  obvious. 

"  But  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  further  says,  we  have  deserted  all  our  principles,  and 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  307 

Congress  adjourned  on  the  14th  of  August ;  but  Mr.  Lin 
coln  went  up  to  New  England,  and  made  various  campaign 

taken  shelter  under  Gen.  Taylor's  military  coat-tail;  and  he  seems  to  think  this  is  exceed 
ingly  degrading.  Well,  as  his  faith  is,  so  be  it  unto  him.  But  can  he  remember  no  other 
military  coat-tail,  under  which  a  certain  other  party  have  been  sheltering  for  near  a  quarter 
of  a  century  ?  Has  he  no  acquaintance  with  the  ample  military  coat-tail  of  Gen.  Jackson  ? 
Does  he  not  know  that  his  own  party  have  run  the  lasffive  Presidential  races  under  that 
coat-tail  ?  and  that  they  are  now  running  the  sixth  under  the  same  cover?  Yes,  sir,  that 
coat-tail  was  used,  not  only  for  Gen.  Jackson  himself,  but  has  been  clung  to  with  the  grip 
of  death  by  every  Democratic  candidate  since.  You  have  never  ventured,  and  dare  not  now 
venture,  from  under  it.  Your  campaign  papers  have  constantly  been  '  Old  Hickories,'  with 
rude  likenesses  of  the  old  general  upon  them;  hickory  poles  and  hickory  brooms  your 
never-ending  emblems.  Mr.  Polk  himself  was  '  Young  Hickory,'  •  Little  Hickory,' or  some 
thing  so;  and  even  now  your  campaign  paper  here  is  proclaiming  that  Cass  and  Butler  are 
of  the  '  Hickory  stripe.'  No,  sir,  you  dare  not  give  it  up.  Like  a  horde  of  hungry  ticks, 
you  have  stuck  to  the  tail  of  the  Hermitage  lion  to  the  end  of  his  life;  and  you  arc  still 
sticking  to  it,  and  drawing  a  loathsome  sustenance  from  it,  after  he  is  dead.  A  fellow  once 
advertised  that  he  had  made  a  discovery  by  which  he  could  make  a  new  man  out  of  an  old 
one,  and  have  enough  of  the  stuff  left  to  make  a  little  yellow  dog.  Just  such  a  discovery 
has  Gen.  Jackson's  popularity  been  to  you.  You  not  only  twice  made  President  of  htm  out 
of  it,  but  you  have  enough  of  the  stuff  left  to  make  Presidents  of  several  comparatively 
small  men  since;  and  it  is  your  chief  reliance  now  to  make  still  another. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  old  horses  and  military  coat-tails,  or  tails  of  any  sort,  are  not  figures  of 
speech  such  as  I  would  be  the  first  to  introduce  into  discussions  here ;  but,  as  the  gentleman 
from  Georgia  has  thought  fit  to  introduce  them,  he  and  you  are  welcome  to  all  you  have 
made,  or  can  make,  by  them.  If  you  have  any  more  old  horses,  trot  them  out;  any  more 
tails,  just  cock  them,  and  come  at  us. 

"I  repeat,  I  would  not  introduce  this  mode  of  discussion  here;  but  I  wish  gentlemen  on 
the  other  side  to  understand,  that  the  use  of  degrading  figures  is  a  game  at  which  they 
may  find  themselves  unable  to  take  all  the  winnings.  [••  We  give  it  up."]  Ay,  you  give  it 
up,  and  well  you  may;  but  for  a  very  different  reason  from  that  which  you  would  have  us 
understand.  The  point  —  the  power  to  hurt  —  of  all  figures,  consists  in  the  truthfulness  of 
their  application ;  and,  understanding  this,  you  may  well  give  it  up.  They  are  weapons 
which  hit  you,  but  miss  us. 

'•  But,  in  my  hurry,  I  was  very  near  closing  on  this  subject  of  military  tails  before  I  was 
done  with  it.  There  is  one  entire  article  of  the  sort  I  have  not  discussed, yet;  I  mean  the 
military  tail  you  Democrats  are  now  engaged  in  dovetailing  on  to  the  great  Michigander. 
Yes,  sir,  all  his  biographers  (and  they  are  legion)  have  him  in  hand,  tying1  him  to  a  military 
tail,  like  so  many  mischievous  boys  tying  a  dog  to  a  bladder  of  beans.  True,  the  material 
is  very  limited,  but  they  are  at  it  might  and  main.  He  invaded  Canada  without  resistance, 
and  he  ow<vaded  it  without  pursuit.  As  he  did  both  under  orders,  I  suppose  there  was,  to 
him,  neither  credit  nor  discredit ;  but  they  are  made  to  constitute  a  large  part  of  the  tail. 
He  was  not  at  Hull's  surrender,  but  he  was  close  by;  he  was  volunteer  aid  to  Gen.  Harri 
son  on  the  clay  of  the  battle  of  the  Thames;  and,  as  you  said  in  1840  Harrison  was  picking 
whortleberries  two  miles  off  while  the  battle  was  fought,  I  suppose  it  is  a  just  conclusion, 
with  you,  to  say  Cass  was  aiding  Harrison  to  pick  whortleberries.  This  is  about  all,  except 
the  mooted  question  of  the  broken  sword.  Some  authors  say  he  broke  it ;  some  say  he 
threw  it  away;  and  some  others,  who  ought  to  know,  say  nothing  about  it.  Perhaps  it 
would  be  a  fair  historical  compromise  to  say,  if  he  did  not  break  it,  he  did  not  do  any  thing 
else  with  it. 

"  By  the  way,  Mr.  Speaker,  did  you  know  I  am  a  military  hero  ?  Yes,  sir :  In  the  days 
of  the  Black-Hawk  War,  I  fought,  bled,  and  came  away.  Speaking  of  Gen.  Cass's  career 
reminds  me  of  my  own.  I  was  not  at  Stillman's  defeat,  but  I  was  about  as  near  it  as  Cass 
was  to  Hull's  surrender;  and,  like  him,  I  saw  the  place  very  soon  afterwards.  It  is  quite 
certain  I  did  not  break  my  sword,  for  I  had  none  to  break;  but  I  bent  my  musket  pretty 


308  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

speeches  before  he  returned  home.      They  were   not  pre 
served,  and  were  probably  of  little  importance. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Washington,  to  take  his  seat  at  the 
second  session  of  the  Thirtieth  Congress,  he  received  a  letter 
from  his  father,  which  astonished  and  perhaps  amused  him. 
His  reply  intimates  grave  doubts  concerning  the  veracity  of 
his  correspondent. 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  24,  1848. 

MY  DEAR  FATHER,  —  Your  letter  of  the  7th  was  received  night  before 
last.  I  very  cheerfully  send  you  the  twenty  dollars,  which  sum  you  say  is 
necessary  to  save  your  land  from  sale.  It  is  singular  that  you  should  have 
forgotten  a  judgment  against  you ;  and  it  is  more  singular  that  the  plain 
tiff  should  have  let  you  forget  it  so  long ;  particularly  as  I  suppose  you 
always  had  property  enough  to  satisfy  a  judgment  of  that  amount.  Before 
you  pay  it,  it  would  be  well  to  be  sure  you  have  not  paid,  or  at  least  that  yon 
cannot  prove  you  have  paid  it. 

Give  my  love  to  mother  and  all  the  connections. 

Affectionately  your  son, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

The  second  session  was  a  quiet  one.  Mr.  Lincoln  did 
nothing  to  attract  public  attention  in  any  marked  degree.  He 
attended  diligently  and  unobtrusively  to  the  ordinary  duties 
of  his  office,  and  voted  generally  with  the  Whig  majority. 
One  Mr.  Gott,  however,  of  New  York,  offered  a  resolution 
looking  to  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  one  of  only  three  or  four 
Northern  Whigs  who  voted  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table. 
At  another  time,  however,  Mr.  Lincoln  proposed  a  substitute 
for  the  Gott  resolution,  providing  for  gradual  and  compen 
sated  emancipation,  with  the  consent  of  the  people  of  the 
District,  to  be  ascertained  at  a  general  election.  This  meas- 

badly  on  one  occasion.  If  Cass  broke  bis  sword,  the  idea  is,  be  broke  it  in  desperation-:  I 
bent  the  musket  by  accident.  If  Gen.  Cass  went  in  advance  of  me  picking  whortleberries, 
I  guess  I  surpassed  him  in  charges  upon  the  wild  onions.  If  be  saw  any  live  fighting  Ind 
ians,  it  was  more  than  I  did,  but  I  had  a  good  many  bloody  struggles  with  the  mosquitoes ; 
and,  although  I  never  fainted  from  loss  of  blood,  I  can  truly  .say  I  was  often  very  hungry. 
"  Mr.  Speaker,  if  ever  I  should  conclude  to  doff  whatever  our  Democratic  friends  may 
suppose  there  is  of  black-cockade  Federalism  about  me,  and,  thereupon,  they  shall  take  me 
up  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  I  protest  that  they  shall  not  make  fun  of  me,  as 
they  have  of  Gen.  Cass,  by  attempting  to  write  me  into  a  military  hero." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  309 

ure  he  evidently  abandoned,  and  it  died  a  natural  death 
among  the  rubbish  of  "  unfinished  business."  His  record  on 
the  Wilmot  Proviso  has  been  thoroughly  exposed,  both  by 
himself  and  Mr.  Douglas,  and  in  the  Presidential  campaign 
by  his  friends  and  foes.  He  said  himself,  that  he  had  voted 
for  it  "  about  forty-two  times."  It  is  not  likely  that  he  had 
counted  the  votes  when  he  made  this  statement,  but  spoke 
according  to  the  best  of  his  "  knowledge  and  belief." 

The  following  letters  are  printed,  not  because  they  illus 
trate  the  author's  character  more  than  a  thousand  others 
would,  but  because  they  exhibit  one  of  the  many  perplexities 
of  Congressional  life. 

SPRINGFIELD,  April  25,  1849. 

DEAR  THOMPSON,  —  A  tirade  is  still  kept  up  against  me  here  for  recom 
mending  T.  R.  King.  This  morning  it  is  openly  avowed  that  my  supposed 
influence  at  Washington  shall  be  broken  down  generally,  and  King's  pros 
pects  defeated  in  particular.  Now,  what  I  have  done  in  this  matter,  I  have 
done  at  the  request  of  you  and  some  other  friends  in  Tazewcll ;  and  I  there 
fore  ask  you  to  either  admit  it  is  wrong,  or  come  forward  and  sustain 
me.  If  the  truth  will  permit,  I  propose  that  you  sustain  me  in  the  following 
manner :  copy  the  enclosed  scrap  in  your  own  handwriting,  and  get  every 
body  (not  three  or  four,  but  three  or  four  hundred)  to  sign  it,  and  then  send 
it  to  me.  Also,  have  six,  eight,  or  ten  of  our  best  known  Whig  friends  there 
to  write  me  individual  letters,  stating  the  truth  in  this  matter  as  they 
understand  it.  Don't  neglect  or  delay  in  the  matter.  I  understand  informa 
tion  of  an  indictment  having  been  found  against  him  about  three  years  ago 
for  gaming,  or  keeping  a  gaming-house,  has  been  sent  to  the  Department.  I 
shall  try  to  take  care  of  it  at  the  Department  till  your  action  can  be  had 
and  forwarded  on. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


WASHINGTON,  June  5,  1849. 

DEAR  WILLIAM,  —  Your  two  letters  were  received  last  night.  I  have 
a  great  many  letters  to  write,  and  so  cannot  write  very  long  ones.  There 
must  be  some  mistake  about  Walter  Davis  saying  I  promised  him  the  Post- 
office.  I  did  not  so  promise  him.  I  did  tell  him,  that,  if  the  distribution 
of  the  offices  should  fall  into  my  hands,  he  should  have  something;  and,  if  I 
shall  be  convinced  he  has  said  any  more  than  this,  I  shall  be  disappointed. 

I  said  this  much  to  him,  because,  as  I  understand,  he  is  of  good  charac~ 


310  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tcr,  is  one  of  the  young  men,  is  of  the  mechanics,  and  always  faithful,  and 
never  troublesome,  a  Whig  and  is  poor,  with  the  support  of  a  widow-mother 
thrown  almost  exclusively  on  him  by  the  death  of  his  brother.  If  these 
are  wrong  reasons,  then  I  have  been  wrong ;  but  I  have  certainly  not  been 
selfish  in  it,  because,  in  my  greatest  need  of  friends,  he  was  against  me  and 
for  Baker. 

Yours  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
P.  S.  —  Let  the  above  be  confidential. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

LIKE  most  other  public  men  in  America,  Mr.  Lincoln 
made  his  bread  by  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  the 
better  part  of  his  fame  by  the  achievements  of  the  politician. 
He  was  a  lawyer  of  some  note,  and,  compared  with  the  crowds 
who  annually  take  upon  themselves  the  responsible  office 
f  advocate  and  '.ttorney,  he  might  very  justly  have  been 
called  a  good  one ;  for  he  regarded  his  office  as  a  trust,  and 
selected  and  tricu  nis  cases,  not  with  a  view  to  personal  gain, 
but  to  the  administration  of  justice  between  suitors.  And 
here,  midway  in  his  pol'  'cal  'eer,  it  is  well  enough  to 
pause,  and  take  a  leisurely  him  in  his  other  char 

acter  of  country  lawyer,  fro?  16  ne  entered  the  bar  at 

Springfield  until  he  was  translated  frorr  it  to  the  Presidential 
chair.  It  is  unnecessary  to  remind  the  reader  (for  by  this 
time  it  must  be  obvious  enough)  that  the  aim  of  the  writer 
is  merely  to  present  facts  and  contemporaneous  opinions,  with 
as  little  comment  as  possible. 

In  the  courts  and  at  the  bar-meetings  immediately  succeed 
ing  his  death,  his  professional  brethren  poured  out  in  volumes 
their  testimony  to  his  worth  and  abilities  as  a  lawyer. 
But,  in  estimating  the  value  of  this  testimony,  it  is  fail- 
to  consider  the  state  of  the  public  mind  at  the  time  it  was 
given,  —  the  recent  triumph  of  the  Federal  arms  under 
his  direction ;  the  late  overwhelming  indorsement  of  his 
administration  ;  the  unparalleled  devotion  of  *%^ 
his  person  as  exhibited  at  the  polls;  the  fre^b  .01* 

memories  of  the  hideous  tragedy  that  took  him  un  ,   .^v  luri- 

311 


312  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ous  and  deadly  passions  it  inspired  in  the  one  party,  and 
the  awe,  indignation,  and  terror  it  inspired  in  the  other.  It 
was  no  time  for  nice  and  critical  examinations,  either  of  his 
mental  or  his  moral  character ;  and  it  might  have  been  attended 
with  personal  danger  to  attempt  them.  For  days  and  nights 
together  it  was  considered  treason  to  be  seen  in  public  with  a 
smile  on  the  face.  Men  who  spoke  evil  of  the  fallen  chief,  or 
even  ventured  a  doubt  concerning  the  ineffable  purity  and 
saintliness  of  his  life,  were  pursued  by  mobs,  were  beaten  to 
death  with  paving-stones,  or  strung  up  by  the  neck  to  lamp 
posts.  If  there  was  any  rivalry,  it  was  as  to  who  should  be 
foremost  and  fiercest  among  his  avengers,  who  should  canon 
ize  him  in  the  most  solemn  words,  who  should  compare  him 
to  the  most  sacred  character  in  all  history,  sacred  and  pro 
fane.  He  was  prophet,  priest,  and  king ;  he  was  Washington  ; 
he  was  Moses ;  and  there  were  not  wanting  even  those  who 
likened  him  to  the  God  and  Redeemer  of  all  the  earth.  These 
latter  thought  they  discovered  in  his  lowly  origin,  his  kindly 
nature,  his  benevolent  precepts,  and  the  homely  anecdotes  in 
which  he  taught  the  people,  strong  points  of  resemblance 
between  him  and  the  divine  Son  of  Mary.  Even  at  this  day, 
men  are  not  wanting  in  prominent  positions  in  life,  who  knew 
Mr.  Lincoln  well,  and  who  do  not  hesitate  to  make  such  a 
comparison. 

For  many  years,  Judge  David  Davis  was  the  near  friend 
and  the  intimate  associate  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  presided  in 
the  court  where  Lincoln  was  oftenest  heard :  year  in  and 
year  out  they  travelled  together  from  town  to  town,  from 
county  to  county,  riding  frequently  in  the  same  conveyance, 
and  lodging  in  the  same  room.  Although  a  judge  on  the 
bench,  Mr.  Davis  watched  the  political  course  of  his  friend 
with  affectionate  solicitude,  and  more  than  once  interposed 
most  effectually  to  advance  his  fortunes.  When  Mr.  Lincoln 
ascended  to  the  Presidency,  it  was  well  understood  that  no 
man  enjoyed  more  confidential  relations  with  him  than  Judge 
Davis.  At  the  first  opportunity,  he  commissioned  Judge  Davis 
an  Associate  Justice  of  that  august  tribunal,  the  Supreme 


HON.  DAVID  DAVIS,  JUDGE  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT  OF  THE  II.  S. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  313 

Court  of  the  United  States ;  and,  upon  his  death,  Judge  Davis 
administered  upon  his  estate  at  the  request  of  his  family.  Add 
to  this  the  fact,  that,  among  American  jurists,  Judge  Davis's 
fame  is,  if  not  peerless,  at  least  not  excelled  by  that  of  any 
man  whose  reputation  rests  upon  his  labors  as  they  appear  in 
the  books  of  Reports,  and  we  may  very  fairly  consider  him  a 
competent  judge  of  the  professional  character  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
At  Indianapolis,  Judge  Davis  spoke  of  him  as  follows :  — 

"  I  enjoyed  for  over  twenty  years  the  personal  friendship  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
We  were  admitted  to  the  bar  about  the  same  time,  and  travelled  for  many 
years  what  is  known  in  Illinois  as  the  Eighth  Judicial  Circuit.  In  1848, 
when  I  first  went  on  the  bench,  the  circuit  embraced  fourteen  counties,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln  went  with  the  court  to  every  county.  Railroads  were  not  then 
in  use,  and  our  mode  of  travel  was  either  on  horseback  or  in  buggies. 

"  This  simple  life  he  loved,  preferring  it  to  the  practice  of  the  law  in  a 
city,  where,  although  the  remuneration  would  be  greater,  the  opportunity 
would  be  less  for  mixing  with  the  great  body  of  the  people,  who  loved  him, 
and  whom  he  loved.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  transferred  from  the  bar  of  that  circuit 
to  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  having  been  without  official 
position  since  he  left  Congress  in  1849.  In  all  the  elements  that  constitute 
the  great  lawyer,  he  had  few  equals.  He  was  great  both  at  nisi  priiis  and 
before  an  appellate  tribunal.  lie  seized  the  strong  points  of  a  cause,  and 
presented  them  with  clearness  and  great  compactness.  His  mind  was  logical 
and  direct,  and  he  did  not  indulge  in  extraneous  discussion.  Generalities 
and  platitudes  had  no  charms  for  him.  An  unfailing  vein  of  humor  never 
deserted  him ;  and  he  was  always  able  to  chain  the  attention  of  court  and 
jury,  when  the  cause  was  the  most  uninteresting,  by  the  appropriateness  of 
his  anecdotes. 

"  His  power  of  comparison  was  large,  and  he  rarely  failed  in  a  legal  discus 
sion  to  use  that  mode  of  reasoning.  The  framework  of  his  mental  and  moral 
being  was  honesty,  and  a  wrong  cause  was  poorly  defended  by  him.  The 
ability  which  some  eminent  lawyers  possess,  of  explaining  away  the  bad 
points  of  a  cause  by  ingenious  sophistry,  was  denied  him.  In  order  to  bring 
into  full  activity  his  great  powers,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  con 
vinced  of  the  right  and  justice  of  the  matter  which  he  advocated.  When  so 
convinced,  whether  the  cause  was  great  or  small,  he  was  usually  successful. 
He  read  law-books  but  little,  except  when  the  cause  in  hand  made  it  neces 
sary  ;  yet  he  was  usually  self-reliant,  depending  on  his  own  resources,  and 
rarely  consulting  his  brother  lawyers,  either  on  the  management  of  his  case 
or  on  the  legal  questions  involved. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  fairest  and  most  accommodating  of  practitioners, 


314  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

granting  all  favors  which  he  could  do  consistently  with  his  duty  to  his  client, 
and  rarely  availing  himself  of  an  unwary  oversight  of  his  adversary. 

"  He  hated  wrong  and  oppression  everywhere ;  and  many  a  man  whose 
fraudulent  conduct  was  undergoing  review  in  a  court  of  justice  has  writhed 
under  his  terrific  indignation  and  rebukes.  He  was  the  most  simple  anc 
unostentatious  of  men  in  his  habits,  having  few  wants,  and  those  easily  sup 
plied.  To  his  honor  be  it  said,  that  he  never  took  from  a  client,  even  when 
the  cause  was  gained,  more  than  he  thought  the  service  was  worth  and  the 
client  could  reasonably  afford  to  pay.  The  people  where  he  practised  law 
were  not  rich,  and  his  charges  were  always  small. 

"  When  he  was  elected  President,  I  question  whether  there  was  a  lawyer 
in  the  circuit,  who  had  been  at  the  bar  as  long  a  time,  whose  means  were  not 
larger.  It  did  not  seem  to  be  one  of  the  purposes  of  his  life  to  accumulate  a 
fortune.  In  fact,  outside  of  his  profession,  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  way 
to  make  money,  and  he  never  even  attempted  it. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  loved  by  his  brethren  of  the  bar ;  and  no  body  of  men 
will  grieve  more  at  his  death,  or  pay  more  sincere  tributes  to  his  memory. 
His  presence  on  the  circuit  was  watched  for  with  interest,  and  never  failed 
to  produce  joy  and  hilarity.  When  casually  absent,  the  spirits  of  both  bar 
and  people  were  depressed.  He  was  not  fond  of  controversy,  and  would 
compromise  a  lawsuit  whenever  practicable." 

More  or  other  evidence  than  this  may,  perhaps,  be  superflu 
ous.  Such  an  eulogium,  from  such  a  source,  is  more  than  suffi 
cient  to  determine  the  place  Mr.  Lincoln  is  entitled  to  occupy 
in  the  history,  or,  more  properly  speaking,  the  traditions,  of 
the  Western  bar.  If  Sir  Matthew  Hale  had  spoken  thus  of 
any  lawyer  of  his  day,  he  would  have  insured  to  the  subject 
of  his  praise  a  place  in  the  estimation  of  men  only  less  con 
spicuous  and  honorable  than  that  of  the  great  judge  himself. 
At  the  risk,  however,  of  unnecessary  accumulation,  we  ven 
ture  to  record  an  extract  from  Judge  Drummond's  address  at 
Chicago  :  — 

"  With  a  probity  of  character  known  to  all,  with  an  intui 
tive  insight  into  the  human  heart,  with  a  clearness  of  state 
ment  which  was  in  itself  an  argument,  with  uncommon  power 
and  felicity  of  illustration,  —  often,  it  is  true,  of  a  plain  and 
homely  kind,  —  and  with  that  sincerity  and  earnestness  of 
manner  which  carried  conviction,  he  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the 
most  successful  jury  lawyers  we  ever  had  in  the  State.  He 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  315 

always  tried  a  case  fairly  and  honestly.  He  never  inten 
tionally  misrepresented  the  evidence  of  a  witness,  nor  the 
argument  of  an  opponent.  He  met  both  squarely,  and,  if  he 
could  not  explain  the  one  or  answer  the  other,  substantially 
admitted  it.  He  never  misstated  the  law,  according  to  his 
own  intelligent  view  of  it.  Such  was  the  transparent  candor 
and  integrity  of  his  nature,  that  he  could  not  well,  or  strongly, 
argue  a  side  or  a  cause  that  he  thought  wrong.  Of  course, 
he  felt  it  his  duty  to  say  what  could  be  said,  and  to  leave  the 
decision  to  others  ;  but  there  could  be  seen  in  such  cases  the 
inward  struggles  of  his  own  mind.  In  trying  a  case,  he 
might  occasionally  dwell  too  long  upon,  or  give  too  much  im 
portance  to,  an  inconsiderable  point ;  but  this  was  the  excep 
tion,  and  generally  he  went  straight  to  the  citadel  of  the  cause 
or  question,  and  struck  home  there,  knowing,  if  that  were 
won,  the  outworks  would  necessarily  fall.  He  could  hardly 
be  called  very  learned  in  his  profession,  and  yet  he  rarely 
tried  a  cause  without  fully  understanding  the  law  applicable 
to  it ;  and  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  he  was  one  of  the 
ablest  lawyers  I  have  ever  known.  If  he  was  forcible  before 
a  jury,  he  was  equally  so  with  the  court.  He  detected,  with 
unerring  sagacity,  the  weak  points  of  an  opponent's  argument, 
and  pressed  his  own  views  with  overwhelming  strength.  His 
efforts  were  quite  unequal ;  and  it  might  happen  that  he  would 
not,  on  some  occasions,  strike  one  as  at  all  remarkable.  But 
let  him  be  thoroughly  roused,  —  let  him  feel  that  he  was  right, 
and  that  some  principle  was  involved  in  his  cause,  —  and  he 
would  come  out  with  an  earnestness  of  conviction,  a  power 
of  argument,  and  a  wealth  of  illustration,  that  I  have  never 
seen  surpassed." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  partnership  with  John  T.  Stuart  began  on 
the  27th  of  April,  1837,  and  continued  until  the  14th  of  April, 
1841,  when  it  was  dissolved,  in  consequence  of  Stuart's 
election  to  Congress.  In  that  same  year  (1841),  Mr. 
Lincoln  united  in  practice  with  Stephen  T.  Logan,  late 
presiding  judge  of  the  district,  and  they  remained  together 
until  1845. 


316  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Soon  afterwards  he  formed  a  copartnership  with  William 
H.  Herndon,  his  friend,  familiar,  and,  we  may  almost  say, 
biographer,  —  a  connection  which  terminated  only  when  the 
senior  partner  took  an  affectionate  leave  of  the  old  circuit, 
the  old  office,  home,  friends,  and  all  familiar  things,  to  return 
no  more  until  he  came  a  blackened  corpse.  "  He  once  told 
me  of  you,"  says  Mr.  Whitney  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Mr. 
Herndon,  "  that  he  had  taken  you  in  as  partner,  supposing 
that  you  had  a  system,  and  would  keep  things  in  order,  but 
that  he  found  that  you  had  no  more  system  than  he  had, 
but  that  you  were  a  fine  lawyer  ;  so  that  he  was  doubly 
disappointed."  l 

As  already  stated  by  Judge  Davis,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  "  a 
great  reader  of  law-books  ;  "  but  what  he  knew  he  knew  well, 
and  within  those  limits  was  self-reliant  and  even  intrepid.  He 
was  what  is  sometimes  called  "  a  case-lawyer,"  —  a  man  who 
reasoned  almost  entirely  to  the  court  and  jury  from  analagous 
causes  previously  decided  and  reported  in  the  books,  and  not 
from  the  elementary  principles  of  the  law,  or  the  great  under 
lying  reasons  for  its  existence.  In  consultation  he  was  cau 
tious,  conscientious,  and  painstaking,  and  was  seldom  pre 
pared  to  advise,  except  after  careful  and  tedious  examination 
of  the  authorities.  He  did  not  consider  himself  bound  to 
take  every  case  that  was  brought  to  him,  nor  to  press  all  the 

1  The  following  letter  exhibits  the  character  of  his  early  practice,  and  gives  us  a  glimpse 

into  his  social  and  political  life  :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  Dec.  23, 1839. 

DEAR ,  —  Dr.  Henry  will  write  you  all  the  political  news.    I  write  this  about  some 

little  matters  of  business.  You  recollect  you  told  me  you  had  drawn  the  Chicago  Masack 
money,  and  sent  it  to  the  claimants.  A  d — — d  hawk-billed  Yankee  is  here  besetting  me  at 
every  turn  I  take,  saying  that  Robert  Kenzie  never  received  the  eighty  dollars  to  which  he 
was  entitled. 

Can  you  tell  any  thing  about  the  matter?  Again,  old  Mr.  Wright,  who  lives  up  South 
Fork  somewhere,  is  teasing  me  continually  about  some  deeds,  which  he  says  he  left  with 
you,  but  which  I  can  find  nothing  of.  Can  you  tell  where  they  are  ?  The  Legislature  is  in 
session,  and  has  suffered  the  bank  to  forfeit  its  charter  without  benefit  of  clergy.  There 
seems  but  little  disposition  to  resuscitate  it. 

Whenever  a  letter  comes  from  you  to  Mrs. ,  I  carry  it  to  her,  and  then  I  see  Betty : 

she  is  a  tolerable  nice  fellow  now.    Maybe  I  will  write  again  when  I  get  more  time. 

Your  friend  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

P.  S.  —  The  Democratic  giant  is  here,  but  he  is  not  now  worth  talking  about. 

A.  L. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  317 

« 

points  in  favor  of  a  client  who  in  the  main  was  right  and 
entitled  to  recover.  He  is  known  to  have  been  many  times 
on  the  verge  of  quarrelling  with  old  and  valued  friends,  be 
cause  he  could  not  see  the  justice  of  their  claims,  and,  there 
fore,  could  not  be  induced  to  act  as  their  counsel.  Henry 
Me  Henry,  one  of  his  New-Salem  associates,  brought  him  a 
case  involving  the  title  to  a  piece  of  land.  McHenry  had 
placed  a  family  in  a  cabin  which  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  to  be 
situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  adversary's  line.  He  told 
McHenry  that  he  must  move  the  family  out.  "  McHenry 
said  he  should  not  do  it.  '  Well,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  if  you 
do  not,  I  shall  not  attend  to  the  suit.'  McHenry  said  he  did 
not  care  a  d — n  whether  he  did  or  not ;  that  he  (Lincoln) 
was  not  all  the  lawyer  there  was  in  town.  Lincoln  studied 
a  while,  and  asked  about  the  location  of  the  cabin,  .  .  .  and 
then  said,  '  McHenry,  you  are  right:  I  will  attend  to  the  suit,' 
and  did  attend  to  it,  and  gained  it ;  and  that  was  all  the  harsh 
word  that  passed." 

"  A  citizen  of  Springfield,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  who  vis 
ited  our  office  on  business  about  a  year  before  Mr.  Lincoln's 
nomination,  relates  the  following :  — 

"  '  Mr.  Lincoln  was  seated  at  his  table,  listening  very  atten 
tively  to  a  man  who  was  talking  earnestly  in  a  low  tone.  After 
the  would-be  client  had  stated  the  facts  of  his  case,  Mr.  Lincoln 
replied,  "  Yes,  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  but  that  I  can  gain 
your  case  for  you.  I  can  set  a  whole  neighborhood  at  logger 
heads  ;  I  can  distress  a  widowed  mother  and  her  six  fatherless 
children,  and  thereby  get  for  you  six  hundred  dollars,  which 
rightfully  belongs,  it  appears  to  me,  as  much  to  the  woman 
and  her  children  as  it  does  to  you.  You  must  remember  that 
some  things  that  are  legally  right  are  not  morally  right.  I 
shall  not  take  your  case,  but  will  give  you  a  little  advice,  for 
which  I  will  charge  you  nothing.  You  seem  to  be  a  sprightly, 
energetic  man.  I  would  advise  you  to  try  your  hand  at 
making  six  hundred  dollars  in  some  other  way." 

In  the  summer  of  1841,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  engaged  in  a  curi 
ous  case.  The  circumstances  impressed  him  very  deeply  with 


318  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  insufficiency  and  danger  of  "  circumstantial  evidence  ;  " 
so  much  so,  that  he  not  only  wrote  the  following  account  of 
it  to  Speed,  but  another  more  extended  one,  which  was  printed 
in  a  newspaper  published  at  Quincy,  111.  His  mind  was  full 
of  it :  he  could  think  of  nothing  else.  It  is  apparent  that  in 
his  letter  to  Speed  he  made  no  pause  to  choose  his  words : 
there  is  nothing  constrained,  and  nothing  studied  or  deliberate 
about  it;  but  its  simplicity,  perspicuity,  and  artless  grace 
make  it  a  model  of  English  composition.  What  Goldsmith 
once  said  of  Locke  may  better  be  said  of  this  letter :  "  He 
never  says  more  nor  less  than  he  ought,  and  never  makes  use 
of  a  word  that  he  could  have  changed  for  a  better." 
\ 

SPRINGFIELD,  June  19, 1841. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  We  have  had  the  highest  state  of  excitement  here  for 
a  week  past  that  our  community  has  ever  witnessed ;  and  although  the 
public  feeling  is  somewhat  allayed,  the  curious  affair  which  aroused  it  is 
very  far  from  being  over  yet,  cleared  of  mystery.  It  would  take  a  quire  of 
paper  to  give  you  any  thing  like  a  full  account  of  it,  and  I  therefore  only 
propose  a  brief  outline.  The  chief  personages  in  the  drama  are  Archibald 
Fisher,  supposed  to  be  murdered,  and  Archibald  Trailer,  Henry  Trailor,  and 
William  Trailor,  supposed  to  have  murdered  him.  The  three  Trailers  are 
brothers :  the  first,  Arch.,  as  you  know,  lives  in  town ;  the  second,  Henry,  in 
Clary's  Grove  ;  and  the  third,  William,  in  Warren  County ;  and  Fisher,  the 
supposed  murdered,  being  without  a  family,  had  made  his  home  with  William. 
On  Saturday  evening,  being  the  29th  of  May,  Fisher  and  William  came  to 
Henry's  in  a  one-horse  dearborn,  and  there  staid  over  Sunday ;  and  on 
Monday  all  three  came  to  Springfield  (Henry  on  horseback),  and  joined 
Archibald  at  Myers's,  the  Dutch  carpenter.  That  evening  at  supper  Fisher 
was  missing,  and  so  next  morning  some  ineffectual  search  was  made  for  him  ; 
and  on  Tuesday,  at  1  o'clock,  P.M.,  William  and  Henry  started  home  with 
out  him.  In  a  day  or  two  Henry  and  one  or  two  of  his  Clary-Grove  neigh 
bors  came  back  for  him  again,  and  advertised  his  disappearance  in  the 
papers.  The  knowledge  of  the  matter  thus  far  had  not  been  general,  and 
here  it  dropped  entirely,  till  about  the  10th  inst.,  when  Keys  received  a  letter 
from  the  postmaster  in  Warren  County,  that  William  had  arrived  at  home, 
and  was  telling  a  very  mysterious  and  improbable  story  about  the  disappear 
ance  of  Fisher,  which  induced  the  community  there  to  suppose  he  had  been 
disposed  of  unfairly.  Keys  made  this  letter  public,  which  immediately  set 
the  whole  town  and  adjoining  county  agog.  And  so  it  has  continued  until 
yesterday.  The  mass  of  the  people  commenced  a  systematic  search  for  the 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  319 

dead  body,  while  Wickersliam  was  despatched  to  arrest  Henry  Trailer  at  the 
Grove,  and  Jim  Maxcy  to  Warren  to  arrest  William.  On  Monday  last,  Henrj 
was  brought  in,  and  showed  an  evident  inclination  to  insinuate  that  he  knew 
Fisher  to  be  dead,  and  that  Arch,  and  William  had  killed  him.  He  said  he 
guessed  the  body  could  be  found  in  Spring  Creek,  between  the  Beardstown 
Road  and  Hickox's  mill.  Away  the  people  swept  like  a  herd  of  buffalo, 
and  cut  down  Hickox's  mill-dam  nolens  volens,  to  draw  the  water  out  of 
the  pond,  and  then  went  up  and  down,  and  down  and  up  the  creek,  fishing 
and  raking,  and  raking  and  ducking,  and  diving  for  two  days,  and,  after  all, 
no  dead  body  found.  In  the  mean  time  a  sort  of  a  scuffling-ground  had  been 
found  in  the  brush  in  the  angle,  or  point,  where  the  road  leading  into  the  woods 
past  the  brewery,  and  the  one  leading  in  past  the  brick  grove  meet.  From 
the  scuffle-ground  was  the  sign  of  something  about  the  size  of  a  man  having 
been  dragged  to  the  edge  of  the  thicket,  where  joined  the  track  of  some 
small  wheeled  carriage  drawn  by  one  horse,  as  shown  by  the  road-tracks. 
The  carriage-track  led  off  toward  Spring  Creek.  Near  this  drag-trail  Dr. 
Merryman  found  two  hairs,  which,  after  a  long  scientific  examination,  he 
pronounced  to  be  triangular  human  hair,  which  term,  he  says,  includes  within 
it  the  whiskers,  the  hair  growing  under  the  arms,  and  on  other  parts  of  the 
body ;  and  he  judged  that  these  two  were  of  the  whiskers,  because  the  ends 
vere  cut,  showing  that  they  had  flourished  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  razor's 
operations.  On  Thursday  last  Jim  Maxcy  brought  in  William  Trailor  from 
Warren.  On  the  same  day  Arch,  was  arrested,  and  put  in  jail.  Yesterday 
(Friday)  William  was  put  upon  his  examining  trial  before  May  and  Lavely. 
Archibald  and  Henry  were  both  present.  Lamborn  prosecuted,  and  Logan, 
Baker,  and  your  humble  servant  defended.  A  great  many  witnesses  were  in 
troduced  and  examined,  but  I  shall  only  mention  those  whose  testimony  seemed 
most  important.  The  first  of  these  was  Capt.  Ransdell.  He  swore,  that,  when 
William  and  Henry  left  Springfield  for  home  on  Tuesday  before  mentioned, 
they  did  not  take  the  direct  route,  —  which,  you  know,  leads  by  the  butcher- 
shop,  —  but  that  they  followed  the  street  north  until  they  got  opposite,  or  near 
ly  opposite,  May's  new  house,  after  which  he  could  not  see  them  from  where  he 
stood  ;  and  it  was  afterwards  proved,  that,  in  about  an  hour  after  they  started, 
they  came  into  the  street  by  the  butcher's  shop  from  towards  the  brick-yard. 
Dr.  Merryman  and  others  swore  to  what  is  stated  about  the  scuffle-ground, 
drag-trail,  whiskers,  and  carriage-tracks.  Henry  was  then  introduced  by  the 
prosecution.  He  swore,  that,  when  they  started  for  home,  they  went  out  north, 
as  Ransdell  stated,  and  turned  down  west  by  fitie  brick-yard  into  the  woods, 
and  there  met  Archibald  ;  that  they  proceeded  a  small  distance  farther, 
when  he  was  placed  as  a  sentinel  to  watch  for  and  announce  the  approach  of 
any  one  that  might  happen  that  way  ;  that  William  and  Arch,  took  the 
dearborn  out  of  the  road  a  small  distance  to  the  edge  of  the  thicket,  where 
they  stopped,  and  he  saw  them  lift  the  body  of  a  man  into  it ;  that  they  then 
moved  off  with  the  carriage  in  the  direction  of  Hickox's  mill,  and  he  loitered 


320  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

about  for  something  like  an  hour,  when  William  returned  with  the  carriage, 
but  without  Arch.,  and  said  they  had  put  him  in  a  safe  place ;  that  they  went 
somehow,  he  did  not  know  exactly  how,  into  the  road  close  to  the  brewery, 
and  proceeded  on  to  Clary's  Grove.  He  also  stated  that  some  time  during 
the  day  William  told  him  that  he  and  Arch,  had  killed  Fisher  the  even 
ing  before ;  that  the  way  they  did  it  was  by  him  (William)  knocking  him 
down  with  a  club,  and  Arch,  then  choking  him  to  death.  An  old  man  from 
Warren,  called  Dr.  Gilmore,  was  then  introduced  on  the  part  of  the  defence. 
He  swore  that  he  had  known  Fisher  for  several  years  ;  that  Fisher  had  re 
sided  at  his  house  a  long  time  at  each  of  two  different  spells,  —  once  while  he 
built  a  barn  for  him,  and  once  while  he  was  doctored  for  some  chronic  dis 
ease  ;  that  two  or  three  years  ago  Fisher  had  a  serious  hurt  in  his  head  by 
the  bursting  of  a  gun,  since  which  he  had  been  subject  to  continued  bad 
health  and  occasional  aberration  of  mind.  He  also  stated  that  on  last  Tues 
day,  being  the  same  day  that  Maxcy  arrested  William  Trailer,  he  (the  doctor) 
was  from  home  in  the  early  part  of  the  day,  and  on  his  return,  about  1 1  o'clock, 
found  Fisher  at  his  house  in  bed,  and  apparently  very  unwell ;  that  he  asked 
him  how  he  had  come  from  Springfield ;  that  Fisher  said  he  had  come  by 
Peoria,  and  also  told  of  several  other  places  he  had  been  at,  more  in  the 
direction  of  Peoria,  which  showed  that  he  at  the  time  of  speaking  did  not 
know  where  he  had  been  wandering  about  in  a  state  of  derangement.  He 
further  stated,  that  in  about  two  hours  he  received  a  note  from  one  of  Trail 
er's  friends,  advising  him  of  his  arrest,  and  requesting  him  to  go  on  to  Spring 
field  as  a  witness,  to  testify  as  to  the  state  of  Fisher's  health  in  former  times ; 
that  he  immediately  set  off,  calling  up  two  of  his  neighbors  as  company,  and, 
riding  all  evening  and  all  night,  overtook  Maxcy  and  William  at  Lewiston 
in  Fulton  County.  That  Maxcy  refusing  to  discharge  Trailer  upon  his 
statement,  his  two  neighbors  returned,  and  he  came  on  to  Springfield.  Some 
question  being  made  as  to  whether  the  doctor's  story  was  not  a  fabrication, 
several  acquaintances  of  his  (among  whom  was  the  same  postmaster  who 
wrote  to  Keys,  as  before  mentioned)  were  introduced  as  sort  of  compurgators, 
who  swore  that  they  knew  the  doctor  to  be  of  good  character  for  truth  and 
veracity,  and  generally  of  good  character  in  every  way.  Here  the  tes 
timony  ended,  and  the  Trailers  were  discharged,  Arch,  and  William  express 
ing,  both  in  word  and  manner,  their  entire  confidence  that  Fisher  would  be 
found  alive  at  the  doctor's  by  Galloway,  Mallory,  and  Myers,  who  a  day  be 
fore  had  been  despatched  for  that  purpose  ;  while  Henry  still  protested  that 
no  power  on  earth  could  ever  show  Fisher  alive.  Thus  stands  this  curious 
affair.  When  the  doctor's  story  was  first  made  public,  it  was  amusing  to 
scan  and  contemplate  the  countenances,  and  hear  the  remarks,  of  those  who 
had  been  actively  engaged  in  the  search  for  the  dead  body  :  some  looked 
quizzical,  some  melancholy,  and  some  furiously  angry.  Porter,  who  had 
been  very  active,  swore  he  always  knew  the  man  was  not  dead,  and  that  he 
had  not  stirred  an  inch  to  hunt  for  him  :  Langford,  who  had  taken  the  lead 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  321 

in  cutting  down  Hickox's  mill-dam,  and  wanted  to  hang  Hickox  for  object 
ing,  looked  most  awfully  woebegone ;  he  seemed  the  "  wictim  of  hunrequited 
affection,"  as  represented  in  the  comic  almanacs  we  used  to  laugh  over.  And 
Hart,  the  little  drayman  that  hauled  Molly  home  once,  said  it  was  too  damned 
bad  to  have  so  much  trouble,  and  no  hanging,  after  all. 

I  commenced  this  letter  on  yesterday,  since  which  I  received  yours  of  the 
13th.  I  stick  to  my  promise  to  come  to  Louisville.  Nothing  new  here,  ex 
cept  what  I  have  written.  I  have  not  seen since  my  last  trip ;  and  I  am 

going  out  there  as  soon  as  I  mail  this  letter. 

Yours  forever, 

LINCOLN. 

On  the  3d  of  December,  1839,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  admitted 
to  practice  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  ;  and  on 
the  same  day  the  names  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  S.  H.  Treat, 
Schuyler  Strong,  and  two  other  gentlemen,  were  placed  on 
the  same  roll.  The  "  Little  Giant "  is  always  in  sight ! 

The  first  speech  he  delivered  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  was  one  the  like  of  which  will  never  be  heard  again, 
and  must  have  led  the  judges  to  doubt  the  sanity  of  the  new 
attorney.  We  give  it  in  the  form  in  which  it  seems  to  be 
authenticated  by  Judge  Treat :  — 

"  A  case  being  called  for  hearing  in  the  Court,  Mr.  Lincoln 
stated  that  he  appeared  for  the  appellant,  and  was  ready 
to  proceed  with  the  argument.  He  then  said,  '  This  is  the 
first  case  I  have  ever  had  in  this  court,  and  I  have  therefore 
examined  it  with  great  care.  As  the  Court  will  perceive, 
by  looking  at  the  abstract  of  the  record,  the  only  question  in 
the  case  is  one  of  authority.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
any  authority  sustaining  my  side  of  the  case,  but  I  have  found 
several  cases  directly  in  point  on  the  other  side.  I  will  now 
give  these  cases,  and  then  submit  the  case.' ' 

The  testimony  of  all  the  lawyers,  his  contemporaries  and 
rivals,  is  in  the  same  direction.  "  But  Mr.  Lincoln's  love  of 
justice  and  fair  play,"  says  Mr.  Gillespie,  "  was  his  predomi 
nating  trait.  I  have  often  listened  to  him  when  I  thought 
he  would  certainly  state  his  case  out  of  Court.  It  was  not 
in  his  nature  to  assume,  or  to  attempt  to  bolster  up,  a  false 
position.  He  would  abandon  his  case  first.  He  did  so  in  the 
21 


322  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

case  of  Buckmaster  for  the  use  of  Denhara  vs.  Beenes  and 
Arthur,  in  our  Supreme  Court,  in  which  I  happened  to  be 
opposed  to  him.  Another  gentleman,  less  fastidious,  took 
Mr.  Lincoln's  place,  and  gained  the  case." 

In  the  Patterson  trial — a  case  of  murder  which  attained 
some  celebrity  —  in  Champaign  County,  Ficklin  and  Lamon 
prosecuted,  and  Lincoln  and  Swett  defended.  After  hearing 
the  testimony,  Mr.  Lincoln  felt  himself  morally  paralyzed, 
and  said,  "  Swett,  the  man  is  guilty :  you  defend  him ;  I 
can't."  They  got  a  fee  of  five  hundred  or  a  thousand  dollars  ; 
of  which  Mr.  Lincoln  declined  to  take  a  cent,  on  the  ground 
that  it  justly  belonged  to  Swett,  whose  ardor,  courage,  and 
eloquence  had  saved  the  guilty  man  from  justice. 

It  was  probably  his  deep  sense  of  natural  justice,  his  irre 
sistible  propensity  to  get  at  the  equities  of  the  matter  in 
hand,  that  made  him  so  utterly  impatient  of  all  arbitrary  or 
technical  rules.  Of  these  he  knew  very  little,  —  less  than  an 
average  student  of  six  months :  "  Hence,"  says  Judge  Davis, 
"  a  child  could  make  use  of  the  simple  and  technical  rules, 
the  means  and  mode  of  getting  at  justice,  better  than  Lincoln 
could."  "  In  this  respect,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  I  really 
think  he  was  very  deficient." 

Sangamon  County  was  originally  in  the  First  Judicial  Cir 
cuit  ;  but  under  the  Constitution  of  1848,  and  sundry  changes 
in  the  Judiciary  Acts,  it  became  the  Eighth  Circuit.  It  was  in 
1848  that  Judge  Davis  came  on  the  bench  for  the  first  time. 
The  circuit  was  a  very  large  one,  containing  fourteen  coun 
ties,  and  comprising  the  central  portion  of  the  State.  Lin 
coln  travelled  all  over  it  —  first  with  Judge  Treat  and  then 
with  Judge  Davis  —  twice  every  year,  and  was  thus  absent 
from  Springfield  and  home  nearly,  if  not  quite,  six  months 
out  of  every  twelve.  "  In  my  opinion,"  says  Judge  Davis, 
"  Lincoln  was  as  happy  as  he  could  be,  on  this  circuit,  and 
happy  in  no  other  place.  This  was  his  place  of  enjoyment.  As 
a  general  rule,  of  a  Saturday  evening,  when  all  the  lawyers 
would  go  home  [the  judge  means  those  who  were  close 
enough  to  get  there  and  back  by  the  time  their  cases  were 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  323 

called]  and  see  their  families  and  friends,  Lincoln  would 
refuse  to  go."  "  It  was  on  this  circuit,"  we  are  told  by  an 
authority  equally  high,  "  that  he  shone  as  a  nisi  prius  law 
yer;  it  was  on  this  circuit  Lincoln  thought,  spoke,  and 
acted;  it  was  on  this  circuit  that  the  people  met,  greeted, 
and  cheered  on  the  man;  it  was  on  this  circuit  that  he 
cracked  his  jokes,  told  his  stories,  made  his  money,  and  was 
happy  as  nowhere  in  the  world  beside."  When,  in  1857, 
Sangamon  County  was  cut  off  from  the  Eighth  Circuit  by 
the  act  creating  the  Eighteenth,  "  Mr.  Lincoln  would  still 
continue  with  Judge  Davis,  first  finishing  his  business  in 
Sangamon." 

On  his  return  from  one  of  these  long  journeys,  he  found 
that  Mrs.  Lincoln  had  taken  advantage  of  his  absence,  and, 
with  the  connivance  and  assistance  of  his  neighbor,  Gourly, 
had  placed  a  second  story  and  a  new  roof  on  his  house. 
Approaching  it  for  the  first  time  after  this  rather  startling 
alteration,  and  pretending  not  to  recognize  it,  he  called  to  a 
man  on  the  street,  "  Stranger,  can  you  tell  me  where  Lincoln 
lives  ?  He  used  to  live  here." 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  first  began  to  "  ride  the  circuit,"  he  was 
too  poor  to  own  horseflesh  or  vehicle,  and  was  compelled  to 
borrow  from  his  friends.  But  in  due  time  he  became  the  pro 
prietor  of  a  horse,  which  he  fed  and  groomed  himself,  and  to 
which  he  was  very  much  attached.  On  this  animal  he  would 
set  out  from  home,  to  be  gone  for  weeks  together,  with  no 
baggage  but  a  pair  of  saddle-bags,  containing  a  change  of 
linen,  and  an  old  cotton  umbrella,  to  shelter  him  from  sun  or 
rain.  When  he  got  a  little  more  of  this  world's  goods,  he 
set  up  a  one-horse  buggy,  —  a  very  sorry  and  shabby-looking 
affair,  which  he  generally  used  when  the  weather  promised  to 
be  bad.  But  the  lawyers  were  always  glad  to  see  him,  and 
the  landlords  hailed  his  coming  with  pleasure.  Yet  he  was 
one  of  those  peculiar,  gentle,  uncomplaining  men,  whom 
those  servants  of  the  public  who  keep  "  hotels  "  would  gene 
rally  put  off  with  the  most  indifferent  accommodations.  It  was 
a  very  significant  remark  of  a  lawyer  thoroughly  acquainted 


324  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

with  his  habits  and  disposition,  that  "  Lincoln  was  never 
seated  next  the  landlord  at  a  crowded  table,  and  never  got  a 
chicken  liver  or  the  best  cut  from  the  roast."  If  rooms  were 
scarce,  and  one,  two,  three,  or  four  gentlemen  were  required 
to  lodge  together,  in  order  to  accommodate  some  surly  man  . 
who  "  stood  upon  his  rights,"  Lincoln  was  sure  to  be  one  of 
the  unfortunates.  Yet  he  loved  the  life,  and  never  went 
home  without  reluctance. 

From  Mr.  S.  C.  Parks  of  Lincoln,  himself  a  most  reputable 
lawyer,  we  have  two  or  three  anecdotes,  which  we  give  in 
his  own  language  :  — 

o        o 

"  I  have  often  said,  that,  for  a  man  who  was  for  the  quarter 
of  a  century  both  a  lawyer  and  a  politician,  he  was  the  most 
honest  man  I  ever  knew.  He  was  not  only  morally  honest, 
but  intellectually  so.  He  could  not  reason  falsely  :  if  he 
attempted  it,  he  failed.  In  politics  he  never  would  try  to 
mislead.  At  the  bar,  when  he  thought  he  was  wrong,  he  was 
the  weakest  lawyer  I  ever  saw.  You  know  this  better  than 
I  do.  But  I  will  give  you  an  example  or  two  which  occurred 
in  this  county,  and  which  you  may  not  remember. 

"  A  man  was  indicted  for  larceny :  Lincoln,  Young,  and 
myself  defended  him.  Lincoln  was  satisfied  by  the  evidence 
that  he  was  guilty,  and  ought  to  be  convicted.  He  called 
Young  and  myself  aside,  and  said,  '  If  you  can  say  any  thing 
for  the  man,  do  it.  I  can't :  if  I  attempt,  the  jury  will  see 
that  I  think  he  is  guilty,  and  convict  him,  of  course.'  The  case 
was  submitted  by  us  to  the  jury  without  a  word.  The  jury 
failed  to  agree  ;  and  before  the  next  term  the  man  died.  Lin 
coln's  honesty  undoubtedly  saved  him  from  the  penitentiary. 

"  In  a  closely-contested  civil  suit,  Lincoln  had  proved  an 
account  for  his  client,  who  was,  though  he  did  not  know  it 
at  the  time,  a  very  slippery  fellow.  The  opposing  attorney 
then  proved  a  receipt  clearly  covering  the  entire  cause  of 
action.  By  the  time  he  was  through,  Lincoln  was  missing. 
The  court  sent  for  him  to  the  hotel.  '  Tell  the  judge,'  said 
he,  '  that  I  can't  come :  my  hands  are  dirty  ;  and  I  came  over 
to  clean  them  ! ' 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  325 

"  In  the  case  of  Harris  and  Jones  vs.  Buckles,  Harris  wanted 
Lincoln  to  assist  you  and  myself.     His  answer  was  character 
istic  :  '  Tell  Harris  it's  no  use  to  waste  money  on  me  in  that 
.case  :  he'll  get  beat.'  ' 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  prone  to  adventures  in  which  pigs  were 
the  other  party.  The  reader  has  already  enjoyed  one  from 
the  pen'  of  Miss  Owen ;  and  here  is  another,  from  an  incor 
rigible  humorist,  a  lawyer,  named  J.  H.  Wickizer  :  — 

"  In  1855  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  were  travelling  by  buggy 
from  Woodford  County  Court  to  Bloomington,  111. ;  and,  in 
passing  through  a  little  grove,  we  suddenly  heard  the  terrific 
squealing  of  a  little  pig  near  by  us.  Quick  as  thought  Mr. 
Lincoln  leaped  out  of  the  buggy,  seized  a  club,  pounced  upon 
the  old  sow,  and  beat  her  lustily  :  she  was  in  the  act  of  eat 
ing  one  of  her  young  ones.  Thus  he  saved  the  pig,  and  then 
remarked,  *  By  jing !  the  unnatural  old  brute  shall  not 
devour  her  own  progeny  ! '  This,  I  think,  was  his  first  proc 
lamation  of  freedom." 

But  Mr.  Wickizer  gives  us  another  story,  which  most  hap 
pily  illustrates  the  readiness  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  wit :  — 

"  In  1858,  in  the  court  at  Bloomington,  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
engaged  in  a  case  of  no  great  importance  ;  but  the  attorney 

on  the  other  side,  Mr.  S ,  a  young  lawyer  of  fine  abilities 

(now  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State),  was  always 
very  sensitive  about  being  beaten,  and  in  this  case  manifested 
unusual  zeal  and  interest.  The  case  lasted  until  late  at  night, 

when  it  was  finally  submitted  to  the  jury.     Mr.  S spent  a 

sleepless  night  in  anxiety,  and  early  next  morning  learned,  to 
his  great  chagrin,  that  he  had  lost  the  case.  Mr.  Lincoln  met 
him  at  the  Court  House,  and  asked  him  what  had  become  of 
his  case.  With  lugubrious  countenance  and  melancholy  tone, 

Mr.  S said,  '  It's  gone   to   hell.'  — '  Oh,  well !  '  replied 

Lincoln,  '  then  you'll  see  it  again  ! ' 

Although  the  humble  condition  and  disreputable  character 
of  some  of  his  relations  and  connections  were  the  subject  of 
constant  annoyance  and  most  painful  reflections,  he  never 
tried  to  shake  them  off,  and  never  abandoned  them  when 


326  LIFE  OP  ABE  AH  AM  LINCOLN. 

they  needed  his  assistance.  A  son  of  his  foster-brother,  John 

Johnston,  was  arrested  in County  for  stealing  a  watch. 

Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  the  same  town  to  address  a  mass  meet 
ing  while  the  poor  boy  was  in  jail.  He  waited  until  the  dusk 
of  the  evening,  and  then,  in  company  with  Mr.  H.  C.  Whitney, 
visited  the  prison.  "  Lincoln  knew  he  was  guilty,"  says  Mr. 
Whitney,  "  and  was  very  deeply  affected,  —  more  than  I  ever 
saw  him.  At  the  next  term  of  the  court,  upon  the  State's 
Attorney's  consent,  Lincoln  and  I  went  to  the  prosecution 
witnesses,  and  got  them  to  come  into  open  court,  and  state  that 
they  did  not  care  to  presecute."  The  boy  was  released ;  and 
that  evening,  as  the  lawyers  were  leaving  the  town  in  their 
buggies,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  observed  to  get  down  from  his,  and 
walk  back  a  short  distance  to  a  poor,  distressed-looking 
young  man  who  stood  by  the  roadside.  It  was  young  John 
ston.  Mr.  Lincoln  engaged  for  a  few  moments  apparently  in 
earnest  and  nervous  conversation  with  him,  then  giving  him 
some  money,  and  returning  to  his  buggy,  drove  on. 

A  thousand  tales  could  be  told  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  amusing 
tricks  and  eccentricities  on  these  quiet  rides  from  county  to 
county,  in  company  with  judges  and  lawyers,  and  of  his  quaint 
sayings  and  curious  doings  at  the  courts  in  these  Western 
villages.  But,  much  against  our  will,  we  are  compelled  to 
make  selections,  and  present  a  few  only,  which  rest  upon  the 
most  undoubted  authority. 

It  is  well  known  that  he  used  to  carry  with  him,  on  what 
Mr.  Stuart  calls  "  the  tramp  around  the  circuit,  "  ordinary 
school-books,  —  from  Euclid  down  to  an  English  grammar,  — 
and  study  them  as  he  rode  along,  or  at  intervals  of  leisure  in 
the  towns  where  he  stopped.  He  supplemented  these  with 
a  copy  of  Shakspeare,  got  much  of  it  by  rote,  and  recited 
long  passages  from  it  to  any  chance  companion  by  the 
way. 

He  was  intensely  fond  of  cutting  wood  with  an  axe ;  and 
he  was  often  seen  to  jump  from  his  buggy,  seize  an  axe  out 
of  the  hands  of  a  roadside  chopper,  take  his  place  on  the  log 
in  the  most  approved  fashion,  and,  with  his  tremendous  long 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  327 

strokes,  cut  it  in  two  before  the  man  could  recover  from  his 
surprise. 

It  was  this  free  life  that  charmed  him,  and  reconciled  him 
to  existence.  Here  he  forgot  the  past,  with  all  its  cruelties 
and  mortifications  :  here  were  no  domestic  afflictions  to  vex 
his  weary  spirit  and  to  try  his  magnanimous  heart. 

"After  he  had  returned  from  Congress,"  says  Judge  Davis, 
"  and  had  lost  his  practice,  Goodrich  of  Chicago  proposed  to 
him  to  open  a  law-office  in  Chicago,  and  go  into  partnership 
with  him.  Goodrich  had  an  extensive  practice  there.  Lin 
coln  refused  to  accept,  and  gave  as  a  reason,  that  he  tended 
to  consumption  ;  that,  if  he  went  to  Chicago,  he  would  have 
to  sit  down  and  study  hard,  and  it  would  kill  him ;  that  he 
would  rather  go  around  the  circuit — the  Eighth  Judicial 
Circuit  — than  to  sit  down  and  die  in  Chicago." 

In  the  summer  of  1857,  at  a  camp-meeting  in  Mason  Coun 
ty,  one  Metzgar  was  most  brutally  murdered.  The  affray  took 
place  about  half  a  mile  from  the  place  of  worship,  near  some 
wagons  loaded  with  liquors  and  provisions.  Two  men,  James 
H.  Norris  and  William  D.  Armstrong,  were  indicted  for  the 
crime.  Norris  was  tried  in  Mason  County,  convicted  of  man 
slaughter,  and  sentenced  to  the  penitentiary  for  the  term  of 
eight  years.  But  Armstrong,  the  popular  feeling  being  very 
high  against  him  in  Mason,  "  took  a  change  of  venue  to  Cass 
County,"  and  was  there  tried  (at  Beardstown)  in  the  spring 
of  1858.  Hitherto  Armstrong  had  had  the  services  of  two 
able  counsellors,  but  now  their  efforts  were  supplemented  by 
those  of  a  most  determined  and  zealous  volunteer. 

Armstrong  was  the  son  of  Jack  and  Hannah  Armstrong  of 
New  Salem,  the  child  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  had  rocked  in  the 
cradle  while  Mrs.  Armstrong  attended  to  other  household 
duties.  His  life  was  now  in  imminent  peril :  he  seemed 
clearly  guilty;  and,  if  he  was  to  be  saved,  it  must  be  by 
the  interposition  of  some  power  which  could  deface  that 
fatal  record  in  the  Norris  trial,  refute  the  senses  of  wit 
nesses,  and  make  a  jury  forget  themselves  and  their  oaths. 
Old  Hannah  had  one  friend  whom  she  devoutly  believed  could 


328  LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

accomplish  this.  She  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  he  replied 
that  he  would  defend  the  boy.  (She  says  she  has  lost  his 
letter.)  Afterwards  she  visited  him  at  Springfield,  and  pre 
pared  him  for  the  event  as  well  as  she  could,  with  an  under 
standing  weakened  by  a  long  strain  of  severe  and  almost 
hopeless  reflection. 

When  the  trial  came  on,  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  for  the 
defence.  His  colleague,  Mr.  Walker,  had  possessed  him  of 
the  record  in  the  Norris  case  ;  and,  upon  close  and  anxious 
examination,  he  was  satisfied  that  the  witnesses  could,  by  a 
well-sustained  and  judicious  cross-examination,  be  made  to 
contradict  each  other  in  some  important  particulars.  Mr. 
Walker  "  handled  "  the  victims  of  this  friendly  design,  while 
Mr.  Lincoln  sat  by  and  suggested  questions.  Nevertheless,  to 
the  unskilled  mind,  the  testimony  seemed  to  be  absolutely  con 
clusive  against  the  prisoner,  and  every  word  of  it  fell  like  a 
new  sentence  of  death.  Norris  had  beaten  the  murdered  man 
with  a  club  from  behind,  while  Armstrong  had  pounded  him 
in  the  face  with  a  slung-shot  ''^— atfciy  prepared  for  the 
occasion;  and,  accord  J  men,  either  would 

have  been  fatal  witbj--  J~tf  el^     ,at  the  witness  whose 

testimony  bore  hardfjtcn;.  "Ta        _,  swore  that'  the  crime 

was  committed  abouc  eieven  o  ^^^, .t  night,  and  that  he  saw 

the  blows  struck  by  the  light  of  a  moon  nearly  full,  and  stand 
ing  in  the  heavens  about  where  the  sun  would  stand  at  ten 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  is  easy  to  pervert  and  even  to 
destroy  evidence  like  this  ;  and  here  Mr.  Lincoln  saw  an 
opportunity  which  nobody  had  dreamed  of  on  the  Norris  trial. 
He  handed  to  an  officer  of  the  court  an  almanac,  and  told  him 
to  give  it  back  to  him  when  he  should  call  for  it  in  presence 
of  the  jury.  It  was  an  almanac  of  the  year  previous  to  the 
murder. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln,"  says  Mr.  Walker,  "  made  the  closing  argu 
ment  for  the  defence.  At  first  he  spoke  slowly,  and  carefully 
reviewed  the  whole  testimony,  —  picked  it  all  to  pieces,  and 
showed  that  the  man  had  not  received  his  wounds  at  the 
place  or  time  named  by  the  witnesses,  but  afterwards,  and  at 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  329 

the  hands  of  some  one  else."  "  The  evidence  bore  heavily  upon 
his  client,"  says  Mr.  Shaw,  one  of  the  counsel  for  the  prosecu 
tion.  "  There  were  many  witnesses,  and  each  one  seemed  to 
add  one  more  cord  that  seemed  to  bind  him  down,  until  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  something  in  the  situation  of  Gulliver  after  his 
first  sleep  in  Lilliput.  But,  when  he  came  to  talk  to  the  jury 
(that  was  always  his  forte),  he  resembled  Gulliver  again.  He 
skilfully  untied  here  and  there  a  knot,  and  loosened  here  and 
there  a  peg,  until,  fairly  getting  warmed  up,  he  raised  him 
self  in  his  full  power,  and  shook  the  arguments  of  his  oppo 
nents  from  him  as  if  they  were  cobwebs."  In  due  time  he 
called  for  the  almanac,  and  easily  proved  by  it,  that,  at  the  time 
the  main  witness  declared  the  moon  was  shining  in  great  splen 
dor,  there  was,  in  fact,  no  moon  at  all,  but  black  darkness 
over  the  whole  scene.  In  the  "  roar  of  laughter  "  and  undis 
guised  astonishment  succeeding  this  apparent  demonstration, 
court,  jury,  and  counsel  forgot  to  examine  that  seemingly  con 
clusive  almanac,  and  ]et  it  pass  without  a  question  concerning 
its  genuineness.1 

In  conclusion, oin'"i6  -kU.'  "^hing  picture  of  Jack 

Armstrij,  ~->  "A>v\i  1  gone  to  that  place 

of  coro.^   <§  v  --H  '.  —  this  sweet-faced 

S>     4nv*— 

1  Mr.  E.  J.  Loomis,  assistant  in  charge  of  the  "Nautical  Almanac"  office,  Washington, 
D.C.,  under  date  of  Aug.  1,  1871,  says,— 

"Referring  to  the  'Nautical  Almanac'  for  1857,  I  find,  that,  between  the  hours  of  ten 
and  eleven  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  29th  of  August,  1857,  the  moon  was  within  one  hour 
of  setting. 

"The  computed  time  of  its  setting  on  that  night  is  11  h.  57  m.,  —  three  minutes  before 
midnight. 

"  The  moon  was  only  two  days  past  its  first  quarter,  and  could  hardly  be  mistaken  for 
'  nearly  full.' " 

"  In  the  case  of  the  People  vs.  Armstrong,  I  was  assisting  prosecuting  counsel.  The 
prevailing  belief  at  that  time,  and  I  may  also  say.  at  the  present,  in  Cass  County,  was 
as  follows :  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln,  previous  to  the  trial,  handed  an  almanac  of  the  year  previous  to  the  mur 
der  to  an  officer  of  the  court,  stating  that  he  might  call  for  one  during  the  trial,  and,  if  he 
did,  to  send  him  that  one.  An  important  witness  for  the  People  hud  fixed  the  time  of  the 
murder  to  be  in  the  night,  near  a  camp-meeting;  '  that  the  moon  was  about  in  the  same 
place  that  the  sun  would  be  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  was  nearly  full,'  therefore  he 
could  see  plainly,  &c.  At  the  proper  time,  Mr.  Lincoln  called  to  the  officer  for  an  alma 
nac;  and  the  one  prepared  for  the  occasion  was  shown  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  reading  from  it 
at  the  time  referred  to  by  the  witness  'The  moon  had  already  set ;'  that  in  the  roar  of  laugh 
ter  the  jury  and  opposing  counsel  forgot  to  look.at  the  date.  Mr.  Carter,  a  lawyer  of  this 


330  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

old  lady  with  the  silver  locks,  —  welcoming  to  their  humble 
cabin  a  strange  and  penniless  boy,  to  whom  Jack,  with  that 
Christian  benevolence  which  distinguished  him  through  life, 
became  as  a  father,  and  the  guileless  Hannah  even  more  than 
a  mother.  The  boy,  he  said,  stood  before  them  pleading  for 
the  life  of  his  benefactors'  son,  —  the  staff  of  the  widow's 
declining  years. 

"  The  last  fifteen  minutes  of  his  speech,"  his  colleague 
declares,  "  was  as  eloquent  as  I  ever  heard  ;  and  such  the 
power  and  earnestness  with  which  he  spoke  to  that  jury,  that 
all  sat  as  if  entranced,  and,  when  he  was  through,  found  relief 
in  a  gush  of  tears."  "  He  took  the  jury  by  storm,"  says  one 
of  the  prosecutors.  "  There  were  tears  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  eyes 
while  he  spoke,  but  they  were  genuine.  His  sympathies  were 
fully  enlisted  in  favor  of  the  young  man,  and  his  terrible  sin 
cerity  could  not  help  but  arouse  the  same  passion  in  the  jury. 
I  have  said  a  hundred  times  that  it  was  Lincoln's  speech  that 
saved  that  criminal  from  the  gallows."  In  the  language  of 
Hannah,  who  sat  by  enchanted,  "  he  t^d  the  stories  about 
our  first  acquaintance,  —  what  I  did  '-^  -'~n,  and  how  I  did 
it;"  and  she  thinks  it  "was 


"As  to  the  trial,"  continues  En;..  „  '  '-^QcoZn  •  *  ^°  me' 
'  Hannah,  your  son  will  be  cleared  befortfBaflUxuwnT  He  and 
the  other  lawyers  addressed  the  jury,  and  closed  the  case.  I 
went  down  at  Thompson's  pasture  :  Stator  came  to  me,  and  told 
me  soon  that  my  son  was  cleared  and  a  free  man.  I  went 

city  (Beardstown),  who  was  present  at,  but  not  engaged  in,  the  Armstrong  case,  says  he  is 
satisfied  that  the  almanac  was  of  the  year  previous,  and  thinks  he  examined  it  at  the  time. 
This  was  the  general  impression  in  the  court-room.  I  have  called  on  the  sheriff  who  offici 
ated  at  that  time  (James  A.  Dick),  who  says  that  he  saw  a  '  Goudy's  Almanac'  lying  upon 
Mr.  Lincoln's  table  during  the  trial,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  took  it  out  of  his  own  pocket. 
Mr.  Dick  does  not  know  the  date  of  it.  I  have  seen  several  of  the  petit  jurymen  who  sat 
upon  the  case,  who  only  recollect  that  the  almanac.  Moored  the  witness.  But  one  of  the 
jurymen,  the  foreman,  Mr.  Milton  Logan,  says  that  it  was  the  one  for  the  year  of  the  mur 
der,  and  no  trick  about  it  ;  that  he  is  willing  to  make  an  affidavit  that  he  examined  it  as  to 
date,  and  that  it  was  an  almanac  of  the  year  of  the  murder.  My  own  opinion  is,  that  when 
an  almanac  was  called  for  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  two  were  brought,  one  of  the  year  of  the  mur 
der,  and  one  of  the  year  previous  ;  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  entirely  innocent  of  any  deception 
in  the  matter.  I  the  more  think  this,  from  the  fact  that  Armstrong  was  not  cleared  by 
any  want  of  testimony  against  him,  but  by  the  irresistible  appeal  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  his 
favor."—  HENRY  SHAW. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  331 

up  to  the  Court  House :  the  jury  shook  hands  with  me,  so  did 
the  Court,  so  did  Lincoln.  We  were  all  affected,  and  tears 
streamed  down  Lincoln's  eyes.  He  then  remarked  to  me, 
'  Hannah,  what  did  I  tell  you  ?  I  pray  to  God  that  William 
may  be  a  good  boy  hereafter ;  that  this  lesson  may  prove  in 
the  end  a  good  lesson  to  him  and  to  all.'  .  .  .  After  the  trial 
was  over,  Lincoln  came  down  to  where  I  was  in  Beardstown. 
I  asked  him  what  he  charged  me ;  told  him  I  was  poor.  He 
said,  '  Why,  Hannah,  I  sha'n't  charge  you  a  cent,  —  never. 
Any  thing  I  can  do  for  you  I  will  do  for  you  willing  and  freely 
without  charges.'  He  wrote  to  me  about  some  land  which 
some  men  were  trying  to  get  from  me,  and  said,  '  Hannah, 
they  can't  get  your  land.  Let  them  try  it  in  the  Circuit 
Court,  and  then  you  appeal  it ;  bring  it  to  Supreme  Court, 
and  I  and  Herndon  will  attend  to  it  for  nothing.' ': 

This  boy  William  enlisted  in  the  Union  army.  But  in  1863 
Hannah  concluded  she  "  wanted  "  him.  She  does  not  say  that 
William  was  laboring  under  any  disability,  or  that  he  had  any 
legal  right  to  his  discharge.  She  merely  "  wanted  "  him,  and 
wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  to  that  effect.  He  replied  promptly  by 

telegraph :  — 

SEPTEMBER,  1863. 

MRS.  HANNAH  ARMSTRONG,  —  I  have  just  ordered  the  discharge  of  your 
boy  William,  as  you  say,  now  at  Louisville,  Ky. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

For  many  years  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  attorney  of  the  Illi 
nois  Central  Railway  Company ;  and,  having  rendered  in 
some  recent  causes  most  important  and  laborious  services, 
he  presented  a  bill  in  1857  for  five  thousand  dollars.  He 
pressed  for  his  money,  and  was  referred  to  some  under-official 
who  was  charged  with  that  class  of  business.  Mr.  Lincoln 
would  probably  have  modified  his  bill,  which  seemed  exorbitant 
as  charges  went  among  country  lawyers,  but  the  company 
treated  him  with  such  rude  insolence,  that  he  contented  him 
self  with  a  formal  demand,  and  then  immediately  instituted 
suit  on  the  claim.  The  case  was  tried  at  Bloomington  before 
Judge  Davis;  and,  upon  affidavits  of  N.  B.  Judd,  O.  H. 


332  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Browning,  S.  T.  Logan,  and  Archy  Williams,  respecting  the 
value  of  the  services,  was  decided  in  favor  of  the  plaintiff,  and 
judgment  given  for  five  thousand  dollars.  This  was  much 
more  money  than  Mr.  Lincoln  had  ever  had  at  one  time. 

In  the  summer  of  1859  Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  Cincinnati  to 
argue  the  celebrated  McCormick  reaping-machine  case.  Mr. 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  whom  he  never  saw  before,  was  one  of 
his  colleagues,  and  the  leading  counsel  in  the  case ;  and 
although  the  other  gentlemen  engaged  received  him  with 
proper  respect,  Mr.  Stanton  treated  him  with  such  marked 
and  habitual  discourtesy,  that  he  was  compelled  to  withdraw 
from  the  case.  When  he  reached  home  he  said  that  he  had 
"  never  been  so  brutally  treated  as  by  that  man  Stanton  ;  " 
and  the  facts  justified  the  statement. 


STEPHEN  T.  LOGAN. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

WE  have  seen  already,  from  one  of  his  letters  to  Mr. 
Herndon,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  personally  quite  will 
ing  to  be  a  candidate  for  Congress  the  second  time.  But 
his  "  honor  "  forbade  :  he  had  given  pledges,  and  made  private 
arrangements  with  other  gentlemen,  to  prevent  "  the  district 
from  going  to  the  enemy."  Judge  Logan  was  nominated  in 
his  place ;  and,  although  personally  one  of  the  most  popular 
men  in  Illinois,  he  was  sadly  beaten,  in  consequence  of  the 
record  which  the  Whig  party  had  made  "  against  the  war." 
It  was  well  as  it  was ;  for,  if  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  the  candi 
date,  he  would  have  been  still  more  disastrously  defeated, 
since  it  was  mainly  the  votes  he  had  given  in  Congress  which 
Judge  Logan  found  it  so  difficult  to  explain  and  impossible 
to  defend. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  applicant,  and  a  very  urgent  one,  for 
the  office  of  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land-Office  in  the 
new  Whig  administration.  He  moved  his  friends  to  urge  him 
in  the  newspapers,  and  wrote  to  some  of  his  late  associates  in 
Congress  (among  them  Mr.  Schenck  of  Ohio),  soliciting  their 
support.  But  it  was  all  of  no  avail ;  Mr.  Justin  Butterfield 
(also  an  Illinoisian)  beat  him  "  in  the  race  to  Washington," 
and  got  the  appointment.  It  is  said  by  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
numerous  biographers,  that  he  often  laughed  over  his  failure 
to  secure  this  great  office,  pretending  to  think  it  beneath  his 
merits ;  but  we  can  find  no  evidence  of  the  fact  alleged,  and 
have  no  reason  to  believe  it. 

Mr.  Fillmore  subsequently  offered  him  the  governorship  of 

833 


334  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Oregon.  The  news  reached  him  whilst  away  at  court  at 
Tremont  or  Bloomington.  Mr.  Stuart  and  others  "  coaxed 
him  to  take  it ; "  the  former  insisting  that  Oregon  would  soon 
become  a  State,  and  he  one  of  its  senators.  Mr.  Lincoln  saw 
it  all,  and  said  he  would  accept  "if  his  wife  would  consent." 
But  his  wife  "  refused  to  do  so ; "  and  time  has  shown  that 
she  was  right,  as  she  usually  was  when  it  came  to  a  question 
of  practical  politics. 

From  the  time  of  his  retirement  from  Congress  to  1854, 
when  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  broke  the  hollow  truce  of  1856,  which  Mr.  Clay 
and  his  compeers  fondly  regarded  as  a  peace,  Mr.  Lincoln's 
life  was  one  of  comparative  political  inactivity.  He  did  not 
believe  that  the  sectional  agitations  could  be  permanently 
stilled  by  the  devices  which  then  seemed  effectual  to  the  fore 
most  statesmen  of  either  party  and  of  both  sections.  But  he 
was  not  disposed  to  be  forward  in  the  renewal  of  them.  He 
probably  hoped  against  conviction  that  time  would  allay  the 
animosities  which  endangered  at  once  the  Union  and  the 
principles  of  free  government,  which  had  thus  far  preserved  a 
precarious  existence  among  the  North  American  States. 

Coming  home  to  Springfield  from  the  Tremont  court  in 
1850  in  company  with  Mr.  Stuart,  he  said,  "  The  time  will 
come  when  we  must  all  be  Democrats  or  Abolitionists. 
When  that  time  comes,  my  mind  is  made  up.  The  '  slavery 
question '  can't  be  compromised."  —  "  So  is  my  mind  made 
up,"  replied  his  equally  firm  companion ;  and  at  that  moment 
neither  doubted  on  which  side  he  would  find  the  other  when 
the  great  struggle  took  place. 

The  Whig  party  everywhere,  in  Congress  and  in  their  con 
ventions,  local  and  national,  accepted  the  compromise  of  1850 
under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Webster.  Mr. 
Lincoln  did  the  same  ;  for,  from  the  hour  that  party  lines  were 
distinctly  and  closely  drawn  in  his  State,  he  was  an  unswerv 
ing  party  man.  But  although  he  said  nothing  against  those 
measures,  and  much  in  favor  of  them,  it  is  clear  that  he 
accepted  the  result  with  reluctance.  He  spoke  out  his  disap- 


LIFE  OF  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN.  335 

proval  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  as  it  was  passed,  believing 
and  declaring  wherever  he  went,  that  a  negro  man  appre 
hended  as  a  slave  should  have  the  privilege  of  a  trial  by  jury, 
instead  of  the  summary  processes  provided  by  the  law. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  and  I  were  going  to  Petersburg  in  1850,  I 
think,"  says  Mr.  Herndon.  "  The  political  world  was  dead  : 
the  compromises  of  1850  seemed  to  settle  the  negro's  fate. 
Things  were  stagnant ;  and  all  hope  for  progress  in  the  line 
of  freedom  seemed  to  be  crushed  out.  Lincoln  was  speculat 
ing  with  me  about  the  deadness  of  things,  and  the  despair 
which  arose  out  of  it,  and  deeply  regretting  that  his  human 
strength  and  power  were  limited  by  his  nature  to  rouse  and 
stir  up  the  world.  He  said  gloomily,  despairingly,  sadly, 
4  How  hard,  oh !  how  hard  it  is  to  die  and  leave  one's  coun 
try  no  better  than  if  one  had  never  lived  for  it !  The  world 
is  dead  to  hope,  deaf  to  its  own  death-struggle,  made  known 
by  a  universal  cry,  What  is  to  be  done  ?  Is  any  thing  to  be 
done  ?  Who  can  do  any  thing  ?  and  how  is  it  to  be  done  ? 
Did  you  ever  think  of  these  things  ?  ' 

In  1850  Mr.  Lincoln  again  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for 
Congress  ;  and  a  newspaper  called  "  The  Tazewell  Mirror  " 
persisting  in  naming  him  for  the  place,  he  published  a  let 
ter,  refusing  most  emphatically  to  be  considered  a  candidate. 
The  concluding  sentence  alleged  that  there  were  many  men 
among  the  Whigs  of  the  district  who  would  be  as  likely  as 
he  to  bring  "  the  district  right  side  up." 

Until  the  death  of  his  excellent  step-mother,  Sarah  Bush 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Lincoln  never  considered  himself  free  for  a 
moment  from  the  obligation  to  look  after  and  care  for  her 
family.  She  had  made  herself  his  mother ;  and  he  regarded 
her  and  her  children  as  near  relatives,  —  much  nearer  than 
any  of  the  Hankses. 

The  limit  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  life  was  rapidly  approaching. 
Mrs.  Chapman,  his  step-daughter,  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  to  that 
effect ;  and  so  did  John  Johnston.  He  began  to  fear  that 
the  straitened  circumstances  of  the  household  might  make 
them  think  twico  before  they  sent  for  a  doctor,  or  procured 


336  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

other  comforts  for  the  poor  old  man,  which  he  needed,  per 
haps,  more  than  drugs.  He  was  too  busy  to  visit  the  dying 
man,  but  sent  him  a  kind  message,  and  directed  the  family 
to  get  whatever  was  wanted  upon  his  credit. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Jan.  12,  1851. 

DEAR  BROTHER,  —  On  the  day  before  yesterday  I  received  a  letter  from 
Harriet,  written  at  Greenup.  She  says  she  has  just  returned  from  your 
house,  and  that  father  is  very  low,  and  will  hardly  recover.  She  also  says 
that  you  have  written  me  two  letters,  and  that,  although  you  do  not  expect 
me  to  come  now,  you  wonder  that  I  do  not  write.  I  received  both  your  let 
ters  ;  and,  although  I  have  not  answered  them,  it  is  not  because  I  have  for 
gotten  them,  or  not  been  interested  about  them,  but  because  it  appeared  to  me 
I  could  write  nothing  which  could  do  any  good.  You  already  know  I  desire 
that  neither  father  nor  mother  shall  be  in  want  of  any  comfort,  either  in  health 
or  sickness,  while  they  live ;  and  I  feel  sure  you  have  not  failed  to  use  my  name, 
if  necessary,  to  procure  a  doctor  or  any  thing  else  for  father  in  his  present 
sickness.  My  business  is  such  that  I  could  hardly  leave  home  now,  if  it 
were  not,  as  it  is,  that  my  own  wife  is  sick  a-bed.  (It  is  a  case  of  baby  sickness, 
and,  I  suppose,  is  not  dangerous.)  I  sincerely  hope  father  may  yet  recover 
his  health  ;  but,  at  all  events,  tell  him  to  remember  to  call  upon  and  confide 
in  our  great  and  good  and  merciful  Maker,  who  will  not  turn  away  from  him  in 
any  extremity.  He  notes  the  fall  of  a  sparrow,  and  numbers  the  hairs  of 
our  heads ;  and  he  will  not  forget  the  dying  man  who  puts  his  trust  in  him. 
Say  to  him,  that,  if  we  could  meet  now,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  would  not 
be  more  painful  than  pleasant;  but  that,  if  it  be  his  lot  to  go  now,  he  will 
soon  have  a  joyous  meeting  with  loved  ones  gone  before,  and  where  the 
rest  of  us,  through  the  help  of  God,  hope  ere  long  to  join  them. 

Write  me  again  when  you  receive  this. 

Affectionately, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Before  and  after  the  death  of  Thomas  Lincoln,  John  Johns 
ton  and  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  somewhat  spirited  correspondence 
regarding  John's  present  necessities  and  future  plans.  John 
was  idle,  thriftless,  penniless,  and  as  much  disposed  to  rove  as 
poor  old  Tom  had  been  in  his  earliest  and  worst  days.  This 
lack  of  character  and  enterprise  on  John's  part  added  seriously 
to  Mr.  Lincoln's  anxieties  concerning  his  step-mother,  and 
greatly  embarrassed  his  attempts  to  provide  for  her.  At 
length  he  wrote  John  the  following  energetic  exhortation, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  337 

coupled  with  a  most  magnanimous  pecuniary  offer.  It  is  the 
letter  promised  in  a  previous  chapter,  and  makes  John  an 
intimate  acquaintance  of  the  reader :  — 

DEAR  JOHNSTON,  —  Your  request  for  eighty  dollars,  I  do  not  think  it 
best  to  comply  with  now.  At  the  various  times  when  I  have  helped  you  a 
little,  you  have  said  to  me,  "  We  can  get  along  very  well  now  ;  "  but  in  a  very 
short  time  I  find  you  in  the  same  difficulty  again.  Now,  this  can  only  happen 
by  some  defect  in  your  conduct.  What  that  defect  is,  I  think  I  know.  You  are 
not  lazy,  and  still  you  are  an  idler.  I  doubt  whether,  since  I  saw  you,  you 
have  done  a  good  whole  day's  work  in  any  one  day.  You  do  not  very  much 
dislike  to  work,  and  still  you  do  not  work  much,  merely  because  it  docs  not 
seem  to  you  that  you  could  get  much  for  it.  This  habit  of  uselessly  wasting 
time  is  the  whole  difficulty ;  and  it  is  vastly  important  to  you,  and  still  more 
so  to  your  children,  that  you  should  break  the  habit.  It  is  more  important 
to  them,  because  they  have  longer  to  live,  and  can  keep  out  of  an  idle  habit 
before  they  are  in  it  easier  than  they  can  get  out  after  they  are  in. 

You  are  now  in  need  of  some  money ;  and  what  I  propose  is,  that  you 
shall  go  to  work,  "  tooth  and  nail,"  for  somebody  who  will  give  you  money 
for  it.  Let  father  and  your  boys  take  charge  of  things  at  home,  prepare  for 
a  crop,  and  make  the  crop,  and  you  go  to  work  for  the  best  money-wages, 
or  in  discharge  of  any  debt  you  owe,  that  you  can  get ;  and,  to  secure  you  a 
fair  reward  for  your  labor,  I  now  promise  you,  that,  for  every  dollar  you  will, 
between  this  and  the  first  of  next  May,  get  for  your  own  labor,  either  in 
money  or  as  your  own  indebtedness,  I  will  then  give  you  one  other  dollar. 
By  this,  if  you  hire  yourself  at  ten  dollars  a  month,  from  me  you  will  get 
ten  more,  making  twenty  dollars  a  month  for  your  work.  In  this  I  do  not 
mean  you  shall  go  off  to  St.  Louis,  or  the  lead-mines,  or  the  gold-mines  in 
California ;  but  I  mean  for  you  to  go  at  it  for  the  best  wages  you  can  get  close 
to  home,  in  Cole's  County.  Now,  if  you  will  do  this,  you  will  be  soon  out  of 
debt,  and,  what  is  better,  you  will  have  a  habit  that  will  keep  you  from  get 
ting  in  debt  again.  But,  if  I  should  now  clear  you  out  of  debt,  next  year 
you  would  be  just  as  deep  in  as  ever.  You  say  you  would  almost  give  your 
place  in  heaven  for  $70  or  $80.  Then  you  value  your  place  in  heaven  very 
cheap  ;  for  I  am  sure  you  can,  with  the  offer  I  make,  get  the  seventy  or  eighty 
dollars  for  four  or  five  months'  work.  You  say,  if  I  will  furnish  you  the  money, 
you  will  deed  me  the  land,  and,  if  you  don't  pay  the  money  back,  you  will 
deliver  possession.  Nonsense  !  If  you  can't  now  live  with  the  land,  how 
will  you  then  live  without  it  ?  You  have  always  been  kind  to  me,  and  I  do 
not  mean  to  be  unkind  to  you.  On  the  contrary,  if  you  will  but  follow  my 
advice,  you  will  find  it  worth  more  than  eighty  times  eighty  dollars  to  you. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

A.  LINCOLN 


338  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Again  he  wrote  :  — 

SHELBTVILLE,  Nov.  4,  1851. 

DEAR  BROTHER,  —  When  I  came  into  Charleston  day  before  yesterday, 
I  learned  that  you  are  anxious  to  sell  the  land  where  yon  live,  and  move  to 
Missouri.  I  have  been  thinking  of  this  ever  since,  and  cannot  but  think  such 
a  notion  is  utterly  foolish.  What  can  you  do  in  Missouri  better  than  here  ? 
Is  the  land  any  richer  ?  Can  you  there,  any  more  than  here,  raise  corn  and 
wheat  and  oats  without  work  ?  Will  anybody  there,  any  more  than  here, 
do  your  work  for  you  ?  If  you  intend  to  go  to  work,  there  is  no  better  place 
than  right  where  you  are  :  if  you  do  not  intend  to  go  to  work,  you  cannot 
get  along  anywhere.  Squirming  and  crawling  about  from  place  to  place 
can  do  no  good.  You  have  raised  no  crop  this  year  ;  and  what  you  really 
want  is  to  sell  the  land,  get  the  money,  and  spend  it.  Part  with  the  land 
you  have,  and,  my  life  upon  it,  you  will  never  after  own  a  spot  big  enough  to 
bury  you  in.  Half  you  will  get  for  the  land  you  will  spend  in  moving  to 
Missouri,  and  the  other  half  you  will  eat  and  drink  and  wear  out,  and  no 
foot  of  land  will  be  bought.  Now,  I  feel  it  is  my  duty  to  have  no  hand  in 
such  a  piece  of  foolery.  I  feel  that  it  is  so  even  on  your  own  account,  and 
particularly  on  mother's  account.  The  eastern  forty  acres  I  intend  to  keep  for 
mother  while  she  lives  :  if  you  will  not  cultivate  it,  it  will  rent  for  enough  to 
support  her ;  at  least,  it  will  rent  for  something.  Her  dower  in  the" other  two 
forties  she  can  let  you  have,  and  no  thanks  to  me.  Now,  do  not  misunder 
stand  this  letter  :  I  do  not  write  it  in  any  unkindness.  I  write  it  in  order, 
if  possible,  to  get  you  to  face  the  truth,  which  truth  is,  you  are  destitute 
because  you  have  idled  away  all  your  time.  Your  thousand  pretences  for 
not  getting  along  better  are  all  nonsense  :  they  deceive  nobody  but  yourself. 
Go  to  work  is  the  only  cure  for  your  case. 

A  word  to  mother.  Chapman  tells  me  he  wants  you  to  go  and  live  with 
him.  If  I  were  you,  I  would  try  it  a  while.  If  you  get  tired  of  it  (as  I  think 
you  will  not),  you  can  return  to  your  own  home.  Chapman  feels  very  kindly 
to  you  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  he  will  make  your  situation  very  pleasant. 

Sincerely  your  son, 

A.  LINCOLX. 

And  again :  — 

SHELBTVILLB,  Nov.  9,  1851. 

DEAR  BROTHER,  —  When  I  wrote  you  before,  I  had  not  received  your 
letter.  I  still  think  as  I  did  ;  but  if  the  land  can  be  sold  so  that  I  get  three 
hundred  dollars  to  put  to  interest  for  mother,  I  will  not  object,  if  she  does 
not.  But,  before  .1  will  make  a  deed,  the  money  must  be  had,  or  secured 
beyond  all  doubt,  at  ten  per  cent. 

As  to  Abram,  I  do  not  want  him,  on  my  own  account ;  but  I  under 
stand  he  wants  to  live  with  me,  so  that  he  can  go  to  school,  and  get  a  fair 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  339 

start  in  the  world,  which  I  very  much  wish  him  to  have.  When  I  reach 
home,  if  I  can  make  it  convenient  to  take,  I  will  take  him,  provided  there  is 
no  mistake  between  us  as  to  the  object  and  terms  of  my  taking  him. 

In  haste  as  ever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  1852,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  chosen  by  a 
public  meeting  of  his  fellow-citizens  at  Springfield  to  deliver 
in  their  hearing  a  eulogy  upon  the  life  and  character  of  Henry 
Clay ;  and  on  the  16th  of  the  same  month  he  complied  with 
their  request.  Such  addresses  are  usually  called  orations ; 
but  this  one  scarcely  deserved  the  name.  He  made  no  effort 
to  be  eloquent,  and  in  no  part  of  it  was  he  more  than  ordi 
narily  animated.  It  is  true  that  he  bestowed  great  praise 
upon  Mr.  Clay  ;  but  it  was  bestowed  in  cold  phrases  and  a 
tame  style,  wholly  unlike  the  bulk  of  his  previous  composi 
tions.  In  truth,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  never  so  devoted  a  follower 
of  Mr.  Clay  as  some  of  his  biographers  have  represented 
him.  He  was  for  another  man  in  1836,  most  probably  for 
another  in  1840,  and  very  ardently  for  another  in  1848.  Dr. 
Holland  credits  him  with  a  visit  to  Mr.  Clay  at  Ashland, 
and  an  interview  which  effectually  cooled  his  ardor  in  behalf 
of  the  brilliant  statesman.  But,  in  fact,  Mr.  Lincoln  never 
troubled  himself  to  make  such  a  pilgrimage  to  see  or  hear  any 
man,  —  much  less  Mr.  Clay.  None  of  his  friends  —  Judge 
Davis,  Mr.  Herndon,  Mr.  Speed,  or  any  one  else,  so  far  as  we 
are  able  to  ascertain  —  ever  heard  of  the  visit.  If  it  had  been 
made  at  any  time  after  1838,  it  could  scarcely  have  been  con 
cealed  from  Mr.  Speed  ;  and  we  are  compelled  to  place  it 
along  with  the  multitude  of  groundless  stories  which  have 
found  currency  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  biographers. 

If  the  address  upon  Clay  is  of  any  historical  value  at  all,  it 
is  because  it  discloses  Mr.  Lincoln's  unreserved  agreement 
with  Mr.  Clay  in  his  opinions  concerning  slavery  and  the 
proper  method  of  extinguishing  it.  They  both  favored  grad 
ual  emancipation  by  the  voluntary  action  of  the  people  of  the 
Slave  States,  and  the  transportation  of  the  whole  negro  popu 
lation  to  Africa  as  rapidly  as  they  should  be  freed  from  ser- 


340  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

vice  to  their  masters  :  it  was  a  favorite  scheme  with  Mr. 
Lincoln  then,  as  it  was  long  after  he  became  President  of  the 
United  States.  "  Compensated  "  and  "  voluntary  emancipa 
tion,"  on  the  one  hand,  and  "  colonization  "  of  the  freedmen 
on  the  other,  were  essential  parts  of  every  "  plan  "  which 
sprung  out  of  his  own  individual  mind.  On  this  occasion, 
after  quoting  Mr.  Clay,  he  said,  "  This  suggestion  of  the  pos 
sible  ultimate  redemption  of  the  African  race  and  African  con 
tinent  was  made  twenty-five  years  ago.  Every  succeeding 
year  has  added  strength  to  the  hope  of  its  realization.  May 
it  indeed  be  realized !  Pharaoh's  country  was  cursed  with 
plagues,  and  his  hosts  were  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea,  for  striv 
ing  to  retain  a  captive  people  who  had  already  served  them 
more  than  four  hundred  years.  May  like  disasters  never 
befall  us  !  If,  as  the  friends  of  colonization  hope,  the  present 
and  coming  generations  of  our  countrymen  shall  by  any 
means  succeed  in  freeing  our  land  from  the  dangerous  pres 
ence  of  slavery,  and  at  the  same  time  restoring  a  captive 
people  to  their  long-lost  fatherland,  with  bright  prospects  for 
the  future,  and  this,  too,  so  gradually  that  neither  races  nor 
individuals  shall  have  suffered  by  the  change,  it  will  indeed 
be  a  glorious  consummation.  And  if  to  such  a  consummation 
the  efforts  of  Mr.  Clay  shall  have  contributed,  it  will  be  what 
he  most  ardently  wished ;  and  none  of  his  labors  will  have 
been  more  valuable  to  his  country  and  his  kind." 

During  the  campaign  of  1852,  Judge  Douglas  took  the 
stump  for  Pierce  "  in  twenty-eight  States  out  of  the  thirty- 
one."  His  first  speech  was  at  Richmond,  Va.  It  was  pub 
lished  extensively  throughout  the  Union,  and  especially  in 
Illinois.  Mr.  Lincoln  felt  an  ardent  desire  to  answer  it, 
and,  according  to  his  own  account,  got  the  "  permission  "  of 
the  "  Scott  Club  "  of  Springfield  to  make  the  speech  under 
its  auspices.  It  was  a  very  poor  effort.  If  it  was  distin 
guished  by  one  quality  above  another,  it  was  by  its  attempts 
at  humor  ;  and  all  those  attempts  were  strained  and  affected, 
as  well  as  very  coarse.  He  displayed  a  jealous  and  petulant 
temper  from  the  first  sentence  to  the  last,  wholly  beneath 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  341 

the  dignity  of  the  occasion  and  the  importance  of  the  topic. 
Considered  as  a  whole,  it  may  be  said  that  none  of  his  public 
performances  was  more  unworthy  of  its  really  noble  authoi 
than  this  one.  The  reader  has  doubtless  observed  in  the 
course  of  this  narrative,  as  he  will  in  the  future,  that  Mr. 
Douglas's  great  success  in  obtaining  place  and  distinction  was 
a  standing  offence  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  self-love  and  individual 
ambition.  He  was  intensely  jealous  of  him,  and  longed  to 
pull  him  down,  or  outstrip  him  in  the  race  for  popular  favor, 
which  they  united  in  considering  "  the  chief  end  of  man." 
Some  of  the  first  sentences  of  this  speech  before  the  "  Scott 
Club  "  betray  this  feeling  in  a  most  unmistakable  and  pain 
ful  manner.  "  This  speech  [that  of  Mr.  Douglas  at  Rich 
mond]  has  been  published  with  high  commendations  in  at 
least  one  of  the  Democratic  papers  in  this  State,  and  I  sup 
pose  it  has  been  and  will  be  in  most  of  the  others.  When  I 
first  saw  it  and  read  it,  I  was  reminded  of  old  times,  when 
Judge  Douglas  was  not  so  much  greater  man  than  all  the  rest 
of  us,  as  he  is  now,  —  of  the  Harrison  campaign  twelve  years 
ago,  when  I  used  to  hear  and  try  to  answer  many  of  his 
speeches ;  and  believing  that  the  Richmond  speech,  though 
marked  with  the  same  species  of  '  shirks  and  quirks  '  as  the 
old  ones,  was  not  marked  with  any  greater  ability,  I  was 
seized  with  a  strange  inclination  to  attempt  an  answer  to  it ; 
and  this  inclination  it  was  that  prompted  me  to  seek  the  priv 
ilege  of  addressing  you  on  this  occasion." 

In  the  progress  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Lincoln  emphatically 
indorsed  Mr.  Douglas's  great  speech  at  Chicago  in  1850,  in 
defence  of  the  compromise  measures,  which  Mr.  Lincoln 
pronounced  the  work  of  no  part}7,  but  which,  "  for  praise  or 
blame,"  belonged  to  Whigs  and  Democrats  alike.  The  rest 
of  the  address  was  devoted  to  a  humorous  critique  upon  Mr. 
Douglas's  language  in  the  Richmond  speech,  to  ridicule  of 
the  campaign  biographies  of  Pierce,  to  a  description  of 
Gens.  Shields  and  Pierce  wallowing  in  the  ditch  in  the 
midst  of  a  battle,  and  to  a  most  remarkable  account  of  a 
militia  muster  which  might  have  been  seen  at  Springfield 


342  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

a  few  years  previous.  Mr.  Douglas  had  expressed  great  confi 
dence  in  the  sober  judgment  of  the  people,  and  at  the  same 
time  had,  rather  inconsistently  as  well  as  indecently,  declared 
that  Providence  had  saved  us  from  one  military  administra 
tion  by  the  timely  removal  of  Gen.  Taylor.  To  this  Mr. 
Lincoln  alluded  in  his  closing  paragraph,  which  is  given  as  a 
fair  sample  of  the  whole  :  — 

"  Let  us  stand  by  our  candidate  as  faithfully  as  he  has 
always  stood  by  our  country,  and  I  much  doubt  if  we  do  not 
perceive  a  slight  abatement  in  Judge  Douglas's  confidence  in 
Providence,  as  well  as  in  the  people.  I  suspect  that  confidence 
is  not  more  firmly  fixed  with  the  judge  than  it  was  with  the  old 
woman  whose  horse  ran  away  with  her  in  a  buggy.  She  said 
she  '  trusted  in  Providence  till  the  britchin'  broke,  and  then 
she  didn't  know  what  on  airth  to  do.'  The  chance  is,  the  judge 
will  see  the  '  britchin'  broke  ; '  and  then  he  can  at  his  leisure 
bewail  the  fate  of  Locofocoism  as  the  victim  of  misplaced 
confidence." 

On  the  4th  of  January,  1854,  Mr.  Douglas,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Territories,  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  reported  a  bill  to  establish  a  territorial  government  in 
Nebraska.  This  bill  contained  nothing  in  relation  to  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  which  still  remained  upon  the  statute- 
book,  although  the  principle  on  which  it  was  based  had  been 
violated  in  the  Compromise  legislation  of  1850.  A  Whig 
Senator  from  Kentucky  gave  notice,  that,  when  the  Commit 
tee's  bill  came  before  the  Senate,  he  would  move  an  amend 
ment  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise.  With  this  admo 
nition  in  mind,  the  Committee  instructed  Mr.  Douglas  to 
report  a  substitute,  which  he  did  on  the  23d  of  the  same 
month.  The  substitute  made  two  Territories  out  of  Nebraska, 
and  called  one  of  them  Kansas.  It  annulled  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  forbade  its  application  to  Kansas,  Nebraska,  or 
any  other  territory,  and,  as  amended  and  finally  passed,  fixed 
the  following  rules  :  ..."  It  being  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Terri 
tory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  343 

people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States."  Mr.  Douglas  had  long 
since  denounced  his  imprecations  upon  "  the  ruthless  hand  " 
that  should  disturb  that  ancient  compact  of  peace  between 
the  sections ;  and  now  he  put  forth  his  own  ingenious  hand 
to  do  the  deed,  and  to  take  the  curse,  in  both  of  which  he 
was  eminently  successful.  Not  that  the  Missouri  Act  may 
not  have  been  repugnant  to  the  Constitution,  for  no  court 
had  ever  passed  upon  it ;  but  it  was  enacted  for  a  holy  pur 
pose,  was  venerable  in  age,  was  consecrated  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people  by  the  unsurpassed  eloquence  of  the  patriots 
of  a  previous  generation,  and  having  the  authority  of  law, 
of  reason,  and  of  covenant,  it  had  till  then  preserved  the 
Union,  as  its  authors  designed  it  should ;  and,  being  in  truth 
a  sacred  thing,  it  was  not  a  proper  subject  for  the  "  ruthless  " 
interference  of  mere  politicians,  like  those  who  now  devoted 
it  to  destruction.  If,  upon  a  regularly  heard  and  decided 
issue,  the  Supreme  Court  should  declare  it  unconstitutional, 
the  recision  of  the  compact  could  be  attributed  to  no  party,  — 
neither  to  slavery  nor  to  antislavery,  —  and  the  peace  of  the 
country  might  still  subsist.  But  its  repeal  by  the  party  that 
did  it  —  a  coalition  of  Southern  Whigs  and  Democrats  with 
Northern  Democrats  —  was  evidence  of  a  design  to  carry 
slavery  into  the  region  north  of  36°  30' ;  or  the  legislation  was 
without  a  purpose  at  all.  It  was  the  first  aggression  of  the 
South ;  but  be  it  remembered  in  common  justice,  that  she 
was  tempted  to  it  by  the  treacherous  proffers  of  a  restless  but 
powerful  Northern  leader,  who  asked  no  recompense  but  her 
electoral  votes.  In  due  time  he  opened  her  eyes  to  the 
nature  of  the  fraud ;  and,  if  he  carried  through  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act  to  catch  the  votes  of  the  South  in  1856,  it  cost 
him  no  inconvenience  to  give  it  a  false  and  startling  con 
struction  to  catch  the  votes  of  the  North  in  1860.  In  the 
repeal  of  the  Compromise,  the  Northern  Democrats  submitted 
with  reluctance  to  the  dictation  of  Douglas  and  the  South.  It 
was  the  great  error  of  the  party,  —  the  one  disastrous  error  of 


344  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

all  its  history.  The  party  succeeded  in  1856  only  by  the  nomi 
nation  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  who  was  out  of  the  country  when  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act  was  passed,  and  who  was  known  to  have 
opposed  it.  But  the  questions  which  grew  out  of  it,  the  false 
and  disingenuous  construction  of  the  act  by  its  author,  the 
slavery  agitations  in  Kansas  and  throughout  the  country, 
disrupted  the  party  at  Charleston,  and  made  possible  Mr. 
Lincoln's  election  by  a  minority  of  the  votes  cast.  And  to  the 
Whig  party,  whose  Senators  and  Representatives  from  the 
South  voted  for  the  Douglas  Bill  in  a  body,  the  renewal 
of  the  slavery  agitation,  invited  and  insured  by  their  action, 
was  the  signal  of  actual  dissolution. 

Up  to  this  date,  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  of  slavery,  and  how 
they  were  formed,  are  as  well  known  to  the  reader  as  they 
can  be  made  known  from  the  materials  left  behind  for  a  history 
of  them.  It  is  clear  that  his  feelings  on  the  subject  were 
inspired  by  individual  cases  of  apparent  hardship  which  had 
come  under  his  observation.  John  Hanks,  on  the  last  trip  to 
New  Orleans,  was  struck  by  Lincoln's  peculiarly  active  sym 
pathy  for  the  servile  race,  and  insists,  that,  upon  sight  of  their 
wrongs,  "  the  iron  entered  his  heart."  In  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Speed,  which  will  shortly  be  presented,  Mr.  Lincoln  confesses 
to  a  similar  experience  in  1841,  and  speaks  with  great  bitter 
ness  of  the  pain  which  the-  actual  presence  of  chained  and 
manacled  slaves  had  given  him.  Indeed,  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
not  an  ardent  sympathizer  with  sufferings  of  any  sort,  which 
he  did  not  witness  with  the  eye  of  flesh.  His  compassion 
might  be  stirrnl  deeply  by  an  object  present,  but  never  by 
an  object  aren't  and  unseen.  In  the  former  case  he  would 
most  likely  extend  relief,  with  little  inquiry  into  the  merits 
of  the  case,  because,  as  he  expressed  it  himself,  it  "  took  a 
pain  out  of  his  own  heart;"  and  he  devoutly  believed  that 
every  such  act  of  charity  or  mercy  sprung  from  motives 
purely  selfish.  None  of  his  public  acts,  either  before  or  after 
he  became  Presi '  nt,  exhibits  any  special  tenderness  for  the 
African  race,  o  ny  extraordinary  commiseration  of  their 
lot.  On  the  c;oi  trary,  he  invariably,  in  words  and  deeds, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  345 

postponed  the  interests  of  the  blacks  to  the  interests  of  the 
whites,  and  expressly  subordinated  the  one  to  the  other. 
When  he  was  compelled,  by  what  he  deemed  an  overruling 
necessity,  founded  on  both  military  and  political  considera 
tions,  to  declare  the  freedom  of  the  public  enemy's  slaves, 
he  did  so  with  avowed  reluctance,  and  took  pains  to  have 
it  understood  that  his  resolution  was  in  no  wise  affected 
by  sentiment.  He  never  at  any  time  favored  the  admission 
of  negroes  into  the  body  of  electors,  in  his  own  State  or  in 
the  States  of  the  South.  He  claimed  that  those  who  were 
incidentally  liberated  by  the  Federal  arms  were  poor-spirited, 
lazy,  and  slothful ;  that  they  could  be  made  soldiers  only  by 
force,  and  willing  laborers  not  at  all ;  that  they  seemed  to  have 
no  interest  in  the  cause  of  their  own  race,  but  were  as  docile 
in  the  service  of  the  Rebellion  as  the  mules  that  ploughed 
the  fields  or  drew  the  baggage-trains ;  and,  as  a  people,  were 
useful  only  to  those  who  were  at  the  same  time  their  masters 
and  the  foes  of  those  who  sought  their  good.  With  such 
views  honestly  formed,  it  is  no  wonder  that  he  longed  to 
see  them  transported  to  Hayti,  Central  America,  Africa, 
or  anywhere,  so  that  they  might  in  no  event,  and  in  no  way, 
participate  in  the  government  of  his  country.  Accord 
ingly,  he  was,  from  the  beginning,  as  earnest  a  coloniza- 
tionist  as  Mr.  Clay,  and,  even  during  his  Presidencj",  zealously 
and  persistently  devised  schemes  for  the  deportation  of  the 
negroes,  which  the  latter  deemed  cruel  and  atrocious  in  the 
extreme.  He  believed,  with  his  rival,  that  this  was  purely 
a  "  white  man's  government ;  "  but  he  woulu  '-we  been  per 
fectly  willing  to  share  its  blessings  with  the  bia^k  man,  had 
he  not  been  very  certain  that  the  blessings  would  disappear 
when  divided  with  such  a  partner.  He  was  no  Abolitionist 
in  the  popular  sense ;  did  not  want  to  break  over  the  safe 
guards-  of  the  Constitution  to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it 
had  a  lawful  existence ;  but,  wherever  his  power  rightfully 
extended,  he  was  anxious  that  the  negro  sh  ">ld  be  protected, 
just  as  women  and  children  and  unnatural} '  U  men  are  pro- 


346  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

tected,  in  life,  limb,  property,  reputation,  and  every  thing  that 
nature  or  law  makes  sacred.  But  this  was  all :  he  had  no 
notion  of  extending  to  the  negro  the  privilege  of  governing 
him  and  other  white  men,  by  making  him  an  elector.  That 
was  a  political  trust,  an  office  to  be  exercised  only  by  the 
superior  race. 

It  was  therefore  as  a  white  man,  and  in  the  interests  of 
white  men,  that  he  threw  himself  into  the  struggle  to  keep 
the  blacks  out  of  the  Territories.  He  did  not  want  them 
there  either  as  slaves  or  freemen  ;  but  he  wanted  them  less 
as  slaves  than  as  freemen.  He  perceived  clearly  enough  the 
motives  of  the  South  in  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
It  did,  in  fact,  arouse  him  "  like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night."  He 
felt  that  a  great  conflict  impended  ;  and,  although  he  had 
as  yet  no  idea  that  it  was  an  "  irrepressible  conflict  between 
opposing  and  enduring  forces,"  which  must  end  in  making 
all  free  or  all  slave,  he  thought  it  was  serious  enough  to 
demand  his  entire  mind  and  heart ;  and  he  freely  gave  them 
both. 

Mr.  Gillespie  gives  the  substance  of  a  conversation  with 
him,  which,  judging  from  the  context,  must  have  taken  place 
about  this  time.  Prefacing  with  the  remark  that  the  slavery 
question  was  the  only  one  "  on  which  he  (Mr.  Lincoln) 
would  become  excited,"  he  says, — 

"  I  recollect  meeting  with  him  once  at  Shelbyville,  when 
he  remarked  that  something  must  be  done,  or  slavery  would 
overrun  the  whole  country.  He  said  there  were  about 
six  hundred  thousand  non-slaveholding  whites  in  Kentucky 
to  about  thirty-three  thousand  slaveholders ;  that,  in  the 
convention  then  recently  held,  it  was  expected  that  the  dele 
gates  would  represent  these  classes  about  in  proportion  to 
their  respective  numbers ;  but,  when  the  convention  assem 
bled,  there  was  not  a  single  representative  of  the  non- 
slaveholding  class :  every  one  was  in  the  interest  of  the 
slaveholders  ;  '  and,'  said  he,  '  the  thing  is  spreading  like 
wildfire  over  the  country.  In  a  few  years  we  will  be  ready 
to  accept  the  institution  in  Illinois,  and  the  whole  country 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  347 

will  adopt  it.'  I  asked  him  to  what  he  attributed  the  change 
that  was  going  on  in  public  opinion.  He  said  he  had 
put  that  question  to  a  Kentuckian  shortly  before,  who  an 
swered  by  saying,  '  You  might  have  any  amount  of  land, 
money  in  your  pocket,  or  bank-stock,  and,  while  travelling 
around,  nobody  would  be  any  wiser  ;  but,  if  you  had  a  darkey 
trudging  at  your  heels,  everybody  would  see  him,  and  know 
that  you  owned  a  slave.'  'It  is  the  most  glittering,  osten 
tatious,  and  displaying  property  in  the  world ;  and  now,' 
says  he,  '  if  a  young  man  goes  courting,  the  only  inquiry  is, 
how  many  negroes  he  or  she  owns.  The  love  for  slave  prop 
erty  was  swallowing  up  every  other  mercenary  possession. 
Its  ownership  betokened,  not  only  the  possession  of  wealth, 
but  indicated  the  gentleman  of  leisure,  who  was  above  and 
scorned  labor.'  These  things  Mr.  Lincoln  regarded  as  highly 
seductive  to  the  thoughtless  and  giddy-headed  young  men 
who  looked  upon  work  as  vulgar  and  ungentlemanly.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  really  excited,  and  said,  with  great  earnestness, 
that  this  spirit  ought  to  be  met,  and,  if  possible,  checked ; 
that  slavery  was  a  great  and  crying  injustice,  an  enormous 
national  crime,  and  that  we  could  not  expect  to  escape 
punishment  for  it.  I  asked  him  how  he  would  proceed  in  his 
efforts  to  check  the  spread  of  slavery.  Ha  confessed  he  did 
not  see  his  way  clearly.  I  think  he  made  up  his  mind  from  that 
time  that  he  would  oppose  slavery  actively.  I  know  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  always  contended  that  no  man  had  any  right  other 
than  mere  brute  force  gave  him  to  a  slave.  He  used  to  say 
that  it  was  singular  that  the  courts  would  hold  that  a  man 
never  lost  his  right  to  his  property  that  had  been  stolen  from 
him,  but  that  he  instantly  lost  his  right  to  himself  if  he  was 
stolen.  Mr.  Lincoln  always  contended  that  the  cheapest  way 
of  getting  rid  of  slavery  was  for  the  nation  to  buy  the  slaves, 
and  set  them  free." 

If  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  awakened 
Lincoln  from  his  dream  of  security  regarding  the  slavery 
question,  which  he  hoped  had  been  put  to  rest  by  the  com 
promises  of  1820  and  1850,  it  did  the  same  with  all  like- 


348  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

miuded  people  in  the  North.  From  that  moment  the 
Abolitionists,  on  the  one  hand,  discerned  a  hope,  not  only 
of  restricting  slavery,  but  of  ultimate  emancipation  ;  and  the 
Southern  Disunionists,  on  the  other,  who  had  lately  met  with 
numerous  and  signal  defeats  in  their  own  section,  perceived 
the  means  of  inflaming  the  popular  heart  to  the  point  of  dis 
union.  A  series  of  agitations  immediately  began,  — incessant, 
acrimonious,  and  in  Kansas  murderous  and  bloody,  —  which 
destroyed  the  Whig  party  at  once,  and  continued  until  they 
severed  the  Democratic  party  at  Charleston.  All  other  issues 
were  as  chaff  to  this, —  slavery  or  no  slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories,  —  while  the  discussion  ranged  far  back  of  this  prac 
tical  question,  and  involved  the  much  broader  one,  whether 
slavery  possessed  inherent  rights  under  the  Constitution.  The 
Whigs  South  having  voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  compromise, 
and  the  Whigs  North  against  it,  that  party  was  practically  no 
more.  Some  of  its  members  went  into  the  Know-Nothing 
lodges ;  some  enlisted  under  the  Abolition  flag,  and  others 
drifted  about  and  together  until  they  formed  themselves  into 
a  new  organization,  which  they  called  Republican.  It  was  a 
disbanded  army  ;  and,  released  from  the  authority  of  discipline 
and  party  tradition,  a  great  part  of  the  members  engaged  for 
a  while  in  political  operations  of  a  very  disreputable  charac 
ter.  But  the  better  class,  having  kept  themselves  unspot 
ted  from  the  pollution  of  Knovv-Nothingism,  gradually  but 
speedily  formed  the  Republican  party,  which  in  due  time 
drew  into  its  mighty  ranks  nearly  all  the  elements  of  opposi 
tion  to  the  Democracy.  Such  a  Whig  was  Mr.  Lincoln,  who 
lost  no  time  in  taking  his  ground.  In  Illinois  the  new  party 
was  not  (in  1854)  either  Abolitionist,  Republican,  Know- 
Nothing,  Whig,  or  Democratic,  for  it  was  composed  of  odds 
and  ends  of  all ;  but  simply  the  Anti-Nebraska  party,  of 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  soon  became  the  acknowledged  leader. 

Returning  from  Washington,  Mr.  Douglas  attempted  to 
speak  at  Chicago  ;  but  he  was  not  heard,  and,  being  hissed 
and  hooted  by  the  populace  of  the  city,  betook  himself  to 
more  complaisant  audiences  in  the  country.  Early  in  October, 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  349 

the  State  Fair  being  in  progress  there,  he  spoke  at  Spring 
field.  His  speech  was  ingenious,  and,  on  the  whole,  able  : 
but  he  was  on  the  defensive  ;  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
fact,  both  on  his  own  part  and  that  of  the  audience,  made 
him  seem  weaker  than  he  really  was.  By  common  consent 
the  Anti-Nebraska  men  put  up  Mr.  Lincoln  to  reply  ;  and  he 
did  reply  with  such  power  as  he  had  never  exhibited  before. 
He  was  not  the  Lincoln  who  had  spoken  that  tame  address 
over  Clay  in  1852,  or  he  who  had  deformed  his  speech  before 
the  "  Scott  Club  "  with  petty  jealousies  and  gross  vulgarisms, 
but  a  new  and  greater  Lincoln,  the  like  of  whom  no  one  in 
that  vast  multitude  had  ever  heard  before.  He  felt  that  he 
was  addressing  the  people  on  a  living  and  vital  question,  not 
merely  for  the  sake  of  speaking,  but  to  produce  conviction, 
and  achieve  a  great  practical  result.  How  he  succeeded  in 
his  object  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extracts  from 
a  leading  editorial  in  "  The  Springfield  Journal,"  Avritten  by 
Mr.  Herndon:  — 

"  This  Anti-Nebraska  speech  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  pro- 
foundest,  in  our  opinion,  that  he  has  made  in  his  whole  life. 
He  felt  upon  his  soul  the  truths  burn  which  he  uttered,  and 
all  present  felt  that  he  was  true  to  his  own  soul.  His  feelings 
once  or  twice  swelled  within,  and  came  near  stifling  utterance. 
...  He  quivered  with  emotion.  The  whole  house  was  as 
still  as  death. 

"  He  attacked  the  Nebraska  Bill  with  unusual  warmth  and 
energy  ;  and  all  felt  that  a  man  of  strength  was  its  enemy,  and 
that  he  intended  to  blast  it  if  he  could  by  strong  and  manly 
efforts.  He  was  most  successful,  and  the  house  approved  the 
glorious  triumph  of  truth  by  loud  and  continued  huzzas.  Wo 
men  waved  their  white  handkerchiefs  in  token  of  woman's 
silent  but  heartfelt  assent.  Douglas  felt  the  sting  :  the  animal 
within  was .  roused,  because  he  frequently  interrupted  Mr. 
Lincoln.  His  friends  felt  that  he  was  crushed  by  Lincoln's 
powerful  argument,  manly  logic,  and  illustrations  from  nature 
around  us.  The  Nebraska  Bill  was  shivered,  and,  like  a  tree 
of  the  forest,  was  torn  and  rent  asunder  by  hot  bolts  of  truth. 


350  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

.  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln  exhibited  Douglas  in  all  the  attitudes 
he  could  be  placed  in  a  friendly  debate.  He  exhibited  the 
bill  in  all  its  aspects  to  show  its  humbuggery  and  falsehood  ; 
and,  when  thus  torn  to  rags,  cut  into  slips,  held  up  to  the 
gaze  of  the  vast  crowd,  a  kind  of  scorn  and  mockery  was 
visible  upon  the  face  of  the  crowd  and  upon  the  lips  of  the 
most  eloquent  speaker.  .  .  .  At  the  conclusion  of  this 
speech,  every  man,  woman,  and  child  felt  that  it  was  un 
answerable.  .  .  .  He  took  the  heart  captive,  and  broke  like 
a  sun  over  the  understanding." 

Mr.  Douglas  rose  to  reply.  He  was  excited,  angry,  im 
perious  in  his  tone  and  manner,  and  his  voice  loud  and  shrill. 
Shaking  his  forefinger  at  the  Democratic  malecontents  with 
furious  energy,  and  declaiming  rather  than  debating,  he  occu 
pied  to  little  purpose  the  brief  interval  remaining  until  the 
adjournment  for  supper.  Then,  promising  to  resume  his  ad 
dress  in  the  evening,  he  went  his  way ;  and  that  audience 
"  saw  him  no  more."  Evening  came,  but  not  the  orator. 
Many  fine  speeches  were  made  during  the  continuance  of 
that  fair  upon  the  one  absorbing  topic,  —  speeches  by  the 
ablest  men  in  Illinois,  —  Judge  Trumbull,  Judge  Breese, 
Col.  Taylor  (Democratic  recusants),  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas 
and  John  Calhoun  (then  Surveyor-General  of  Nebraska). 
But  it  is  no  shame  to  any  one  of  these,  that  their  really 
impressive  speeches  were  but  slightly  appreciated,  nor  long 
remembered,  beside  Mr.  Lincoln's  splendid  and  enduring 
performance,  —  enduring  in  the  memory  of  his  auditors,  al 
though  preserved  upon  no  written  or  printed  page. 

Among  those  whom  the  State  Fair  brought  to  Springfield 
for  political  purposes,  were  some  who  were  neither  Whigs, 
Democrats,  Know-Nothings,  nor  yet  mere  Anti-Nebraska  men  : 
there  were  the  restless  leaders  of  the  then  insignificant  Aboli 
tion  faction.  Chief  among  them  was  Owen  Lovejoy ;  and 
second  to  him,  if  second  to  any,  was  William  H.  Herndon. 
But  the  position  of  this  latter  gentleman  was  one  of  singular 
embarrassment.  According  to  himself,  he  was  an  Abolitionist 
"  sometime  before  he  was  born,"  and  hitherto  he  had  made  his 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  351 

"  calling  and  election  sure  "  by  every  \vord  and  act  of  a  life 
devoted  to  political  philanthropy  and  disinterested  political 
labors.  While  the  two  great  national  parties  divided  the 
suffrages  of  the  people,  North  and  South,  every  thing  in  his 
eyes  was  "  dead."  He  detested  the  bargains  by  which  those 
parties  were  in  the  habit  of  composing  sectional  troubles, 
and  sacrificing  the  "  principle  of  freedom."  When  the  Whig 
party  "  paid  its  breath  to  time,"  he  looked  upon  its  last  ago 
nies  as  but  another  instance  of  divine  retribution.  He  had 
no  patience  with  time-servers,  and  regarded  with  indignant 
contempt  the  "  policy  "  which  would  postpone  the  natural 
rights  of  an  enslaved  race  to  the  success  of  parties  and  poli 
ticians.  He  stood  by  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  Whig  party  in 
Illinois  with  the  spirit  of  Paul  when  he  "  held  the  clothes  of 
them  that  stoned  Stephen."  He  believed  it  was  for  the  best, 
and  hoped  to  see  a  new  party  rise  in  its  place,  great  in  the 
fervor  of  its  faith,  and  animated  by  the  spirit  of  Wilberforce, 
Garrison,  and  the  Lovejoys.  He  was  a  fierce  zealot,  and 
gloried  proudly  in  his  title  of  "  fanatic  ;  "  for  it  was  his  con 
viction  that  fanatics  were  at  all  times  the  salt  of  the  earth, 
with  power  to  save  it  from  the  blight  that  follows  the  wicked 
ness  of  men.  He  believed  in  a  God,  but  it  was  the  God  of 
nature,  —  the  God  of  Socrates  and  Plato,  as  well  as  the  God 
of  Jacob.  He  believed  in  a  Bible,  but  it  was  the  open  scroll 
of  the  universe  ;  and  in  a  religion  clear  and  well  defined,  but 
it  was  a  religion  that  scorned  what  he  deemed  the  narrow 
slavery  of  verbal  inspiration.  Hot-blooded,  impulsive,  brave 
morally  and  physically,  careless  of  consequences  when  moved 
by  a  sense  of  individual  duty,  he  was  the  very  man  to  receive 
into  his  inmost  heart  the  precepts  of  Mr.  Seward's  "  higher 
law."  If  he  had  pledged  faith  to  slavery,  no  peril  of  life 
or  body  could  have  induced  him  to  violate  it.  But  he  held 
himself  no  party  to  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  nor 
to  any  law  which  recognized  the  justice  of  human  bondage ; 
and  he  was  therefore  free  to  act  as  his  God  and  nature 
prompted. 

Now,  Mr.  Herndon  had  determined  to  make  an  Abolitionist 


352  LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

out  of  Mr.  Lincoln  when  the  proper  time  should  arrive  ;  and 
that  time  would  be  only  when  Mr.  Lincoln  could  change  front 
and  "  come  out "  without  detriment  to  his  personal  aspirations. 
For,  although  Mr.  Herndon  was  a  zealot  in  the  cause,  he 
loved  his  partner  too  dearly  to  wish  him  to  espouse  it  while 
it  was  unpopular  and  politically  dangerous  to  belong  to  it. 
"  I  cared  nothing  for  the  ruin  of  myself,"  said  he  ;  "  but  I  did 
not  wish  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln  sacrificed."  He  looked  forward 
to  a  better  day,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  was  quite  willing  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  should  be  no  more  than  a  nominal  Whig,  or  a 
strong  Anti-Nebraska  man  ;  being  quite  sure,  that,  when  the 
auspicious  moment  arrived,  he  would  be  able  to  present  him 
to  his  brethren  as  a  convert  over  whom  there  would  surely 
be  great  joy.  Still,  there  was  a  bare  chance  that  he  might 
lose  him.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  beset  by  warm  friends  and  by 
old  coadjutors,  and  besought  to  pause  in  his  antislavery 
course  while  there  was  yet  time.  Among  these  there  was 
none  more  earnest  or  persuasive  than  John  T.  Stuart,  who 
was  but  the  type  of  a  class.  Tempted  on  the  one  side  to  be 
a  Know-Nothing,  and  on  the  other  side  to  be  an  Abolitionist, 
Mr.  Lincoln  said,  as  if  in  some  doubt  of  his  real  position,  "  I 
think  I  am  still  a  Whig."  But  Mr.  Herndon  was  more  than 
a  match  for  the  full  array  against  him.  An  earnest  man,  in 
stant  in  season  and  out  of  season,  he  spoke  with  the  eloquence 
of  apparent  truth  and  of  real  personal  love.  Moreover,  Mr. 
Lincoln's  preconceptions  inclined  him  to  the  way  in  which 
Mr.  Herndon  desired  him  to  walk ;  and  it  is  not  surprising 
that  in  time  he  was,  not  only  almost,  but  altogether,  persuaded 
by  a  friend  and  partner,  whose  opportunities  to  reach  and 
convince  his  wavering  mind  were  daily  and  countless.  "  From 
1854  to  1860,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  I  kept  putting  in  Lin 
coln's  hands  the  speeches  and  sermons  of  Theodore  Parker, 
the  speeches  of  Phillips  and  Beecher.  I  took  '  The  Anti- 
slavery  Standard'  for  years  before  1856,  'The  Chicago  Tri- 
••  bune,'  and  '  The  New  York  Tribune ; '  kept  them  in  my 
office,  kept  them  purposely  on  my  table,  and  would  read  to 
Lincoln  good,  sharp,  and  solid  things  well  put.  Lincoln  was  a 


JOHN  T.  STUART. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  353 

natural  antislavery  man,  as  I  think,  and  yet  he  needed  watch 
ing,  —  needed  hope,  faith,  energy  ;  and  I  think  I  warmed 
him.  Lincoln  and  I  were  just  the  opposite  one  of  another. 
He  was  cautious  and  practical ;  I  was  spontaneous,  ideal,  and 
speculative.  He  arrived  at  truths  by  reflection ;  I,  by  intui 
tion  ;  he,  by  reason  ;  I,  by  my  soul.  He  calculated  ;  I  went 
to  toil  asking  no  questions,  never  doubting.  Lincoln  had  great 
faith  in  my  intuitions,  and  I  had  great  faith  in  his  reason." 

Of  course  such  a  man  as  we  have  described  Mr.  Herndon 
to  be  could  have  nothing  but  loathing  and  disgust  for  the 
secret  oaths,  the  midnight  lurking,  and  the  proscriptive  spirit 
of  Know-Nothingism.  "  A  number  of  gentlemen  from  Chi 
cago,"  says  he,  "  among  them  the  editor  of  '  The  Star  of  the 
West,'  an  Abolitionist  paper  published  in  Chicago,  waited  on 
me  in  my  office,  and  asked  my  advice  as  to  the  policy  of  going 
into  Know-Nothing  Lodges,  and  ruling  them  for  freedom.  I 
opposed  it  as  being  wrong  in  principle,  as  well  as  a  fraud  on 
the  lodges,  and  wished  to  fight  it  out  in  open  daylight.  Lin 
coln  was  opposed  to  Know-Nothingism,  but  did  not  say  much 
in  1854  or  1855  (did  afterwards).  I  told  Lincoln  what  was 
said,  and  argued  the  question  with  him  often,  insisting  that, 
as  we  were  advocating  freedom  for  the  slave  in  tendency  under 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  it  was  radically  wrong  to  enslave 
the  religious  ideas  and  faith  of  men.  The  gentlemen  who 
waited  on  me  as  before  stated  asked  me  if  I  thought  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  could  be  trusted  for  freedom.  I  said  to  them, 
'  Can  you  trust  yourselves  ?  If  you  can,  you  can  trust  Lin 
coln  forever.' ' 

With  this  explanation  of  the  political  views  of  Mr.  Hern 
don,  and  his  personal  relations  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  reader  will 
more  easily  understand  what  follows. 

"  This  State  Fair,"  continues  Mr.  Herndon,  "  called  thou 
sands  to  the  city.  We  Abolitionists  all  assembled  here,  taking 
advantage  of  the  fair  to  organize  and  disseminate  our  ideas. 
As  soon  as  Lincoln  had  finished  his  speech,  Lovejoy,  who 
had  been  in  the  hall,  rushed  up  to  the  stand,  and  notified  the 
crowd  that  there  would  be  a  meeting  there  in  the  evening : 


354  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

subject,  Freedom.  I  had  been  with  the  Abolitionists  that 
day,  and  knew  their  intentions :  namely,  to  force  Lincoln 
with  our  organization,  and  to  take  broader  and  deeper  and 
more  radical  views  and  ideas  than  in  his  speech,  which  was 
simply  Historic  Kansas.  .  .  .  He  (Lincoln)  had  not  then 
announced  himself  for  freedom,  only  discussed  the  inexpe 
diency  of  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise  Line.  The 
Abolitionists  that  day  determined  to  make  Lincoln  take  a 
stand.  I  determined  he  should  not  at  that  time,  because  the 
time  had  not  yet  come  when  Lincoln  should  show  his  hand. 
When  Lovejoy  announced  the  Abolition  gathering  in  the 
evening,  I  rushed  to  Lincoln,  and  said,  '  Lincoln,  go  home ; 
take  Bob  and  the  buggy,  and  leave  the  county :  go  quickly, 
go  right  off,  and  never  mind  the  order  of  your  going.'  Lin 
coln  took  a  hint,  got  his  horse  and  bugg}7-,  and  did  leave 
quickly,  not  noting  the  order  of  his  going.  He  staid  away 
till  all  conventions  and  fairs  were  over." 

But  the  speech  against  the  repeal  of  the  Compromise  sig 
nally  impressed  all  parties  opposed  to  Mr.  Douglas's  late 
legislation,  —  Whigs,  Abolitionists,  and  Democratic  Free- 
soilers,  —  who  agreed  with  perfect  unanimity,  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
should  be  pitted  against  Mr.  Douglas  wherever  circumstances 
admitted  of  their  meeting.  As  one  of  the  evidences  of  this 
sentiment,  Mr.  William  Butler  drew  up  a  paper  addressed  to 
Mr.  Lincoln,  requesting  and  "  urging  him  to  follow  Douglas 
up  until  the  election."  It  was  signed  by  Mr.  Butler,  William 
Jayne,  P.  P.  Eads,  John  Cassady,  B.  F.  Irwin,  and  many 
others.  Accordingly,  Lincoln  "  followed  "  Douglas  to  Peoria, 
where  the  latter  had  an  appointment,  and  again  replied  to 
him,  in  much  the  same  spirit,  and  with  the  same  arguments,  as 
before.  The  speech  was  really  a  great  one,  almost  perfectly 
adapted  to  produce  conviction  upon  a  doubting  mind.  It 
ought  to  be  carefully  read  by  every  one  who  desires  to  know 
Mr.  Lincoln's  power  as  a  debater,  after  his  intellect  was 
matured  and  ripened  by  years  of  hard  experience.  On  the 
general  subject  of  slavery  and  negroes  in  the  Union,  he  spoke 
as  follows :  — 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  355 

"  Before  proceeding,  let  me  say,  I  think  I  have  no  preju 
dice  against  the  Southern  people:  they  are  just  what  we 
would  be  in  their  situation.  If  slavery  did  not  now  exist 
among  them,  they  would  not  introduce  it :  if  it  did  now 
exist  amongst  us,  we  should  not  instantly  give  it  up.  This  I 
believe  of  the  masses  North  and  South.  Doubtless  there  are 
individuals  on  both  sides  who  would  not  hold  slaves  under 
any  circumstances,  and  others  would  gladly  introduce  slavery 
anew  if  it  were  out  of  existence.  We  know  that  some 
Southern  men  do  free  their  slaves,  go  North,  and  become 
tip-top  Abolitionists ;  while  some  Northern  men  go  South, 
and  become  cruel  slave-masters. 

"  When  Southern  people  tell  us  they  are  no  more  respon 
sible  for  the  origin  of  slavery  than  we,  I  acknowledge  the 
fact.  When  it  is  said  that  the  institution  exists,  and  that 
it  is  very  difficult  to  get  rid  of  it  in  any  satisfactory  way,  I  can 
understand  and  appreciate  the  saying.  I  surely  will  not  blame 
them,  for  not  doing  what  I  should  not  know  how  to  do  myself. 
If  all  earthly  power  were  given  me,  I  should  not  know  what  to 
do  as  to  the  existing  institution.  My  first  impulse  would  be 
to  free  all  the  existing  slaves,  and  send  them  to  Liberia,  —  to 
their  own  native  land ;  but  a  moment's  reflection  would  con 
vince  me  that  whatever  of  high  hope  (as  I  think  there  is) 
there  may  be  in  this,  in  the  long  run,  its  sudden  execution  is 
impossible.  If  they  were  all  landed  there  in  a  day,  they 
would  all  perish  in  the  next  ten  days ;  and  there  are  not  sur 
plus  shipping  and  surplus  money  enough  in  the  world  to 
carry  them  there  in  many  times  ten  days.  What  then  ? 
Free  them  all,  and  keep  them  among  us  as  underlings  ?  Is  it 
quite  certain  that  this  betters  their  condition  ?  I  think  I 
would  not  hold  one  in  slavery  at  any  rate,  yet  the  point  is  not 
clear  enough  to  me  to  denounce  people  upon.  What  next? 
Free  them,  and  make  them  politically  and  socially  our  equals  ? 
My  own  feelings  will  not  admit  of  this ;  and,  if  mine  would, 
we  all  know  that  those  of  the  great  mass  of  white  people 
would  not.  Whether  this  feeling  accords  with  justice  and 
sound  judgment  is  not  the  sole  question,  if,  indeed,  it  is  any 


356  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

part  of  it.  A  universal  feeling,  whether  well  or  ill  founded, 
cannot  be  safely  disregarded.  We  cannot,  then,  make  them 
equals.  It  does  seem  to  me  that  systems  of  gradual  emanci 
pation  might  be  adopted;  but  for  their  tardiness  in  this  I 
will  not  undertake  to  judge  our  brethren  of  the  South.  When 
they  remind  us  of  their  constitutional  rights,  I  acknowledge 
them,  not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and  fairly ;  and  I  would  give 
them  any  legislation  for  the  reclaiming  of  their  fugitives  which 
should  not  in  its  stringency  be  more  likely  to  carry  a  free  man 
into  slavery  than  our  ordinary  criminal  laws  are  to  hang  an 
innocent  one. 

"  But  all  this,  to  my  judgment,  furnishes  no  more  excuse 
for  permitting  slavery  to  go  into  our  own  free  territory  than 
it  would  for  reviving  the  African  slave-trade  by  law.  The 
law  which  forbids  the  bringing  of  Slaves  from  Africa,  and 
that  which  has  so  long  forbidden  the  taking  them  to  Nebraska, 
can  hardly  be  distinguished  on  any  moral  principle ;  and  the 
repeal  of  the  former  could  find  quite  as  plausible  excuses  as 
that  of  the  latter. 

"  But  Nebraska  is  urged  as  a  great  Union-saving  measure. 
Well,  I,  too,  go  for  saving  the  Union.  Much  as  I  hate 
slavery,  I  would  consent  to  the  extension  of  it,  rather  than 
see  the  Union  dissolved,  just  as  I  would  consent  to  any  great 
evil  to  avoid  a  greater  one.  But,  when  I  go  to  Union-saving, 
I  must  believe,  at  least,  that  the  means  I  employ  have  adapta 
tion  to  the  end.  To  my  mind,  Nebraska  has  no  such  adaptation. 
'  It  hath  no  relish  of  salvation  in  it.'  It  is  an  aggravation, 
rather,  of  the  only  one  thing  which  ever  endangers  the  Union. 
When  it  came  upon  us,  all  was  peace  and  quiet.  The  nation 
was  looking  to  the  forming  of  new  bonds  of  Union,  and  a 
long  course  of  peace  and  prosperity  seemed  to  lie  before  us. 
In  the  whole  range  of  possibility,  there  scarcely  appears  to 
me  to  have  been  any  thing  out  of  which  the  slavery  agitation 
could  have  been  revived,  except  the  project  of  repealing  the 
Missouri  Compromise.  Every  inch  of  territory  we  owned 
already  had  a  definite  settlement  of  the  slavery  question,  and 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  357 

by  which  all  parties  were  pledged  to  abide.  Indeed,  there 
was  no  uninhabited  country  on  the  continent  which  we  could 
acquire,  if  we  except  some  extreme  Northern  regions,  which 
are  wholly  out  of  the  question.  In  this  state  of  the  case,  the 
Genius  of  Discord  himself  could  scarcely  have  invented  a  way 
of  getting  us  by  the  ears,  but  by  turning  back  and  destroying 
the  peace  measures  of  the  past. 

"  The  structure,  too,  of  the  Nebraska  Bill  is  very  peculiar. 
The  people  are  to  decide  the  question  of  slavery  for  them 
selves  ;  but  to hen  they  are  to  decide,  or  how  they  are  to 
decide,  or  whether,  when  the  question  is  once  decided,  it  is 
to  remain  so,  or  is  to  be  subject  to  an  indefinite  succession 
of  new  trials,  the  law  does  not  say.  Is  it  to  be  decided  by 
the  first  dozen  settlers  who  arrive  there,  or  is  it  to  await 
the  arrival  of  a  hundred  ?  Is  it  to  be  decided  by  a  vote  of  the 
people,  or  a  vote  of  the  Legislature,  or,  indeed,  on  a  vote 
of  any  sort  ?  To  these  questions  the  law  gives  no  answer. 
There  is  a  mystery  about  this ;  for,  when  a  member  proposed 
to  give  the  Legislature  express  authority  to  exclude  slavery, 
it  was  hooted  down  by  the  friends  of  the  bill.  This  fact  is 
worth  remembering.  Some  Yankees  in  the  East  are  sending 
emigrants  to  Nebraska  to  exclude  slavery  from  it ;  and,  so  far 
as  I  can  judge,  they  expect  the  question  to  be  decided  by 
voting  in  some  way  or  other.  But  the  Missourians  are 
awake  too.  They  are  within  a  stone's-throw  of  the  contested 
ground.  They  hold  meetings  and  pass  resolutions,  in  which 
not  the  slightest  allusion  to  voting  is  made.  They  resolve 
that  slavery  already  exists  in  the  Territory ;  that  more  shall 
go  there  ;  and  that  they,  remaining  in  Missouri,  will  protect  it, 
and  that  Abolitionists  shall  be  hung  or  driven  away.  Through 
all  this,  bowie-knives  and  six-shooters  are  seen  plainly  enough, 
but  never  a  glimpse  of  the  ballot-box.  And  really,  what  is 
the  result  of  this  ?  Each  part}r  within  having  numerous  and 
determined  backers  without,  is  it  not  probable  that  the  con 
test  will  come  to  blows  and  bloodshed  ?  Could  there  be  a 
more  apt  invention  to  bring  about  a  collision  and  violence  on 


358  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  slavery  question  than  this  Nebraska  project  is  ?  I  do  not 
charge  or  believe  that  such  was  intended  by  Congress ;  but 
if  they  had  literally  formed  a  ring,  and  placed  champions 
within  it  to  fight  out  the  controversy,  the  fight  could  be  no 
more  likely  to  come  off  than  it  is.  And,  if  this  fight  should 
begin,  is  it  likely  to  take  a  very  peaceful,  Union-saving  turn  ? 
Will  not  the  first  drop  of  blood  so  shed  be  the  real  knell 
of  the  Union  ?  " 

No  one  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  audience  appreciated  the  force  of 
this  speech  more  justly  than  did  Mr.  Douglas  himself.  He 
,'nvited  the  dangerous  orator  to  a  conference,  and  frankly  pro 
posed  a  truce.  What  took  place  between  them  was  explicitly 
set  forth  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  a  little  knot  of  his  friends,  in  the 
office  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon,  about  two  days  after  the  elec 
tion.  We  quote  the  statement  of  B.  F.  Irwin,  explicitly 
indorsed  by  P.  L.  Harrison  and  Isaac  Cogdale,  all  of  whom 
are  already  indifferently  well  known  to  the  reader.  "  W.  H. 
Herndon,  myself,  P.  L.  Harrison,  and  Isaac  Cogdale  were 
present.  What  Lincoln  said  was  about  this :  that  the  day 
after  the  Peoria  debate  in  1854,  Douglas  came  to  him  (Lin 
coln),  and  flattered  him  that  he  (Lincoln)  understood  the 
Territorial  question  from  the  organization  of  the  government 
better  than  all  the  opposition  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States ;  and  he  did  not  see  that  he  could  make  any  thing  by 
debating  it  with  him;  and  then  reminded  him  (Lincoln)  of 
the  trouble  they  had  given  him,  and  remarked  that  Lincoln 
had  given  him  more  trouble  than  all  the  opposition  in  the 
Senate  combined  ;  and  followed  up  with  the  proposition,  that 
he  would  go  home,  and  speak  no  more  during  the  campaign, 
if  Lincoln  would  do  the  same  :  to  which  proposition  Lincoln 
acceded."  This,  according  to  Mr.  Irwin's  view  of  the  thing, 
was  running  Douglas  "  into  his  hole,"  and  making  "  him 
holler,  Enough." 

Handbills  and  other  advertisements  announced  that  Judge 
Douglas  would  address  the  people  of  Lacon  the  day  following 
the  Peoria  encounter ;  and  the  Lacon  Anti-Nebraska  people 
sent  a  committee  to  Peoria  to  secure  Mr.  Lincoln  for  a  speech 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  359 

in  reply.  He  readily  agreed  to  go,  and  on  the  way  said  not 
a  word  of  the  late  agreement  to  the  gentleman  who  had  him 
in  charge.  Judge  Douglas  observed  the  same  discreet  silence 
among  his  friends.  Whether  they  had  both  agreed  to  go  to 
Lacon  before  this  agreement  was  made,  or  had  mutually  con 
trived  this  clever  mode  of  deception,  cannot  now  be  deter 
mined.  But,  when  they  arrived  at  Lacon,  Mr.  Douglas  said 
he  was  too  hoarse  to  speak,  although,  "  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  of  the  county  assembled  to  hear  him."  Mr.  Lincoln, 
with  unheard-of  magnanimity,  "  informed  his  friends  that  he 
would  not  like  to  take  advantage  of  the  judge's  indisposition, 
and  would  not  address  the  people."  His  friends  could  not 
see  the  affair  in  the  same  light,  and  "  pressed  him  for  a 
speech  ;  "  but  he  persistently  and  unaccountably  "  refused." 

Of  course,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas  met  no  more  during 
the  campaign.  Mr.  Douglas  did  speak  at  least  once  more 
(at  Princeton),  but  Mr.  Lincoln  scrupulously  observed  the 
terms  of  the  agreement.  He  came  home,  wrote  out  his 
Peoria  speech,  and  published  it  in  seven  consecutive  issues  of 
"  The  Illinois  Daily  Journal  ;  "  but  he  never  spoke  nor 
thought  of  speaking  again.  When  his  friends  insisted  upon 
having  a  reason  for  this  most  unexpected  conduct,  he  gave 
the  answer  already  quoted  from  Mr.  Irwin. 

The  election  took  place  on  the  7th  of  November.  During 
his  absence,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  announced  as  a  candidate 
for  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Illinois  Legislature. 
William  Jayne  took  the  responsibility  of  making  him  a  can 
didate.  Mrs.  Lincoln,  however,  "  saw  Francis,  the  editor,  and 
had  Lincoln's  name  taken  out."  When  Mr.  Lincoln  returned, 
Jayne  (Mrs.  Lincoln's  old  friend  "  Bill  ")  went  to  see  him. 
"  I  went  to  see  him,"  says  Jayne,  "  in  order  to  get  his  con 
sent  to  run.  This  was  at  his  house.  He  was  then  the  saddest 
man  I  ever  saw,  —  the  gloomiest.  He  walked  up  and  down 
the  floor,  almost  crying ;  and  to  all  my  persuasions  to  let  his 
name  stand  in  the  paper,  he  said,  '  No,  I  can't.  You  don't 
know  all.  I  say  you  don't  begin  to  know  one-half,  and  that's 
enough.'  I  did,  however,  go  and  have  his  name  re-instated ; 


360  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  there  it  stood.  He  and  Logan  were  elected  by  about  six 
hundred  majority."  Mr.  Jayne  had  caused  originally  both 
Judge  Logan  and  Mr.  Lincoln  to  be  announced,  and  they  were 
both  elected.  But,  after  all,  Mrs.  Lincoln  was  right,  and 
Jajoie  and  Lincoln  were  both  wrong.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a 
well-known  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate,  in  the 
place  of  Mr.  Shields,  the  incumbent,  who  had  voted  for  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill ;  and,  when  the  Legislature  met  and 
showed  a  majority  of  Anti-Nebraska  men,  he  thought  it  a 
necessary  preliminary  of  his  candidacy  that  he  should  resign 
his  seat  in  the  House.  He  did  so,  and  Mr.  Jayne  makes  the 
following  acknowledgment :  "  Mr.  Lincoln  resigned  his  seat, 
finding  out  that  the  Republicans,  the  Anti-Nebraska  men, 
had  carried  the  Legislature.  A.  M.  Broadwell  ran  as  a  Whig 
Anti-Nebraska  man,  and  was  badly  beaten.  "  The  people  of 
Sangamon  County  was  down  on  Lincoln,  —  hated  him." 
None  can  doubt  that  even  the  shame  of  taking  a  woman's 
advice  might  have  been  preferable  to  this  ! 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  "  had  set  his  heart  on  going  to  the  United 
States  Senate."  Counting  in  the  Free-soil  Democrats,  who 
had  revolted  against  Mr.  Douglas's  leadership,  and  been 
largely  supported  by  the  Whigs  in  the  late  elections,  there 
was  now  on  joint  ballot  a  clear  Anti-Nebraska  majority  of 
two.  A  Senator  was  to  be  chosen  to  succeed  Mr.  Shields ; 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  right  to  expect  the  place.  He  had 
fairly  earned  the  distinction,  and  nobody  in  the  old  Whig 
party  was  disposed  to  withhold  it.  But  a  few  Abolitionists 
doubted  his  fidelity  to  their  extreme  views ;  and  five  Anti-Ne 
braska  Senators  and  Representatives,  who  had  been  elected 
as  Democrats,  preferred  to  vote  for  a  Senator  with  antecedents 
like  their  own.  The  latter  selected  Judge  Trumbull  as  their 
candidate,  and  clung  to  him  manfully  through  the  whole 
struggle.  They  were  five  only  in  number  ;  but  in  the  situa 
tion  of  affairs  then  existing  they  were  the  sovereign  five. 
They  were  men  of  conceded  integrity,  of  good  abilities  in  de 
bate,  and  extraordinary  political  sagacity.  Their  names  ought 
to  be  known  to  posterity,  for  their  unfriendliness  at  this  June- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  361 

ture  saved  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Republicans  of  Illinois,  to  be 
brought  forward  at  the  critical  moment  as  a  fresh  and  original 
candidate  for  the  Presidency.  They  were  Judd  of  Cook 
County,  Palmer  of  Macoupin,  Cook  of  La  Salle,  Baker  and 
Allen  of  Madison.  They  called  themselves  Democrats,  and, 
with  the  modesty  peculiar  to  bolters,  claimed  to  be  the  only 
"  Simon-pure."  "  They  could  not  act  with  the  Democrats  from 
principle,  and  would  not  act  with  the  Whigs  from  policy ;  "  but, 
holding  off  from  the  caucuses  of  both  parties,  they  demanded 
that  all  Anti-Nebraska  should  come  to  them,  or  sacrifice  the 
most  important  fruits  of  their  late  victory  at  the  polls.  But 
these  were  not  the  only  enemies  Mr.  Lincoln  could  count  in 
the  body  of  his  party.  The  Abolitionists  suspected  him,  and 
were  slow  to  come  to  his  support.  Judge  Davis  went  to 
Springfield,  and  thinks  he  "  got  some  "  of  this  class  "  to  go 
for"  him;  but  it  is  probable  they  were  "got"  in  another 
way.  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  a  member,  and  required,  as  the  con 
dition  of  his  support  and  that  of  his  followers,  that  Mi1. 
Lincoln  should  pledge  himself  to  favor  the  exclusion  of 
slavery  from  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  This 
was  a  long  step  in  advance  of  any  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  pre 
viously  taken.  He  was,  as  a  matter  of  course,  opposed  to 
the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  Territories  north  of  the 
line  of  30°  30' ;  but  he  had,  up  to  this  time,  regarded  all  south 
of  that  as  being  honestly  open  to  slavery.  The  villany  of 
obliterating  that  line,  and  the  necessity  of  its  immediate 
restoration,  —  in  short,  the  perfect  sanctity  of  the  Missouri 
settlement,  —  had  formed  the  burden  of  all  his  speeches  in  the 
preceding  canvass.  But  these  opinions  by  no  means  suited 
the  Abolitionists,  and  they  required  him  to  change  them  forth 
with.  He  thought  it  would  be  wise  to  do  so,  considering  the 
peculiar  circumstances  of  his  case  ;  but,  before  committing  him 
self  finally,  he  sought  an  understanding  with  Judge  Logan. 
He  told  the  judge  what  he  was  disposed  to  do,  and  said  he 
would  act  upon  the  inclination,  if  the  judge  would  not  regard 
it  as  "  treading  upon  his  toes."  The  judge  said  he  was 
opposed  to  the  doctrine  proposed ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  the 


362  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

cause  in  hand,  he  would  cheerfully  risk  his  "  toes."  And  so 
the  Abolitionists  were  accommodated:  Mr.  Lincoln  quietly 
made  the  pledge,  and  they  voted  for  him. 

On  the  eighth  day  of  February,  1855,  the  two  Houses  met 
in  convention  to  choose  a  Senator.  On  the  first  ballot,  Mr. 
Shields  had  forty-one  votes,  and  three  Democratic  votes  were 
scattered.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  forty-five,  Mr.  Trumbull  five,  and 
Mr.  Koerner  two.  On  the  seventh  ballot,  the  Democrats  left 
Shields,  and,  with  two  exceptions,  voted  for  Gov.  Matte- 
son.  In  addition  to  the  party  strength,  Matteson  received 
also  the  votes  of  two  of  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats.  That 
stout  little  knot,  it  was  apparent,  was  now  breaking  up.  For 
many  reasons  the  Whigs  detested  Matteson  most  heartily, 
and  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  his  success.  But  of  that 
there^now  appeared  to  be  great  danger  ;  for,  unless  the  Whigs 
abandoned  Lincoln  and  went  for  Trumbull,  the  five  Anti- 
Nebraska  men  would  unite  on  Matteson,  and  elect  him.  Mr. 
Gillespie  went  to  Lincoln  for  advice.  "  He  said  unhesitat 
ingly,  '  You  ought  to  drop  me,  and  go  for  Trumbull :  that  is 
the  only  way  you  can  defeat  Matteson.'  Judge  Logan  came 
up  about  that  time,  and  insisted  on  running  Lincoln  still ;  but 
the  latter  said,  *  If  you  do,  you  will  lose  both  Trumbull  and 
myself ;  and  It1  c  the  cause,  in  this  case,  is  to  be  preferred 
to  men.'  We  adopted  his  suggestion,  and  turned  upon  Trum 
bull,  and  elected  him,  although  it  grieved  us  to  the  heart  to 
give  up  Mr.  Lincoln.  This,  I  think,  shows  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  capable  of  sinking  himself  for  the  cause  in  which  he  was 
engaged."  It  was  with  great  bitterness  of  spirit  that  the 
Whigs  accepted  this  hard  alternative.  Many  of  them  accused 
the  little  squad  of  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  of  "  ungenerous 
and  selfish  "  motives.  One  of  them,  "  Mr.  Waters  of  McDon- 
ough,  was  especially  indignant,  and  utterly  refused  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Trumbull  at  all.  On  the  last  ballot  he  threw  away 
his  ballot  on  Mr.  Williams." 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  very  much  disappointed,"  says  Mr. 
Parks,  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  and  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
special  friends ;  "  for  I  think,  that,  at  that  time,  it  was  the 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  303 

height  of  his  ambition  to  get  into  the  United  States  Senate. 
He  manifested,  however,  no  bitterness  towards  Mr.  Judd,  or 
the  other  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  by  whom  politically  he 
was  beaten,  but  evidently  thought  that  their  motives  were 
right.  He  told  me  several  times  afterwards,  that  the 
election  of  Trumbull  was  the  best  thing  that  could  have 
happened." 

Ill  the  great  campaign  of  1858,  Mr.  Douglas  on  various 
occasions  insisted,  that,  in  1854,  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Judge  Trum 
bull,  being  until  then  political  enemies,  had  formed  a  secret 
agreement  to  abolitionize,  the  one  the  Whig,  and  the  other 
the  Democratic  party ;  and,  in  order  that  neither  might  go 
unrewarded  for  a  service  so  timely  and  patriotic,  Mr.  Trum 
bull  had  agreed  on  the  one  hand  that  Mr.  Lincoln  should 
have  Shields's  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  (in  1855)  ; 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  had  agreed,  on  the  other,  that  Judge  Trum 
bull  should  have  Douglas's  seat  (in  1859).  But  Mr.  Douglas 
alleged,  that,  when  the  first  election  (in  1854)  came  on,  Judge 
Trumbull  treated  his  fellow  -  conspirator  with  shameful 
duplicity,  and  cheated  himself  into  the  Senate  just  four  years 
in  advance  of  his  appointed  time ;  that,  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends 
being  greatly  incensed  thereat,  Col.  James  H.  Matheny,  Mr. 
Lincoln's  "  friend  and  manager  for  twenty  ^ears,"  exposed 
the  plot  and  the  treachery ;  that,  in  order  to  silence  and 
conciliate  the  injured  party,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  promised  the 
senatorial  nomination  in  1858,  and  thus  a  second  time  became 
a  candidate  in  pursuance  of  a  bargain  more  than  half  corrupt. 
But  it  is  enough  to  say  here,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  explicitly  and 
emphatically  denied  the  accusation  as  often  as  it  was  made, 
and  bestowed  upon  the  character  of  Judge  Trumbull  encomi 
ums  as  lofty  and  as  warm  as  he  ever  bestowed  upon  any  con 
temporary.  With  the  exception  of  Col.  Matheny,  we  find 
none  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  peculiar  friends  complaining  of  Judge 
Trumbull ;  but  as  many  of  them  as  have  spoken  in  the  rec 
ords  before  us  (and  they  are  numerous  and  prominent)  speak 
of  .the  purity,  devotion,  and  excellence  of  Judge  Trumbull  in 
the  most  unreserved  and  unaffected  manner.  In  fact  and  in 


364  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

truth,  lie  did  literally  nothing  to  advance  his  own  interest : 
he  solicited  no  vote,  and  got  none  which  did  not  come  to  him 
by  reason  of  the  political  necessities  of  the  time.  His  elec 
tion  consolidated  the  Anti-Nebraska  party  in  the  State,  and, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Parks,  his  "  first  encounter  with  Mr. 
Douglas  in  the  Senate  filled  the  people  of  Illinois  with  admi 
ration  for  his  abilities ;  and  the  ill  feeling  caused  by  his  elec 
tion  gradually  passed  away." 

But  Mr.  Douglas  had  a  graver  charge  to  make  against  Mr. 
Lincoln  than  that  of  a  simple  conspiracy  with  Trumbull  to 
dispose  of  a  great  office.  He  seems  to  have  known  nothing  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  secret  understanding  with  Lovejoy  and  his  asso 
ciates  ;  but  he  found,  that,  on  the  day  previous  to  the  election 
for  Senator,  Lovejoy  had  introduced  a  series  of  extreme  anti- 
slavery  resolutions  ;  and  with  these  he  attempted  to  connect 
Mr.  Lincoln,  by  showing,  that,  with  two  exceptions,  every 
member  who  voted  for  the  resolutions  on  the  7th  of  Feb 
ruary  voted  also  for  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  8th.  The  first 
of  the  resolutions  favored  the  restoration  of  the  prohibi 
tion  of  slavery  north  of  36°  30',  and  also  a  similar  prohibition 
as  to  "  all  territory  which  now  belongs  to  the  United  States, 
or  which  may  hereafter  come  under  their  jurisdiction." 
The  second  resolution  declared  against  the  admission  of 
any  Slave  State,  no  matter  out  of  what  Territory,  or  in  what 
manner  formed ;  and  the  third  demanded,  first,  the  uncon 
ditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  or,  failing  that, 
the  right  of  habeas  corpus  and  trial  by  jury  for  the  person 
claimed  as  a  slave.  The  first  resolution  was  carried  by  a 
strict  party  vote ;  while  the  second  and  third  were  de 
feated.  But  Mr.  Douglas  asserted  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
committed  in  favor  of  all  three,  because  the  members  that 
supported  them  subsequently  supported  him.  Of  all  this 
Mr.  Lincoln  took  no  further  notice  than  to  say  that  Judge 
Douglas  might  find  the  Republican  platform  in  the  resolu 
tions  of  the  State  Convention  of  that  party,  held  at  Bloom- 
ington  in  1856.  In  fact,  he  maintained  a  singular  reticence 
about  the  whole  affair,  probably  dreading  to  go  into  it  too 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  365 

deeply,  lest  his  rival  should  unearth  the  private  pledge  to 
Lovejoy,  of  which  Judge  Logan  has  given  us  the  history. 
When  Judge  Douglas  produced  a  set  of  resolutions  which  he 
said  had  been  passed  by  the  Abolitionists  at  their  Conven 
tion  at  Springfield,  during  the  State  Fair  (the  meeting  alluded 
to  by  Mr.  Herndon),  and  asserted  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  one 
of  the  committee  that  reported  them,  the  latter  replied  with 
great  spirit,  and  said  what  he  could  say  with  perfect  truth,  — 
that  he  was  not  near  Springfield  when  that  body  met,  and 
that  his  name  had  been  used  without  his  consent. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

MR.  LINCOLN  predicted  a  bloody  conflict  in  Kansas 
as  the  immediate  effect  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
restriction.  He  had  not  long  to  wait  for  the  fulfilment  of  his 
prophecy :  it  began,  in  fact,  before  he  spoke  ;  and  if  blood 
had  not  actually  flowed  on  the  plains  of  Kansas,  occurrences 
were  taking  place  on  the  Missouri  border  which  could  not 
avoid  that  result.  The  South  invited  the  struggle  by  repealing 
a  time-honored  compromise,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  convince 
the  North  that  she  no  longer  felt  herself  bound  by  any  Congres 
sional  restrictions  upon  the  institution  of  slavery ;  and  that 
she  intended,  as  far  as  her  power  would  permit,  to  push  its 
existence  into  all  the  Territories  of  the  Union.  The  North 
ern  States  accepted  the  challenge  promptly.  The  people  of 
the  Free  States  knew  how  to  colonize  and  settle  new  Terri 
tories.  The  march  of  their  westward  settlements  had  for 
years  assumed  a  steady  tread  as  the  population  of  these 
States  augmented,  and  the  facility  for  emigrating  increased. 
When,  therefore,  the  South  threw  down  the  barriers  which 
had  for  thirty  years  consecrated  all  the  Territories  north  of 
36°  30'.  to  free  labor,  and  announced  her  intention  of  com 
peting  therein  for  the  establishment  of  her  "  peculiar  institu 
tion,"  the  North  responded  by  using  the  legitimate  means  at 
her  command  to  throw  into  the  exposed  regions  settlers  who 
would  organize  the  Territories  in  the  interest  of  free  labor. 
The  "  irrepressible  conflict "  was  therefore  opened  in  the  Ter 
ritories,  with  the  people  of  the  two  sections  of  the  country 
arrayed  against  each  other  as  participants  in,  as  well  as  spec- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  367 

tators  of,  the  contest.  As  participants,  each  section  aided  its 
representatives.  The  struggle  opened  in  Kansas,  and  in  favor 
of  the  South.  During  the  passage  of  the  bill  organizing  the 
Territory,  preparations  had  been  extensively  made  along  the 
Missouri  border,  by  "  Blue  Lodges"  and  "  Social  Bands,"  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  control  of  its  Territorial  government. 
The  whole  eastern  border  of  the  Territory  was  open  to  these 
marauders  ;  and  they  were  not  slow  to  embrace  the  opportunity 
of  meeting  their  enemies  with  so  many  advantages  in  their  favor. 
Public  meetings  were  held  in  many  of  the  frontier  counties 
of  Missouri,  in  which  the  people  were  not  only  advised  to  go 
over  and  take  early  possession  of  the  Territory,  but  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  remove  all  emigrants  who  should 
go  there  under  the  auspices  of  the  Northern  Aid  Societies. 
It  was  with  these  "  Border  Ruffians,"  and  some  volunteers 
from  Alabama  and  Soutn  Carolina,  with  a  few  vagabond  "  col 
onels  "  and  "  generals  "  from  the  Slave  States  generally,  that 
the  South  began  the  struggle.  Of  course,  the  North  did  not 
look  with  complacency  upon  such  a  state  of  things.  If  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  startled  the  people  of  the 
Free  States  from  their  sense  of  security,  the  manner  of  apply 
ing  "  popular  sovereignty,"  as  indicated  at  its  first  introduction, 
was  sufficient  to  arouse  public  sentiment  to  an  unwonted 
degree.  Kansas  became  at  once  a  subject  of  universal  inter 
est.  Societies  were  formed  for  throwing  into  her  borders, 
with  the  utmost  expedition,  settlers  who  could  be  relied  upon 
to  mould  her  government  in  the  interest  of  freedom.  At  the 
same  time  there  was  set  in  train  all  the  political  machinery 
that  could  be  used  to  agitate  the  question,  until  the  cry  of 
"Bleeding  Kansas"  was  heard  throughout  the  land. 

It  is  not  necessary  in  this  connection  to  set  down,  in  order, 
the  raids,  assassinations,  burnings,  robberies,  and  election 
frauds  which  followed.  Enough  if  their  origin  and  character 
be  understood.  For  this  present  purpose,  a  brief  summary 
only  will  be  given  of  what  occurred  during  the  long  strug 
gle  to  make  Kansas  a  Slave  State  ;  for  upon  the  practical 
issues  which  arose  during  the  contest  followed  the  discussions 


368  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas,  upon  the  merits  of 
which  the  former  was  carried  into  the  Presidential  office. 

The  first  Territorial  governor  appointed  under  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act  was  Andrew  H.  Reeder 
of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  appointed  by  President  Pierce. 
He  readied  Kansas  in  the  autumn  of  1854,  and  proceeded  to 
establish  a  Territorial  Government.  The  first  election  was 
for  a  delegate  to  Congress.  By  the  aid  of  the  people  of  Mis 
souri,  it  resulted  in  favor  of  the  Democrats.  The  governor 
then  ordered  an  election  for  a  first  Territorial  Legislature,  to  be 
held  on  the  31st  of  March,  1855.  To  this  election  the  Mis- 
sourians  came  in  greater  force  than  before  ;  and  succeeded  in 
electing  proslavery  men  to  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature,  with 
a  single  exception  in  each  house.  The  governor,  a  proslavery 
man,  set  aside  the  returns  in  six  districts,  as  being  fraudulent ; 
whereupon  new  elections  were  held,  which,  with  one  excep 
tion,  resulted  in  favor  of  the  Free-State  men.  These  parties, 
however,  were  refused  their  seats  in  the  Legislature ;  while 
the  persons  chosen  at  the  previous  election  were  accepted. 

The  Legislature  thus  organized  proceeded  to  enact  the 
most  hostile  measures  against  the  Free-State  men.  Many  of 
these  acts  were  promptly  vetoed  by  the  governor.  The 
Legislature  then  petitioned  the  President  for  his  removal. 
Their  wishes  were  complied  with ;  and  Wilson  G.  Shannon 
of  Ohio  was  appointed  in  his  stead.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
Free-State  men  entirely  repudiated  the  Legislature,  and  re 
fused  to  be  bound  by  its  enactments. 

Such  was  the  situation  in  Kansas  when  Mr.  Lincoln  ad 
dressed  to  Mr.  Speed  the  following  letter  :  — 

SPBINGFIELD,  Aug.  24,  1855. 

DEAR  SPEED,  —  You  know  what  a  poor  correspondent  I  am.  Ever  since 
I  received  your  very  agreeable  letter  of  the  22d  of  May,  I  have  been 
intending  to  write  you  an  answer  to  it.  You  suggest  that  in  political  action 
now  you  and  I  would  differ.  I  suppose  we  would  ;  not  quite  as  much,  how 
ever,  as  you  may  think.  You  know  I  dislike  slavery  ;  and  you  fully  admit 
the  abstract  wrong  of  it.  So  far  there  is  no  cause  of  difference.  But  you 
say,  that,  sooner  than  yield  your  legal  right  to  the  slave,  —  especially  at  the 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  369 

bidding  of  those  who  are  not  themselves  interested,  —  you  -would  see  the 
Union  dissolved.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  one  is  bidding  you  yield  that 
right :  very  certainly  /  am  not.  I  leave  that  matter  entirely  to  yourself.  I 
also  acknowledge  your  rights  and  m>/  obligations  under  the  Constitution  in 
regard  to  your  slaves.  I  confess  I  hate  to  see  the  poor  creatures  hunted 
down,  and  caught  and  carried  back  to  their  stripes  and  unrequited  toils  ; 
but  I  bite  my  lip,  and  keep  quiet.  In  1841  you  and  I  had  together  a  tedious 
low-water  trip  on  a  steamboat  from  Louisville  to  St.  Louis.  You  may 
remember,  as  I  well  do,  that,  from  Louisville  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  there 
were  on  board  ten  or  a  dozen  slaves  shackled  together  with  irons.  That 
fight  was  a  continued  torment  to  me;  and  I  see  something  like  it  every 
time  I  touch  the  Ohio,  or  any  other  slave  border.  It  is  not  fair  for  you  to 
assume  that  I  have  no  interest  in  a  thing  which  has,  and  continually  exer 
cises,  the  power  of  making  me  miserable.  You  ought  rather  to  appreciate 
how  much  the  great  body  of  the  Northern  people  do  crucify  their  feelings,  in 
order  to  maintain  their  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  I  do 
oppose  the  extension  of  slavery  because  my  judgment  and  feeling  so  prompt 
me ;  and  I  am  under  no  obligations  to  the  contrary.  If  for  this  you  and  I 
must  differ,  differ  we  must.  You  say,  if  you  were  President,  you  would  send 
an  army,  and  hang  the  leaders  of  the  Missouri  outrages  upon  the  Kansas 
elections  ;  still,  if  Kansas  fairly  votes  herself  a  Slave  State,  she  must  be 
admitted,  or  the  Union  must  be  dissolved.  But  how  if  she  votes  herself  a 
Slave  State  unfairly,  —  that  is,  by  the  very  means  for  which  you  say  you 
would  hang  men  ?  Must  she  still  be  admitted,  or  the  Union  dissolved  ? 
That  will  be  the  phase  of  the  question  when  it  first  becomes  a  practical  one. 
In  your  assumption  that  there  may  be  a  fair  decision  of  the  slavery  question 
in  Kansas,  I  plainly  see  you  and  I  would  differ  about  the  Nebraska  law.  I 
look  upon  that  enactment,  not  as  a  law,  but  a  violence  from  the  beginning. 
It  was  conceived  in  violence,  is  maintained  in  violence,  and  is  being  executed 
in  violence.  I  say  it  was  conceived  in  violence,  because  the  destruction  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  under  the  circumstances,  was  nothing  less  than 
violence.  It  was  passed  in  violence,  because  it  could  not  have  passed  at  all 
but  for  the  votes  of  many  members  in  violence  of  the  known  will  of  their 
constituents.  It  is  maintained  in  violence,  because  the  elections  since  clearly 
demand  its  repeal ;  and  the  demand  is  openly  disregarded. 

You  say  men  ought  to  be  hung  for  the  way  they  are  executing  that  law ; 
and  /  say  the  way  it  is  being  executed  is  quite  as  good  as  any  of  its  antece 
dents.  It  is  being  executed  in  the  precise  way  which  was  intended  from  the 
first ;  else  why  does  no  Nebraska  man  express  astonishment  or  condemna 
tion  ?  Poor  Reeder  is  the  only  public  man  who  has  been  silly  enough  to 
believe  that  any  thing  like  fairness  was  ever  intended ;  and  he  has  been 
bravely  undeceived. 

That  Kansas  will  form  a  slave  constitution,  and  with  it  will  ask  to  be 
admitted  into  the  Union,  I  take  to  be  already  a  settled  question,  and  so 

24 


370  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

settled  by  the  very  means  you  so  pointedly  condemn.  By  every  principle 
of  law  ever  held  by  any  court,  North  or  South,  every  negro  taken  to  Kansas 
is  free ;  yet,  in  utter  disregard  of  this,  —  in  the  spirit  of  violence  merely,  — 
that  beautiful  Legislature  gravely  passes  a  law  to  hang  any  man  who  shall 
venture  to  inform  a  negro  of  his  legal  rights.  This  is  the  substance  and 
real  object  of  the  law.  If,  like  Haman,  they  should  hang  upon  the  gallows 
of  their  own  building,  I  shall  not  be  among  the  mourners  for  their  fate.  In 
my  humble  sphere,  1  shall  advocate  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  so  long  as  Kansas  remains  a  Territory  ;  and  when,  by  all  these  foul 
means,  it  seeks  to  come  into  the  Union  as  a  Slave  State,  I  shall  oppose  it. 
I  am  very  loath,  in  any  case,  to  withhold  my  assent  to  the  enjoyment  of 
property  acquired  or  located  in  good  faith ;  but  I  do  not  admit  that  good  faith 
in  taking  a  negro  to  Kansas  to  be  held  in  slavery  is  a  probability  with  any 
man.  Any  man  who  has  sense  enough  to  be  the  controller  of  his  own  prop 
erty  has  too  much  sense  to  misunderstand  the  outrageous  character  of  the 
whole  Nebraska  business.  But  I  digress.  In  my  opposition  to  the  admis 
sion  of  Kansas,  I  shall  have  some  company ;  but  we  may  be  beaten.  If  we 
are,  I  shall  not,  on  that  account,  attempt  to  dissolve  the  Union.  I  think  it 
probable,  however,  we  shall  be  beaten.  Standing  as  a  unit  among  yourselves, 
you  can,  directly  and  indirectly,  bribe  enough  of  our  men  to  carry  the  day, 
as  you  could  on  the  open  proposition  to  establish  a  monarchy.  Get  hold  of 
some  man  in  the  North  whose  position  and  ability  is  such  that  he  can  make 
the  support  of  your  measure,  whatever  it  may  be,  a  Democratic  parly  neces 
sity,  and  the  thing  is  done.  Apropos  of  this,  let  me  tell  you  an  anecdote. 
Douglas  introduced  the  Nebraska  Bill  in  January.  In  February  afterwards, 
there  was  a  called  session  of  the  Illinois  Legislature.  Of  the  one  hundred 
members  composing  the  two  branches  of  that  body,  about  seventy  were 
Democrats.  These  latter  held  a  caucus,  in  which  the  Nebraska  Bill  was 
talked  of,  if  not  formally  discussed.  It  was  thereby  discovered  that  just 
three,  and  no  more,  were  in  favor  of  the  measure.  In  a  day  or  two  Douglas's 
orders  came  on  to  have  resolutions  passed  approving  the  bill ;  and  they  were 
passed  by  large  majorities  ! ! !  The  truth  of  this  is  vouched  for  by  a  bolting 
Democratic  member.  The  masses,  too,  Democratic  as  well  as  Whig,  were  even 
nearer  unanimous  against  it ;  but,  as  soon  as  the  party  necessity  of  supporting 
it  became  apparent,  the  way  the  Democracy  began  to  see  the  wisdom  and 
justice  of  it  was  perfectly  astonishing. 

You  say,  that,  if  Kansas  fairly  votes  herself  a  Free  State,  as  a  Christian  you 
will  rather  rejoice  at  it.  All  decent  slaveholders  talk  that  way ;  and  I  do 
not  doubt  their  candor.  But  they  never  vote  that  way.  Although  in  a  pri 
vate  letter,  or  conversation,  you  will  express  your  preference  that  Kansas 
shall  be  free,  you  would  vote  for  no  man  for  Congress  who  would  say  the 
same  thing  publicly.  No  such  man  could  be  elected  from  any  district  in  a 
Slave  State.  You  think  Stringfellow  &  Co.  ought  to  be  hung ;  and  yet,  at  the 
next  Presidential  election,  you  will  vote  for  the  exact  type  and  representative 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  371 

of  Stringfellow.  The  slave-breeders  and  slave-traders  are  a  small,  odious,  and 
detested  class  among  you ;  and  yet  in  politics  they  dictate  the  course  of  all 
of  you,  and  are  as  completely  your  masters  as  you  are  the  master  of  your 
own  negroes.  You  inquire  where  I  now  stand.  That  is  a  disputed  point. 
I  think  I  am  a  Whig ;  but  others  say  there  are  no  Whigs,  and  that  I  am  an 
Abolitionist.  When  I  was  at  Washington,  I  voted  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso  as 
good  as  forty  times;  and  I  never  heard  of  anyone  attempting  to  unwhig  me 
for  that.  I  now  do  no  more  than  oppose  the  extension  of  slavery.  I  am  not 
a  Know-Nothing  :  that  is  certain.  How  could  I  be  ?  How  can  any  one  who 
abhors  the  oppression  of  negroes  be  in  favor  of  degrading  classes  of  white 
people  ?  Our  progress  in  degeneracy  appears  to  me  to  be  pretty  rapid.  As 
a  nation,  we  began  by  declaring  that ';  all  men  are  created  equal."  We  now 
practically  read  it  "  all  men  are  created  equal,  except  negroes."  When  the 
Know-Nothings  get  control,  it  will  read  "all  men  are  created  equal,  except 
negroes  and  foreigners  and  Catholics."  When  it  comes  to  this,  I  should  pre 
fer  emigrating  to  some  country  where  they  make  no  pretence  of  loving 
liberty,  —  to  Russia,  for  instance,  where  despotism  can  be  taken  pure,  and 
without  the  base  alloy  of  hypocrisy. 

Mary  will  probably  pass  a  day  or  two  in  Louisville  in  October.  My  kind 
est  regards  to  Mrs.  Speed.  On  the  leading  subject  of  this  letter,  I  have 
more  of  her  sympathy  than  I  have  of  yours ;  and  yet  let  me  say  I  am 

Your  friend  forever, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

Gov.  Shannon  arrived  in  the  Territory  Sept.  1, 1855.  On  his 
way  thither,  he  declared  himself  in  favor  of  making  Kansas 
a  Slave  State.  He  found  affairs  in  a  turbulent  condition, 
which  his  policy  by  no  means  tended  to  mitigate  or  assuage. 
The  Free-State  party  held  a  mass-meeting  at  Big  Springs 
in  the  early  part  of  September,  at  which  they  distinctly 
and  earnestly  repudiated  the  legislative  government,  which 
claimed  to  have  been  elected  in  March,  as  well  as  all  laws 
passed  by  it;  and  they  decided  not  to  participate  in  an 
election  for  a  delegate  to  Congress,  which  the  Legislature 
had  appointed  to  be  held  on  the  1st  of  October  following. 
They  also  held  a  Delegate  Convention  at  Topeka,  on  the 
19th  of  September,  and  appointed  an  Executive  Committee 
for  the  Territory  ;  and  also  an  election  for  a  Delegate  to  Con 
gress,  to  be  held  on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October.  These 
two  rival  elections  for  a  congressional  delegate  took  place 
on  different  days ;  at  the  former  of  which,  Whitfield,  repre- 


372  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

senting  the  proslavery  party,  was  elected  ;  while  at  the  other, 
Gov.  Reeder,  representing  the  Free-State  party,  was  chosen. 
On  the  23d  of  October,  the  Free-State  party  held  a  consti 
tutional  Convention  at  Topeka,  and  formed  a  State  consti 
tution  in  their  interest,  under  the  provisions  of  which  they 
subsequently  acted,  and  also  asked  for  admission  into  the 
Union. 

While  we  are  upon  this  phase  of  the  Kansas  question,  it 
may  not  be  amiss  to  postpone  the  relation  of  some  interme 
diate  events,  in  order  to  give  the  reader  the  benefit  of  an 
expression  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  views,  which  thus  far  has  found 
place  in  no  printed  record. 

Sometime  in  1856  an  association  of  Abolitionists  was 
formed  in  Illinois  to  go  to  Kansas  and  aid  the  Free-State  men 
in  opposing  the  Government.  The  object  of  those  engaged 
in  this  work  was,  in  their  opinion,  a  very  laudable  one,  —  no 
other  than  the  defence  of  freedom,  which  they  thought  foully 
menaced  in  that  far-off  region.  Among  these  gentlemen,  and 
one  of  the  most  courageous  and  disinterested,  was  William  H. 
Herndon.  He  says,  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  was  informed  of  our  intents  by  some  means. 
Probably  the  idea  of  resistance  was  more  known  than  I  now 
remember.  He  took  the  first  opportunity  he  could  to  dissuade 
us  from  our  partially-formed  purpose.  We  spoke  of  liberty, 
justice,  and  God's  higher  law,  and  invoked  the  spirit  of  these 
as  our  holiest  inspiration.  In  1856  he  addressed  us  on  this 
very  subject,  substantially  in  these  words  :  — 

"  '  Friends,  I  agree  with  you  in  Providence  ;  but  I  believe 
in  the  providence  of  the  most  men,  the  largest  purse,  and  the 
longest  cannon.  You  are  in  the  minority,  — in  a  sad  minority  ; 
and  you  can't  hope  to  succeed,  reasoning  from  all  human 
experience.  You  would  rebel  against  the  Government,  and 
redden  your  hands  in  the  blood  of  your  countrymen.  If  you 
are  in  the  minority,  as  you  are,  you  can't  succeed.  I  say  again 
and  again,  against  the  Government,  with  a  great  majority  of 
its  best  p.itizens  backing  it,  and  when  they  have  the  most  men, 
the  longest  purse,  and  the  biggest  cannon,  you  can't  succeed. 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  373 

If  you  have  the  majority,  as  some  of  you  say  you  have,  you 
can  succeed  with  the  ballot,  throwing  away  the  bullet.  You 
can  peaceably,  then,  redeem  the  Government,  and  preserve  the 
liberties  of  mankind,  through  your  votes  and  voice  and  moral 
influence.  Let  there  be  peace.  In  a  democracy,  where  the 
majority  rule  by  the  ballot  through  the  forms  of  law,  these 
physical  rebellions  and  bloody  resistances  are  radically  wrong, 
unconstitutional,  and  are  treason.  Better  bear  the  ills  you 
have  than  fly  to  those  you  know  not  of.  Our  own  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  says,  that  governments  long  established, 
for  trivial  causes  should  not  be  resisted.  Revolutionize  through 
the  ballot-box,  and  restore  the  Government  once  more  to  the 
affections  and  hearts  of  men,  by  making  it  express,  as  it  was 
intended  to  do,  the  highest  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty.  Your 
attempt,  if  there  be  such,  to  resist  the  laws  of  Kansas  by 
force,  is  criminal  and  wicked ;  and  all  your  feeble  attempts 
will  be  follies,  and  end  in  bringing  sorrow  on  your  heads,  and 
ruin  the  cause  you  would  freely  die  to  preserve ! ' 

"  This  little  speech,"  continues  Mr.  Herndon,  "  is  not  in 
print.  It  is  a  part  of  a  much  longer  one,  likewise  not  in  print. 
This  speech  squelched  the  ideas  of  physical  resistance,  and 
directed  our  energies  through  other  more  effective  channels, 
which  his  wisdom  and  coolness  pointed  out  to  us.  This  little 
speech,  so  timely  and  well  made,  saved  many  of  us  from  great 
follies,  if  not  our  necks  from  the  halter.  The  man  who  uttered 
it  is  no  more  ;  but  this  little  speech,  I  hope,  shall  not  soon  be 
forgotten.  Mr.  Lincoln  himself,  after  this  speech,  subscribed 
money  to  the  people  of  Kansas  under  conditions,  which  I  will 
relate  in  other  ways.  He  was  not  alone  in  his  gifts  :  I  signed 
the  same  paper,  I  think,  for  the  same  amount,  most  cheer 
fully  ;  and  would  do  it  again,  only  doubling  the  sum,  adding 
no  conditions,  only  the  good  people's  wise  discretion." 

Early  in  18,36  it  became  painfully  apparent  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
that  he  must  take  a  decisive  stand  upon  the  questions  of  the 
day,  and  become  a  Know-Nothing,  a  Democrat,  a  Republican, 
or  an  Abolitionist.  Mere  "Anti-Nebraska"  would  answer  no 
longer :  the  members  of  that  ephemeral  coalition  were  seek- 


374  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ing  more  permanent  organizations.  If  interrogated  concern 
ing  his  position,  he  would  probably  have  answered  still,  "  I 
think  I  am  a  Whig."  With  the  Abolition  or  Liberty  party, 
he  had  thus  far  shown  not  a  particle  of  sympathy.  In  1840, 
1844,  1848,  and  1852,  the  Abolitionists,  Liberty-men,  or 
Free-Soilers,  ran  candidates  of  their  own  for  the  Presidency, 
and  made  no  little  noise  and  stir  in  the  politics  of  the  coun 
try;  but  they  were  as  yet  too  insignificant  in  number  to 
claim  the  adhesion  of  a  practical  man  like  Mr.  Lincoln.  In 
fact,  his  partner,  one  of  the  most  earnest  of  them  all,  had 
not  up  to  this  time  desired  his  fellowship.  But  now  Mr. 
Herndon  thought  the  hour  had  arrived  when  his  hero  should 
declare  himself  in  unmistakable  terms.  He  found,  how 
ever,  one  little  difficulty  in  the  way :  he  was  not  precisely 
certain  of  his  hero.  Mr.  Lincoln  might  go  that  way,  and  he 
might  go  the  other  way :  his  mind  was  not  altogether  made 
up ;  and  there  was  no  telling  on  which  side  the  decision 
would  fall.  "  He  was  button-holed  by  three  ideas,  and  by 
men  belonging  to  each  class :  first,  he  was  urged  to  remain  a 
Whig ;  secondly,  he  was  urged  to  become  a  Know-Nothing j 
Say-Nothing,  Do-Nothing ;  and,  thirdly,  he  was  urged  to  be 
baptized  in  Abolitionism :  and  in  my  imagination  I  can  see 
Lincoln  strung  out  three  ways.  At  last  two  cords  were 
snapped,  he  flying  to  Freedom." 

And  this  is  the  way  the  cords  were  snapped  :  Mr.  Herndon 
drew  up  a  paper  to  be  signed  by  men  of  his  class  in  politics, 
calling  a  county  convention  to  elect  delegates  to  the  State 
convention  at  Bloomington.  "  Mr.  Lincoln  was  then  back 
ward,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  dodge-y,  —  so  and  so.  I  was 
determined  to  make  him  take  a  stand,  if  he  would  not  do  it 
willingly,  which  he  might  have  done,  as  he  was  naturally 
inclined  Abolitionward.  Lincoln  was  absent  when  the  call 
was  signed,  and  circulated  here.  I  signed  Mr.  Lincoln's  name 
without  authority  ;  had  it  published  in  "  The  Journal."  John 
T.  Stuart  was  keeping  his  eye  on  Lincoln,  with  the  view  of 
keeping  him  on  his  side,  —  the  totally-dead  conservative  side. 
Mr.  Stuart  saw  the  published  call,  and  grew  mad ;  rushed 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  375 

into  my  office,  seemed  mad,  horrified,  and  said  to  me, 
4  Sir,  did  Mr.  Lincoln  sign  that  Abolition  call  which  is  pub 
lished  this  morning  ?  '  I  answered,  '  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  sign 
that  call.'  — '  Did  Lincoln  authorize  you  to  sign  it  ?  '  said  Mr. 
Stuart.  '  No :  he  never  authorized  me  to  sign  it.'  — '  Then 
do  you  know  that  you  have  ruined  Mr.  Lincoln  ?  '  —  'I  did  not 
know  that  I  had  ruined  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  did  not  intend  to  do  so  ; 
thought  he  was  a  made  man  by  it ;  that  the  time  had  come 
when  conservatism  was  a  crime  and  a  blunder.'  — '  You,  then, 
take  the  responsibility  of  your  acts  ;  do  you ?  '  —  'I  do,  most 
emphatically.' 

"  However,  I  instant^  sat  down  and  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
who  was  then  in  Pekin  or  Tremont,  —  possibly  at  court.  He 
received  my  letter,  and  instantly  replied,  either  by  letter  or 
telegraph,  —  most  likely  by  letter,  —  that  he  adopted  in  toto 
what  I  had  done,  and  promised  to  meet  the  radicals  —  Love- 
joy,  and  suchlike  men  —  among  us." 

At  Bloomington  Lincoln  was  the  great  figure.  Beside  him 
all  the  rest  —  even  the  oldest  in  the  faith  and  the  strongest 
in  the  work  —  were  small.  Yet  he  was  universally  regarded 
as  a  recent  convert,  although  the  most  important  one  that 
could  be  made  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  "  We  met  at  Bloom 
ington  ;  and  it  was  there,"  says  Mr.  Herndon  in  one  of  his 
lectures,  "  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  baptized,  and  joined  our 
church.  He  made  a  speech  to  us.  I  have  heard  or  read  all 
Mr.  Lincoln's  great  speeches ;  and  I  give  it  as  my  opinion, 
on  my  best  judgment,  that  the  Bloomington  speech  was  the 
grand  effort  of  his  life.  Heretofore,  and  up  to  this  moment, 
he  had  simply  argued  the  slavery  question  on  grounds  of 
policy,  —  on  what  are  called  the  statesman's  grounds,  —  never 
reaching  the  question  of  the  radical  and  the  eternal  right. 
Now  he  was  newly  baptized  and  freshly  born :  he  had  the 
fervor  of  a  new  convert ;  the  smothered  flame  broke  out ;  en 
thusiasm  unusual  to  him  blazed  up  ;  his  eyes  were  aglow  with 
an  inspiration  ;  he  felt  justice ;  his  heart  was  alive  to  the 
right ;  his  sympathies,  remarkably  deep  for  him,  burst  forth, 
and  he  stood  before  the  throne  of  the  eternal  Right,  in  pres- 


376  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ence  of  his  God,  and  then  and  there  unburdened  his  peni 
tential  and  fired  soul.  This  speech  was  fresh,  new,  genu 
ine,  odd,  original ;  filled  with  fervor  not  unmixed  with  a 
divine  enthusiasm ;  his  head  breathing  out  through  his  tender 
heart  its  truths,  its  sense  of  right,  and  its  feeling  of  the 
good  and  for  the  good.  This  speech  was  full  of  fire  and 
energy  and  force  :  it  was  logic  ;  it  was  pathos  ;  it  was  enthusi 
asm  ;  it  was  justice,  equit}r,  truth,  right,  and  the  good,  set  ablaze 
by  the  divine  fires  of  a  soul  maddened  by  the  wrong  ;  it  was 
hard,  heavy,  knotty,  gnarly,  edged,  and  heated.  I  attempted 
for  about  fifteen  minutes,  as  was  usual  with  me  then,  to  take 
notes  ;  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  I  threw  pen  and  paper  to 
the  dogs,  and  lived  only  in  the  inspiration  of  the  hour.  If 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  six  feet  four  inches  high  usually,  at  Bloom- 
ington  he  was  seven  feet,  and  inspired  at  that.  From  that 
day  to  the  day  of  his  death,  he  stood  firm  on  the  right.  He 
felt  his  great  cross,  had  his  great  idea,  nursed  it,  kept  it,  taught 
it  to  others,  and  in  his  fidelity  bore  witness  of  it  to  his  death, 
and  finally  sealed  it  with  his  precious  blood." 

If  any  thing  in  the  foregoing  description  by  Mr.  Herndon 
seems  extravagant  to  the  reader,  something  must  be  pardoned 
to  the  spirit  of  a  patient  friend  and  an  impatient  teacher,  who 
saw  in  this  scene  the  first  fruits  of  his  careful  husbandry,  and 
the  end  of  his  long  vigil.  He  appears  to  have  participated 
even  then  in  the  belief  which  Mr.  Lincoln  himself  avowed,  — 
that  the  latter  was  designed  by  the  Dispenser  of  all  things  to 
occupy  a  great  place  in  the  world's  history  ;  and  he  felt  that 
that  day's  doings  had  fixed  his  political  character  forever. 
The  Bloomington  Convention  was  called  "  Republican,"  and 
the  Republican  party  of  Illinois  was  there  formed  :  but  the 
most  noted  Abolitionists  were  in  it,  the  spirit  of  the  Lovejoys 
was  present ;  and  Mr.  Herndon  had  a  right  to  say,  that,  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  not  an  Abolitionist,  he  was  tending  "  Abolition- 
ward  "  so  surely  that  no  doubt  could  be  entertained  of  his 
ultimate  destination.  But,  after  all,  the  resolutions  of  the 
convention  were  very  "moderate."  They  merely  denounced 
the  administration  for  its  course  regarding  Kansas,  stigmatized 


WILLIAM   H.  HERNDON. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  377 

the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  an  act  of  bad  faith, 
and  opposed  "  the  extension  of  slavery  into  Territories  here 
tofore  free."  It  was  surely  not  because  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
present,  and  aiding  at  the  passage  of  such  resolutions,  that 
Mr.  Herndon  and  others  thereafter  regarded  him  as  a  "  new 
born  "  Abolitionist.  It  must  have  been  the  general  warmth 
of  his  speech  against  the  South,  —  his  manifest  detestation  of 
slaveholders  and  slaveholding,  as  exhibited  in  his  words,  — 
which  led  them  to  believe  that  his  feelings  at  least,  if  not  his 
opinions,  were  similar  to  theirs.  But  the  reader  will  see, 
nevertheless,  as  we  get  along  in  cur  history,  that  the  Bloom- 
ington  resolutions  were  the  actual  standard  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
views;  that  he  continued  to  express  his  determination  to  main 
tain  the  rights  of  the  Slave  States  under  the  Constitution,  and 
to  make  conspicuously  plain  his  abhorrence  of  negro  suffrage 
and  negro  equality.  He  certainly  disliked  the  Southern  poli 
ticians  very  much  ;  but  even  that  sentiment,  growing  daily 
more  fierce  and  ominous  in  the  masses  of  the  new  party,  was 
in  his  case  counterbalanced  by  his  prejudices  or  his  caution, 
and  he  never  saw  the  day  when  he  would  willingly  have 
clothed  the  negroes  with  political  privileges. 

Notwithstanding  the  conservative  character  of  the  resolu 
tions,  the  proceedings  of  the  Bloomington  Convention  were 
alarming  to  a  portion  of  the  community,  and  seem  to  have 
found  little  favor  with  the  people  of  Springfield.  About  five 
days  after  its  adjournment,  Herndon  and  Lincoln  bethought 
them  of  holding  a  ratification  meeting.  Mr.  Herndon  got  out 
huge  posters,  announcing  the  event,  and  employed  a  band  of 
musicians  to  parade  the  streets  and  "  drum  up  a  crowd."  As 
the  hour  of  meeting  drew  near,  he  "  lit  up  the  Court  House 
with  many  blazes,"  rung  the  bells,  and  blew  a  horn.  At  seven 
o'clock  the  meeting  should  have  been  called  to  order,  but  it 
turned  out  to  be  extremely  slim.  There  was  nobody  present, 
with  all  those  brilliant  lights,  but  A.  Lincoln,  W.  H.  Hern 
don,  and  John  Pain.  "  When  Lincoln  came  into  the  court 
room,"  says  the  bill-poster  and  horn-blower  of  this  great 
demonstration,  "  he  came  with  a  sadness  and  a  sense  of  the 


378  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ludicrous  on  his  face.  He  walked  to  the  stand,  mounted  it 
in  a  kind  of  mockery,  —  mirth  and  sadness  all  combined,  — 
and  said,  '  Gentlemen,  this  meeting  is  larger  than  I  knew  it 
would  be.  I  knew  that  Herndon  and  myself  would  come, 
but  I  did  not  know  that  any  one  else  would  be  here  ;  and  yet 
another  has  come,  —  you,  John  Pain.  These  are  sad  times, 
and  seem  out  of  joint.  All  seems  dead,  dead,  dead :  but  the 
age  is  not  yet  dead ;  it  liveth  as  sure  as  our  Maker  liveth. 
Under  all  this  seeming  want  of  life  and  motion,  the  world 
does  move  nevertheless.  Be  hopeful.  And  now  let  us  ad 
journ,  and  appeal  to  the  people.' 

"  This  speech  is  in  substance  just  as  he  delivered  it,  and 
substantially  in  the  same  sad  but  determined  spirit ;  and  so  we 
did  adjourn,  did  go  out,  and  did  witness  the  fact  that  '  the 
world  was  not  dead.' ' 

The  Bloomington  Convention  sent  delegates  to  the  general 
Republican  Convention,  which  was  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia 
in  June.  That  body  was  to  nominate  candidates  for  the 
Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  and  high  hopes '  were  enter 
tained  of  their  success.  But  much  remained  to  be  done  be 
fore  such  a  revolution  in  sentiment  could  be  expected.  The 
American  or  Know-Nothing  party  —  corrupt,  hideous,  and 
delusive,  but  still  powerful  —  had  adopted  the  old  Whig  plat 
form  on  the  several  slavery  questions,  and  planted  itself  de 
cisively  against  the  agitations  of  the  Anti-Nebraska  men  and 
the  Republicans.  A  "  National  Council "  had  taken  this  posi 
tion  for  it  the  year  previous,  in  terms  beside  which  the  reso 
lutions  of  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  in  1852  were  mild  and 
inexpressive.  Something,  therefore,  must  be  done  to  get  this 
great  organization  out  of  the  way,  or  to  put  its  machinery 
under  "  Republican  "  control.  We  have  seen  a  party  of  gen 
tlemen  from  Chicago  proposing  to  go  into  the  lodges,  and 
"  rule  them  for  freedom."  Mr.  Herndon  and  Mr.  Lincoln  re 
jected  the  plot  with  lofty  indignation ;  but  a  section  of  the 
Free-Soil  politicians  were  by  no  means  so  fastidious.  They 
were  for  the  most  part  bad,  insincere,  trading  men,  with 
whom  the  profession  of  principles  of  any  kind  was  merely  a 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  379 

convenient  disguise,  and  who  could  be  attached  to  no  party, 
except  from  motives  of  self-interest.  As  yet,  they  were  not 
quite  certain  whether  it  were  possible  to  raise  more  hatred  in 
the  Northern  mind  against  foreigners  and  Catholics  than 
against  slaveholders  ;  and  they  prudently  determined  to  be  in 
a  situation  to  try  either.  Accordingly,  they  went  into  the 
lodges,  took  the  oaths,  swore  to  stand  by  the  platform  of  the 
"  National  Council "  of  1855,  and  were  perfectly  ready  to  do 
that,  or  to  betray  the  organization  to  the  Republicans,  as  the 
prospect  seemed  good  or  bad.  Believing  the  latter  scheme  to 
be  the  best,  upon  deliberation,  they  carried  it  out  as  far  as  in 
them  lay,  and  then  told  the  old,  grim,  honest,  antislavery 
men,  with  whom  they  again  sought  association,  that  they  had 
joined  the  Know-Nothings,  and  sworn  irrevocable  oaths  to 
proscribe  foreigners  and  Catholics,  solely  that  they  might 
rule  the  order  "  for  freedom  ;  "  and,  the  Republicans  stand 
ing  in  much  need  of  aid  just  then,  the  excuse  was  con 
sidered  very  good.  But  it  was  too  shameless  a  business 
for  Lincoln  and  Hexndon ;  and  they  most  righteously  de 
spised  it. 

In  February,  1856,  the  Republicans  held  what  Mr.  Greeley 
styles  their  "  first  National  Convention,"  at  Pittsburg  ;  but 
they  made  no  nominations  there.  At  the  same  time,  a  Know- 
Nothing  American  "  National  Council  "  was  sitting  at  Phila 
delphia  (to  be  followed  by  a  nominatirig  convention)  ;  and  the 
Republicans  at  Pittsburg  had  not  adjourned  before  they  got 
news  by  telegraph,  that  the  patriots  who  had  entered  the 
lodges  on  false  pretences  were  achieving  a  great  success :  the 
American  party  was  disintegrating,  and  a  great  section  of  it 
falling  away  to  the  Republicans.  A  most  wonderful  political 
feat  had  been  performed,  and  the  way  was  now  apparently 
clear  for  a  union  of  the  all-formidable  anti-Democratic  ele 
ments  in  the  Presidential  canvass. 

On  the  17th  of  June  the  National  Republican  Conven 
tion  met  at  Philadelphia,  and  nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for 
President,  and  William  L.  Dayton  for  Vice-President.  Mr. 
Williams,  Chairman  of  the  Illinois  Delegation,  presented  to 


380  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  convention  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln  for  the  latter 
office  ;  and  it  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  some  of 
the  Western  delegates.  He  received,  however,  but  110  votes, 
against  259  for  Mr.  Dayton,  and  180  scattered  ;  and  Mr.  Da}'- 
ton  was  immediately  thereafter  unanimously  declared  the 
nominee. 

While  this  convention  was  sitting,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  attend 
ing  court  at  Urbana,  in  Champaign  County.  When  the 
news  reached  that  place  that  Mr.  Dayton  had  been  nomi 
nated,  and  "  Lincoln  had  received  110  votes,"  some  of  the  law 
yers  insisted  that  the  latter  must  have  been  "  our  [their] 
Lincoln ;  "  but  he  said,  "  No,  it  could  not  be :  it  must  have 
been  the  great  Lincoln  from  Massachusetts."  He  utterly 
refused  to  believe  in  the  reality  of  this  unexpected  distinction 
until  he  saw  the  proceedings  in  full.  He  was  just  then  in  one 
of  his  melancholy  moods,  his  spirits  depressed,  and  his  heart 
suffering  the  miseries  of  a  morbid  mind. 

With  an  indorsement  of  the  "  self-evident  truths "  and 
"  inalienable  rights  "  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
Republican  Convention  adopted  the  following  as  the  practical 
and  essential  features  of  its  platform  :  — 

"  Resolved,  .  .  .  That  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress, 
of  a  territorial  Legislature,  of  any  individual,  or  association 
of  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Terri 
tory  of  the  United  States  while  the  present  Constitution  shall 
be  maintained. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress 
sovereign  power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for 
their  government;  and  that,  in  the  exercise  of  this  power,  it 
is  both  the  right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the 
Territories  those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  —  polygamy  and 
slavery." 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  had  already  placed 
in  nomination  Buchanan  and  Breckenridge.  Their  platform 
denounced  as  sectional  the  principles  and  purposes  of  their 
opponents ;  re-affirmed  "  the  principles  contained  in  the  or 
ganic  laws  establishing  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Ne- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  381 

braska,  as  embodying  the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the 
slavery  question,"  and  declared  further,  — 

"  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  Democratic  principles 
to  the  organization  of  Territories  and  the  admission  of  new- 
States,  with  or  without  slavery  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal 
rights  of  all  the  States  will  be  preserved  intact,  the  original 
compacts  of  the  Constitution  maintained  inviolate,  and  the 
perpetuity  and  expansion  of  the  Union  insured  to  its  utmost 
capacity  of  embracing,  in  peace  and  harmony,  every  future 
American  State  that  may  be  constituted  or  annexed  with  a 
republican  form  of  government." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  again  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Presi 
dential  elector,  and  made  a  thorough  and  energetic  canvass. 
Some  of  his  speeches  were  very  striking  ;  and  probably  no  man 
in  the  country  discussed  the  main  questions  in  that  campaign 
—  Kansas,  and  slavery  in  the  Territories  —  in  a  manner  more 
original  and  persuasive.  From  first  to  last,  he  scouted  the 
intimation  that  the  election  of  Fremont  would  justify  a  disso 
lution  of  the  Union,  or  that  it  could  possibly  become  even  the 
occasion  of  a  dissolution.  In  his  eyes,  the  apprehensions  of 
disunion  were  a  "  humbug ; "  the  threat  of  it  mere  bluster, 
and  the  fear  of  it  silly  timidity. 

In  the  heat  of  the  canvass,  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  the  following 
perfectly  characteristic  letter,  —  marked  "  Confidential :  "  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  Sept.  8,  1856. 
HARRISON  MALTBT,  ESQ. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  understand  you  are  a  Fillmore  man.  Let  me  prove  to  you 
that  every  vote  withheld  from  Fremont  and  given  to  Fillmore  in  this  State 
actually  lessens  Fillmore's  chance  of  being  President. 

Suppose  Buchanan  gets  all  the  Slave  States  and  Pennsylvania,  and  any 
other  one  State  besides ;  then  he  is  elected,  no  matter  who  gets  all  the  rest. 

But  suppose  Fillmore  gets  the  two  Slave  States  of  Maryland  and  Ken 
tucky ;  then  Buchanan  is  not  elected:  Fillmore  goes  into  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  may  be  made  President  by  a  compromise. 

But  suppose,  again,  Fillmore's  friends  throw  away  a  few  thousand  votes  on 
him  in  Indiana  and  Illinois :  it  will  inevitably  give  these  States  to  Buchanan, 
which  will  more  than  compensate  him  for  the  loss  of  Maryland  and  Ken 
tucky  ;  will  elect  him,  and  leave  Fillmore  no  chance  in  the  II.  R.,  or  out  of  it. 


382  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

This  is  as  plain  as  adding  up  the  weights  of  three  small  hogs.  As  Mr. 
Fillmorc  has  no  possible  chance  to  carry  Illinois  for  himself,  it  is  plainly  to 
his  interest  to  let  Fremont  take  it,  and  thus  keep  it  out  of  the  hands  of 
Buchanan.  Be  not  deceived.  Buchanan  is  the  hard  horse  to  beat  in  this 
race.  Let  him  have  Illinois,  and  nothing  can  beat  him  ;  and  he  will  get  Illi 
nois  if  men  persist  in  throwing  away  votes  upon  Mr.  Fillmore.  Does  some 
one  persuade  you  that  Mr.  Fillmore  can  carry  Illinois  ?  Nonsense  !  There 
are  over  seventy  newspapers  in  Illinois  opposing  Buchanan,  only  three  or 
four  of  which  support  Mr.  Fillmore,  all  the  rest  going  for  Fremont.  Are  not 
these  newspapers  a  fair  index  of  the  proportion  of  the  votes  ?  If  not,  tell  me 
why. 

Again,  of  these  three  or  four  Fillmore  newspapers,  two,  at  least,  are  sup 
ported  in  part  by  the  Buchanan  men,  as  I  understand.  Do  not  they  know 
where  the  shoe  pinches  ?  They  know  the  Fillmore  movement  helps  them, 
and  therefore  they  help  it. 

Do  think  these  things  over,  and  then  act  according  to  your  judgment. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 
(Confidential.) 

This  letter  was  discovered  by  the  Buchanan  men,  printed 
in  their  newspapers,  and  pronounced,  as  its  author  anticipated, 
"  a  mean  trick."  It  was  a  dangerous  document  to  them,  and 
was  calculated  to  undermine  the  very  citadel  of  their  strength. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  still  in  imperfect  fellowship  —  if,  indeed, 
in  any  fellowship  at  all  —  with  the  extreme  Abolitionists. 
He  had  met  with  Lovejoy  and  his  followers  at  Bloomington, 
and  was  apparently  co-operating  with  them  for  the  same  party 
purposes  ;  but  the  intensity  of  his  opposition  to  their  radical 
views  is  intimated  very  strongly  in  this  letter  to  Mr.  Whit 
ney  :— 

SPRINGFIELD,  July  9,  1856. 

DEAR  WHITNEY,  —  I  now  expect  to  go  to  Chicago  on  the  15th,  and 
I  probably  shall  remain  there  or  thereabout  for  about  two  weeks. 

It  turned  me  blind  when  I  first  heard  Swett  was  beaten  and  Lovejoy 
nominated ;  but,  after  much  anxious  reflection,  I  really  believe  it  is  best  to 
let  it  stand.  This,  of  course,  I  wish  to  be  confidential. 

Lamon  did  get  your  deeds.  I  went  with  him  to  the  office,  got  them,  and 
put  them  in  his  hands  myself. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  383 

In  June,  1857,  Judge  Douglas  made  a  speech  at  Spring 
field,  in  which  he  attempted  to  vindicate  the  wisdom  and  fair 
ness  of  the  law  under  which  the  people  of  Kansas  Avere  about 
to  choose  delegates  to  a  convention  to  be  held  at  Lecompton  to 
frame  a  State  constitution.  He  declared  with  emphasis,  that, 
if  the  Free-State  party  refused  to  vote  at  this  election,  they 
alone  would  be  blamable  for  the  proslavery  constitution 
which  might  be  formed.  The  Free-State  men  professed  to 
have  a  vast  majority,  —  "  three-fourths,"  "  four-fifths,"  "  nine- 
tenths,"  of  the  voters  of  Kansas.  If  these  wilfully  staid  away 
from  the  polls,  and  allowed  the  minority  to  choose  the  dele 
gates  and  make  the  constitution,  Mr.  Douglas  thought  they 
ought  to  abide  the  result,  and  not  oppose  the  constitution 
adopted.  Mr.  Douglas's  speech  indicated  clearly  that  he 
himself  would  countenance  no  opposition  to  the  forthcoming 
Lecompton  Convention,  and  that  he  would  hold  the  Republi 
can  politicians  responsible  if  the  result  failed  to  be  satisfactory 
to  them. 

Judge  Douglas  seldom  spoke  in  that  region  without  pro 
voking  a  reply  from  his  constant  and  vigilant  antagonist.  Mr. 
Lincoln  heard  this  speech  with  a  critical  ear,  and  then,  Avait- 
ing  only  for  a  printed  report  of  it,  prepared  a  reply  to  be 
delivered  a  few  weeks  later.  The  speeches  were  neither  of 
them  of  much  consequence,  except  for  the  fact  that  Judge 
Douglas  seemed  to  have  plainly  committed  himself  in  ad 
vance  to  the  support  of  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  Mr. 
Lincoln  took  that  much  for  granted  ;  and,  arguing  from  sundry 
indications  that  the  election  Avould  be  fraudulently  conducted, 
he  insisted  that  Mr.  Douglas  himself,  as  the  author  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  the  inventor  of  "  popular  sover 
eignty,"  had  made  this  "  outrage "  possible.  He  did  not 
believe  there  Avere  any  "  Free-State  Democrats "  in  Kansas 
to  make  it  a  Free  State  without  the  aid  of  the  Republicans, 
whom  he  held  to  be  a  vast  majority  of  the  population.  The 
latter,  he  contended,  were  not  all  registered;  and,  because  all 
were  not  registered,  he  thought  none  ought  to  vote.  But  Mr. 
Lincoln  advised  no  bloodshed,  no  civil  Avar,  no  roadside  assas- 


384  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN". 

sinations.  Even  if  an  incomplete  registry  might  justify  a 
majority  of  the  people  in  an  obstinate  refusal  to  participate 
in  the  regulation  of  their  own  affairs,  it  certainly  would  not 
justify  them  in  taking  up  arms  to  oppose  all  government 
in  the  Territory ;  and  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  say  so.  We  have 
seen  already  how,  in  the  "  little  speech"  reported  by  Mr.  Hern- 
don,  he  deprecated  "all  physical  rebellions"  in  this  country, 
and  applied  his  views  to  this  case. 

Mr.  Lincoln  also  discussed  the  Dred-Scott  Decision  at  some 
length ;  and,  while  doing  so,  disclosed  his  firm  belief,  that,  in 
some  respects,  such  as  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  hap 
piness,"  the  negroes  were  made  by  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  the  equals  of  white  men.  But  it  did  not  follow 
from  this  that  he  was  in  favor  of  political  or  social  equality 
with  them.  "  There  is,"  said  he,  "  a  natural  disgust  in  the 
minds  of  nearly  all  the  white  people  to  the  idea  of  an  indis 
criminate  amalgamation  of  the  white  and  black  races  ;  and 
Judge  Douglas  evidently  is  basing  his  chief  hope  upon  the 
chances  of  his  being  able  to  appropriate  the  benefit  of  this 
disgust  to  himself.  If  he  can,  by  much  drumming  and  re 
peating,  fasten  the  odium  of  that  idea  upon  his  adversaries, 
he  thinks  he  can  struggle  through  the  storm.  He  therefore 
clings  to  his  hope,  as  a  drowning  man  to  the  last  plank.  He 
makes  an  occasion  for  lugging  it  in  from  the  opposition  to  the 
Dred-Scott  Decision.  He  finds  the  Republicans  insisting  that 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  includes  ALL  men,  — black  as 
well  as  white  ;  and  forthwith  he  boldly  denies  that  it  includes 
negroes  at  all,  and  proceeds  to  argue  gravely,  that  all  who 
contend  it  does,  do  so  only  because  they  want  to  vote,  eat, 
sleep,  and  marry  with  negroes.  Now,  I  protest  against  the 
counterfeit  logic  which  concludes,  that,  because  I  do  not 
want  a  black  woman  for  a  slave,  I  must  necessarily  want  her 
for  a  wife.  I  need  not  have  her  for  either.  I  can  just  leave 
her  alone.  In  some  respects,  she  certainly  is  not  my  equal ; 
but  in  her  natural  right  to  eat  the  bread  she  earns  with  her 
own  hands,  without  asking  leave  of  any  one  else,  she  is  my 
equal,  and  the  equal  of  all  others." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  385 

These  speeches  were  delivered,  the  one  early  and  the  other 
late,  in  the  month  of  June  :  they  present  strongly,  yet  guard 
edly,  the  important  issues  which  were  to  engage  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  Mr.  Douglas  in  the  famous  campaign  of  1858,  and  leave 
us  no  choice  but  to  look  into  Kansas,  and  observe  what  had 
taken  place  and  what  was  happening  there. 

Violence  still  (June,  1857)  prevailed  throughout  the  Territory. 
The  administration  of  President  Pierce  committed  itself  at 
the  first  in  support  of  the  proslavery  party.  It  acknowl 
edged  the  Legislature  as  the  only  legal  government  in  the 
Territory,  and  gave  it  military  assistance  to  enforce  its  enact 
ments.  Gov.  Shannon,  having  by  his  course  only  served 
to  increase  the  hostility  between  the  parties,  was  recalled,  and 
John  W.  Geary  of  Pennsylvania  was  appointed  his  successor. 
Gov.  Geary,  while  adopting  the  policy  of  the  administration, 
so  far  as  recognizing  the  Legislative  party  as  the  only  legally 
organized  government,  was  yet  disposed  to  see,  that,  so  far 
as  the  two  parties  could  be  got  to  act  together,  each  should 
be  fairly  protected.  This  policy,  however,  soon  brought  him 
into  collision  with  some  of  the  proslavery  leaders  in  the  Ter 
ritory  ;  and,  not  being  sustained  by  Mr.  Buchanan's  admin 
istration,  which  had  in  the  mean  time  succeeded  the  adminis 
tration  of  President  Pierce,  he  resigned  his  office.  Hon. 
Robert  J.  Walker  of  Mississippi  was  appointed  his  successor, 
with  Hon.  F.  P.  Stanton  of  Tennessee  as  secretary.  Both 
were  strong  Democrats ;  and  both  were  earnest  advocates  of 
the  policy  of  the  administration,  as  expressed  in  the  recent 
presidential  canvass,  and  in  Mr.  Buchanan's  inaugural  Mes 
sage, — the  absolute  freedom  of  the  people  of  the  Territories 
to  form  such  governments  as  they  saw  fit,  subject  to  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Constitution.  Gov.  Walker  and  his  secre 
tary  earnestly  set  themselves  to  work  to  carry  out  this  policy. 
The  governor,  in  various  addresses  to  the  people  of  the  Ter 
ritory,  assured  all  parties  that  he  would  protect  them  in  the 
free  expression  of  their  wishes  in  the  election  for  a  new  Ter 
ritorial  legislature ;  and  he  besought  the  Free-State  men  to 
give  up  their  separate  Territorial  organization,  under  which 

25 


386  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

they  had  already  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union,  and 
by  virtue  of  which  they  claimed  still  to  have  an  equitable 
legal  existence.  The  governor  was  so  earnest  in  his  policy, 
and  so  fair-minded  in  his  purposes,  that  he  soon  drew  upon 
himself  the  opposition  of  the  proslavery  party  of  the  Terri 
tory,  now  in  a  small  minority,  as  well  as  the  enmity  of  that 
party  in  the  States.  He  assured  the  people  they  should  have 
a  fair  election  for  the  new  Legislature  to  be  chosen  in  October 
(1857),  and  which  would  come  into  power  in  January  follow 
ing.  The  people  took  him  at  his  word ;  and  he  kept  it. 
Enormous  frauds  were  discovered  in  two  districts,  which  were 
promptly  set  aside.  The  triumph  of  the  Free-State  party 
was  complete  :  they  elected  a  legislature  in  their  interest  by 
a  handsome  majorit}^.  And  now  began  another  phase  of  the 
struggle.  The  policy  of  the  Governor  and  the  Secretary  was 
repudiated  at  Washington  :  the  former  resigned,  and  the  lat 
ter  was  removed.  Meanwhile,  a  convention  held  under  the 
auspices  of  the  old  Legislature  had  formed  a  new  constitu 
tion,  known  as  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  which  the  old 
Legislature  proposed  to  submit  to  the  people  for  ratification 
on  the  21st  of  December.  The  manner  of  submitting  it  was 
singular,  to  say  the  least.  The  people  were  required  to  vote 
either  for  the  constitution  with  slavery,  or  the  constitution 
without  slavery.  As  without  slavery  the  constitution  was  in 
some  of  its  provisions  as  objectionable  as  if  it  upheld  slavery, 
the  Free-State  men  refused  to  participate  in  its  ratification. 
The  vote  on  its  submission,  therefore,  stood  4,206  for  the  con 
stitution  with  slavery,  and  567  without  slavery;  and  it  was 
this  constitution,  thus  submitted  and  thus  adopted,  that  Mr. 
Buchanan  submitted  to  Congress  on  the  2d  of  February,  1858, 
as  the  free  expression  of  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  Kansas ; 
and  its  support  was  at  once  made  an  administration  measure. 
Meantime  the  new  Legislature  elected  by  the  people  of  the 
Territory  in  October  submitted  this  same  Lecompton  Consti 
tution  to  the  people  again,  and  in  this  manner :  votes  to  be 
given  Tor  the  constitution  with  slavery  and  without  slavery,  and 
also  against  the  constitution  entirely.  The  latter  manner  pre- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  387 

vailed  ;  the  vote  against  the  constitution  in  any  form  being 
over  ten  thousand.  Thus  the  proslavery  party  in  the  Terri 
tory  was  overthrown.  Under  the  auspices  of  the  new  Free^ 
State  Legislature,  a  constitutional  convention  was  held  at 
Wyandotte,  in  March,  1859.  A  Free-State  constitution  was 
adopted,  under  which  Kansas  was  subsequently  admitted  into 
the  Union. 

Before  leaving  this  Kansas  question,  there  is  one  phase  of 
the  closing  part  of  the  struggle  which  it  is  worth  while  to 
note,  particularly  as  it  has  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  fortunes 
of  Judge  Douglas,  and  indirectly  to  the  success  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  Douglas  always  insisted  that  his  plan  of  "  popular 
sovereignty  "  would  give  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  the 
utmost  freedom  in  the  formation  of  their  local  governments. 
When  Mr.  Buchanan  attempted  to  uphold  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  as  being  the  free  choice  of  the  people  of  Kansas, 
Judge  Douglas  at  once  took  issue  with  the  administration  on 
this  question,  and  the  Democratic  party  was  split  in  twain. 
Up  to  the  time  of  the  vote  of  the  people  of  the  Territory  on 
the  constitution,  Douglas  had  been  an  unswerving  supporter 
of  the  administration  policy  in  Kansas.  His  speech  at  Spring 
field,  in  the  June  previous,  could  not  be  misunderstood.  He 
held  all  the  proceedings  which  led  to  the  Lecompton  issue 
to  be  in  strict  accordance,  not  only  with  the  letter,  but  the 
spirit,  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  and  with  the  faith  of 
the  Democratic  party  as  expounded  by  himself.  But  a  few 
weeks  later  it  became  manifest  that  his  opinions  had  un 
dergone  a  change.  Ominous  rumors  of  a  breach  with  the 
administration  began  to  circulate  among  his  friends.  It  was 
alleged  at  length  that  Mr.  Douglas's  delicate  sense  of  justice 
had  been  shocked  by  the  unfairness  of  certain  elections  in 
Kansas :  it  was  even  intimated  that  he,  too,  considered  the 
Lecompton  affair  an  "  outrage  "  upon  the  sovereign  people  of 
Kansas,  and  that  he  would  speedily  join  the  Republicans  — 
the  special  objects  of  his  indignation  in  the  June  speech  —  in 
denouncing  and  defeating  it.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  had 
borne  its  appropriate  fruits,  —  the  fruits  all  along  predicted  by 


388  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  —  and  Mr.  Douglas  commended  them  to  any 
body's  eating  but  his  own.  His  desertion  was  sudden  and 
astonishing ;  but  there  was  method  in  it,  and  a  reason  for  it. 
The  next  year  Illinois  was  to  choose  a  senator  to  fill  the 
vacancy  created  by  the  expiration  of  his  own  term ;  and  the 
choice  lay  between  the  author  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
and  its  most  conspicuous  opponent  in  that  State.  The  news 
papers  were  not  yet  done  publishing  Mr.  Lincoln's  speech,  in 
which  occurred  the  following  paragraph  :  — 

"  Three  years  and  a  half  ago  Judge  Douglas  brought  for 
ward  his  famous  Nebraska  Bill.  The  country  was  at  once  in 
a  blaze.  He  scorned  all  opposition,  and  carried  it  through 
Congress.  Since  then  he  has  seen  himself  superseded  in  a 
Presidential  nomination  by  one  indorsing  the  general  doc 
trine  of  his  measure,  but  at  the  same  time  standing  clear  of 
the  odium  of  its  untimely  agitation  and  its  gross  breach  of 
national  faith ;  and  he  has  seen  the  successful  rival  constitu 
tionally  elected,  not  by  the  strength  of  friends,  but  by  the 
division  of  his  adversaries,  being  in  a  popular  minority  of 
nearly  four  hundred  thousand  votes.  He  has  seen  his  chief 
aids  in  his  own  State,  Shields  and  Richardson,  politically 
speaking,  successively  tried,  convicted,  and  executed  for  an 
offence  not  their  own,  but  his.  And  now  he  sees  his  own 
case  standing  next  on  the  docket  for  trial." 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

A  LTHOUGH  primarily  responsible  for  all  that  had  taken 
,/V  place  in  Kansas,  Mr.  Douglas  appeared  to  be  suddenly 
animated  by  a  new  and  burning  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  Free- 
State  party  in  the  Territory.  It  struck  him  very  forcibly, 
just  when  he  needed  most  to  be  struck  by  a  new  idea,  that 
the  Lecompton  Constitution  was  not  "  the  act  and  deed  of 
the  people  of  Kansas." 

Accordingly,  Mr.  Douglas  took  his  stand  against  Lecomp 
ton  at  the  first  note  of  the  long  conflict  in  Congress.  We 
shall  make  no  analysis  of  the  debates,  nor  set  out  the  votes 
of  senators  and  representatives  which  marked  the  intervals 
of  that  fierce  struggle  -between  sections,  parties,  and  factions 
which  followed.  It  is  enough  to  say  here,  that  Mr.  Douglas 
was  found  speaking  and  voting  with  the  Republicans  upon 
every  phase  of  the  question.  He  had  but  one  or  two  fol 
lowers  in  the  Senate,  and  a  mere  handful  in  the  House  ; 
yet  these  were  faithful  to  his  lead  until  a  final  conference 
committee  and  the  English  Bill  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
some  of  them  to  escape.  For  himself  he  scorned  all  com 
promises,  voted  against  the  English  Bill,  and  returned  to 
Illinois  to  ask  the  votes  of  the  people  upon  a  winter's  record 
wholly  and  consistently  anti-Democratic.  The  fact  is  men 
tioned,  not  to  obscure  the  fame  of  the  statesman,  nor  to 
impugn  the  honesty  of  the  politician,  but  because  it  had  an 
important  influence  upon  the  canvass  of  the  ensuing  summer. 

During  the  winter  Mr.  Douglas  held  frequent  consultations 
with  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party.  Their  meetings 

389 


890  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

were  secret,  and  for  that  reason  the  more  significant.  By 
this  means,  harmony  of  action  was  secured  for  the  pres 
ent,  and  something  provided  for  the  future.  Mr.  Douglas 
covertly  announced  himself  as  a  convert  to  the  Republicans, 
declared  his  uncompromising  enmity  to  "  the  slave  power," 
and  said  that,  however  he  might  be  distrusted  then,  he  would 
be  seen  "  fighting  their  battles  in  1860  ;  "  but  for  the  time  he 
thought  it  wise  to  conceal  his  ultimate  intentions.  He  could 
manage  the  Democracy  more  effectually  by  remaining  with 
them  until  better  opportunities  should  occur.  "  He  insisted 
that  he  would  never  be  driven  from  the  party,  but  would 
remain  in  it  until  he  exposed  the  administration  and  the 
Disunionists  ;  and,  when  he  went  out,  he  would  go  of  his  own 
accord.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  remarking,  that  it  was  policy 
for  him  to  remain  in  the  party,  in  order  to  hold  certain  of  the 
rank-and-file ;  so  that,  if  he  went  over  from  the  Democracy 
to  any  other  party,  he  would  be  able  to  take  the  crowd  along 
with  him ;  and,  when  he  got  them  all  over,  he  would  cut 
down  the  bridges,  and  sink  the  boats."  When  asked  if  he 
knew  precisely  where  his  present  course  was  taking  him,  he 
answered  repeatedly,  "  I  do  ;  and  I  have  checked  all  my  bag 
gage,  and  taken  a  through  ticket." 

He  was  a  proselyte  not  to  be  despised :  his  weight  might 
be  sufficient  to  turn  the  scale  in  the  Presidential  election. 
The  Republicans  were  naturally  pleased  with  his  protesta 
tions  of  friendship,  and  more  than  pleased  with  his  proffers  of 
active  service  ;  but  he  was  not  content  with  this  alone.  He 
contrived  to  convince  many  of  his  late  opponents  that  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  itself  was  actually  conceived  in  the 
interests  of  antislavery,  and  that  the  device  was  the  most 
cunning  of  political  tricks,  intended  to  give  back  to  "  free 
dom  "  all  the  vast  expanse  of  territory  which  the  Missouri 
line  had  dedicated  forever  to  slavery.  "  Mr.  Douglas's  plan 
for  destroying  the  Missouri  line,"  said  one  Republican,  "  and 
thereby  opening  the  way  for  the  march  of  freedom  beyond 
the  limits  forever  prohibited  by  that  line,  and  the  opening 
up  of  Free  States  in  territory  which  it  was  conceded  be- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  391 

longed  to  the  Slave  States,  and  its  march  westward,  embra 
cing  the  whole  line  of  the  Pacific  from  the  British  possessions 
to  Mexico,  struck  me  as  the  most  magnificent  scheme  ever 
conceived  by  the  human  mind.  This  character  of  conver 
sation,  so  frequently  employed  by  Mr.  Douglas  with  those 
with  whom  he  talked,  made  the  deepest  impression  upon  their 
minds,  enlisted  them  in  his  behalf,  and  changed,  in  almost 
every  instance,  their  opinion  of  the  man."  In  support  of 
this  view,  Mr.  Douglas  could  point  to  Kansas,  where  the 
battle  under  his  bill  was  being  fought  out.  The  Free-State 
men  had,  perhaps  from  the  very  beginning,  been  in  a  majority, 
and  could  take  possession  of  the  Territory  or  the  new  State,  as 
the  case  might  be,  whenever  they  could  secure  a  fair  vote.  The 
laboring  classes  of  the  North  were  the  natural  settlers  of  the 
western  Territories.  If  these  failed  in  numbers,  the  enormous 
and  increasing  European  immigration  was  at  their  back  ;  and, 
if  both  together  failed,  the  churches,  aid  societies,  and  anti- 
slavery  organizations  were  at  hand  to  raise,  arm,  and  equip 
great  bodies  of  emigrants,  as  they  would  regular  forces  for  a 
public  purpose.  The  South  had  no  such  facilities  :  its  social, 
political,  and  material  conditions  made  a  sudden  exodus  of 
its  voting  population  to  new  countries  a  thing  impossible. 
It  might  send  here  a  man  with  a  few  negroes,  and  there  an 
other.  It  might  insist  vehemently  upon  its  supposed  rights 
in  the  common  Territories,  and  be  ready  to  fight  for  them  ; 
but  it  could  never  cover  the  surface  of  those  Territories  with 
cosey  farmsteads,  or  crowd  them  with  intelligent  and  muscular 
white  men  ;  and  yet  these  last  would  inevitably  give  political 
character  to  the  rising  communities.  Such  clearly  were  to 
be  the  results  of  "  popular  sovereignty,"  as  Mr.  Douglas  had 
up  to  that  time  maintained  it  under  the  Nebraska  Bill. . 

It  signified  the  right  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  "  to  form 
and  regulate  their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way  " 
when,  and  not  before,  they  came  to  frame  a  State  constitution. 
The  Missouri  line,  on  the  contrary,  had  been  a  sort  of  con 
vention,  which,  by  common  consent,  gave  all  north  of  it  to 
freedom,  and  all  south  of  it  to  slavery.  But  popular  sover- 


392  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

eignty  disregarded  all  previous  compacts,  all  ordinances,  and 
all  laws.  With  this  doctrine  in  practice,  the  North  were  sure 
to  be  victors  in  every  serious  contest.  But  when  Mr.  Douglas 
changed  ground  again,  and  popular  sovereignty  became  squat 
ter  sovereignty,  he  had  reason  to  boast  himself  the  most  effi 
cient,  although  the  wiliest  and  coolest,  antislavery  agitator  on 
the  continent.  The  new  doctrine  implied  the  right  of  a  hand 
ful  of  settlers  to  determine  the  slavery  question  in  their 
first  Legislature.  It  made  no  difference  whether  they  did 
this  by  direct  or  "  unfriendly  legislation :  "  the  result  was 
the  same. 

"  Popular  sovereignty  !  popular  sovereignty  !  "  said  Mr. 
Lincoln.  "  Let  us  for  a  moment  inquire  into  this  vast  mat 
ter  of  popular  sovereignty.  What  is  popular  sovereignty  ? 
We  recollect,  that,  in  an  early  period  in  the  history  of  this 
struggle,  there  was  another  name  for  the  same  thing,  — 
squatter  sovereignty.  It  was  not  exactly  popular  sovereignty, 
—  squatter  sovereignty.  What  do  these  terms  mean  ?  What 
do  those  terms  mean  when  used  now  ?  And  vast  credit 
is  taken  by  our  friend,  the  Judge,  in  regard  to  his  support 
of  it,  when  he  declares  the  last  years  of  his  life  have 
been,  and  all  the  future  years  of  his  life  shall  be,  devoted  to 
this  matter  of  popular  sovereignty.  What  is  it  ?  Why,  it 
is  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  !  What  was  squatter  sover 
eignty  ?  I  suppose,  if  it  had  any  significance  at  all,  it  was  the 
right  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves,  to  be  sovereign  in 
their  own  affairs  while  they  were  squatted  down  in  a  country 
not  their  own,  while  they  had  squatted  on  a  territory  that  did 
not  belong  to  them  ;  in  the  sense  that  a  State  belongs  to  the 
people  who  inhabit  it,  when  it  belongs  to  the  nation.  Such 
right  to  govern  themselves  was  called  '  squatter  sover 
eignty.'  ' 

Again,  and  on  another  occasion,  but  still  before  Mr.  Doug 
las  had  substituted  "squatter"  for  "popular"  sovereignty, — 
a  feat  which  was  not  performed  until  September,  1859,  —  Mr. 
Lincoln  said,  — 

"  I  suppose  almost  every  one  knows,  that  in  this  contro- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  393 

versy,  whatever  has  been  said  has  had  reference  to  negro 
slavery.  We  have  not  been  in  a  controversy  about  the  right 
of  the  people  to  govern  themselves  in  the  ordinary  matters 
of  domestic  concern  in  the  States  and  Territories.  Mr.  Bu 
chanan,  in  one  of  his  late  messages  (I  think  when  he  sent  up 
the  Lecompton  Constitution),  urged  that  the  main  point  to 
which  the  public  attention  had  been  directed  was  not  in 
regard  to  the  great  variety  of  small  domestic  matters,  but  it 
was  directed  to  negro  slavery ;  and  he  asserts,  that,  if  the 
people  had  had  a  fair  chance  to  vote  on  that  question,  there 
was  no  reasonable  ground  of  objection  in  regard  to  minor 
questions.  Now,  while  I  think  that  the  people  had  not  had 
given  them,  or  offered  them,  a  fair  chance  upon  that  slavery 
question,  still,  if  there  had  been  a  fair  submission  to  a  vote 
upon  that  main  question,  the  President's  proposition  would 
have  been  true  to  the  uttermost.  Hence,  when  hereafter  I 
speak  of  popular  sovereignty,  I  wish  to  be  understood  as 
applying  what  I  say  to  the  question  of  slavery  only,  not  to 
other  minor  domestic  matters  of  a  Territory  or  a  State. 

"  Does  Judge  Douglas,  when  he  says  that  several  of  the 
past  years  of  his  life  have  been  devoted  to  the  question  of 
popular  sovereignty,  and  that  all  the  remainder  of  his  life 
shall  be  devoted  to  it,  —  does  he  mean  to  say,  that  he  has  been 
devoting  his  life  to  securing  to  the  people  of  the  Territories 
the  right  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories  ?  If  he 
means  so  to  say,  he  means  to  deceive ;  because  he  and  every 
one  knows  that  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  which  he 
approves,  and  makes  an  especial  ground  of  attack  upon  me 
for  disapproving,  forbids  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  exclude 
slavery.  This  covers  the  whole  ground,  from  the  settlement 
of  a  Territory  till  it  reaches  the  degree  of  maturity  entitling 
it  to  form  a  State  constitution.  So  far  as  all  that  ground 
is  concerned,  the  judge  is  not  sustaining  popular  sovereignty, 
but  absolutely  opposing  it.  He  sustains  the  decision  which 
declares  that  the  popular  will  of  the  Territories  has  no  consti 
tutional  power  to  exclude  slavery  during  their  territorial 
existence.  This  being  so,  the  period  of  time  from,  the  first 


394  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

settlement  of  a  territory  till  it  reaches  the  point  of  forming  a 
State  constitution  is  not  the  thing  that  the  Judge  has  fought 
for,  or  is  fighting  for ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  has  fought  for, 
and  is  fighting  for,  the  thing  that  annihilates  and  crushes  out 
that  same  popular  sovereignty." 

It  is  probable,  that,  in  the  numerous  private  conferences 
held  by  Mr.  Douglas  with  Republican  leaders  in  the  winter 
of  1857-8,  he  managed  to  convince  them  that  it  was,  after 
all,  not  popular  sovereignty,  but  squatter  sovereignty,  that 
he  meant  to  advance  as  his  final  and  inevitable  deduction 
from  "  the  great  principles  "  of  the  Nebraska  Bill.  This  he 
knew,  and  they  were  sure,  would  give  antislavery  an  un 
broken  round  of  solid  victories  in  all  the  Territories.  The 
South  feared  it  much  more  than  they  did  the  Republican 
theory :  it  was,  in  the  language  of  their  first  orator,  "  a  short 
cut  to  all  the  ends  of  Sewardism." 

But  Mr.  Douglas's  great  difficulty  was  to  produce  any 
belief  in  his  sincerity.  At  home,  in  Illinois,  the  Republicans 
distrusted  him  almost  to  a  man ;  and  at  Washington,  among 
his  peers  in  the  Senate  and  the  House,  it  seemed  necessary 
for  him  to  repeat  his  plans  and  promises  very  often,  and  to 
mingle  with  them  bitter  and  passionate  declamations  against 
the  South.  At  last,  however,  he  succeeded,  —  partially,  at 
least.  Senator  Wilson  believed  him  devoutly ;  Mr.  Burlin- 
game  said  his  record  was  "  laid  up  in  light ;  "  Mr.  Colfax,  Mr. 
Blair,  and  Mr.  Covode  were  convinced  ;  and  gentlemen  of  the 
press  began  industriously  to  prepare  the  way  for  his  entrance 
into  the  Republican  party.  Mr.  Greeley  was  thoroughly  pos 
sessed  by  the  new  idea,  and  went  about  propagating  and  en 
forcing  it  with  all  his  might.  Among  all  the  grave  counsellors 
employed  in  furthering  Mr.  Douglas's  defection,  it  is  singular 
that  only  one  man  of  note  steadily  resisted  his  admission  to 
a  place  of  leadership  in  the  Republican  ranks :  Judge  Trum- 
bull  could  not  be  persuaded  ;  he  had  no  faith  in  the  man  who 
proposed  to  desert,  and  had  some  admonitions  to  deliver, 
based  upon  the  history  of  recent  events.  He  was  willing 
enough  to  take  him  "  on  probation,"  but  wholly  opposed  to 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  395 

giving  him  any  power.  Covode  was  employed  to  mollify 
Judge  Trumbull ;  but  he  met  with  no  success,  and  went  away 
without  so  much  as  delivering  the  message  with  which  Mr. 
Douglas  had  charged  him.  The  message  was  a  simple  prop 
osition  of  alliance  with  the  home  Republicans,  to  the  effect, 
that,  if  they  agreed  to  return  him  to  the  Senate  in  1858,  he 
would  fight  their  Presidential  battle  in  1860.  Judge  Trum 
bull  did  not  even  hear  it,  but  he  was  well  assured  that  Mr. 
Douglas  was  "  an  applicant  for  admission  into  the  Republican 
party."  "  It  was  reported  to  me  at  that  time,"  said  he,  "  that 
such  was  the  fact ;  and  such  appeared  to  be  the  universal 
understanding  among  the  Republicans  at  Washington.  I  will 
state  another  fact,  —  I  almost  quarrelled  with  some  of  my 
best  Republican  friends  in  regard  to  this  matter.  I  was  will 
ing  to  receive  Judge  Douglas  into  the  Republican  party  on 
probation ;  but  I  was  not,  as  these  Republican  friends  were, 
willing  to  receive  him,  and  place  him  at  the  head  of  our 
ranks." 

Toward  the  latter  part  of  April,  1858,  a  Democratic  State 
Convention  met  in  Illinois,  and,  besides  nominating  a  ticket  for 
State  officers,  indorsed  Mr.  Douglas.  This  placed  him  in  the 
field  for  re-election  as  an  Anti-Lecompton  Democrat ;  but  it 
by  no  means  shook  the  faith  of  his  recently  acquired  Repub 
lican  friends  :  they  thought  it  very  natural,  under  the  circum 
stances,  that  his  ways  should  be  a  little  devious,  and  his  policy 
somewhat  dark.  He  had  always  said  he  could  do  more 
for  them  by  seeming  to  remain  within  the  Democratic  party ; 
and  they  looked  upon  this  latest  proceeding  —  his  practical 
nomination  by  a  Democratic  convention — as  the  foundation 
for  an  act  of  stupendous  treason  between  that  time  and  the 
Presidential  election.  They  continued  to  press  the  Republi 
cans  of  Illinois  to  make  no  nomination  against  him,  —  to  vote 
for  him,  to  trust  him,  to  follow  him,  as  a  sincere  and  mani 
festly  a  powerful  antislavery  leader.  These  representations 
had  the  effect  of  seducing  away,  for  a  brief  time,  Mr.  Wash- 
burne  and  a  few  others  among  the  lesser  politicians  of  the 
State ;  but,  when  they  found  the  party  at  large  irrevocably 


396  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

opposed  to  the  scheme,  they  reluctantly  acquiesced  in  what 
they  could  not  prevent,  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  nomination.  But 
the  plot  made  a  profound  impression  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  mind  : 
it  proved  the  existence  of  personal  qualities  in  Mr.  Douglas, 
which,  to  a  simpler  man,  were  unimaginable  and  inexplicable. 
A  gentleman  once  inquired  of  Mr.  Lincoln  what  he  thought 
of  Douglas's  chances  at  Charleston.  "  Well,"  he  replied, 
"  were  it  not  for  certain  matters  that  I  know  transpired,  which 
I  regarded  at  one  time  among  the  impossibilities,  I  would  say 
he  stood  no  possible  chance.  I  refer  to  the  fact,  that,  in  the 
Illinois  contest  with  myself,  he  had  the  sympathy  and  sup 
port  of  Greeley,  of  Burlingame,  and  of  Wilson  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  other  leading  Republicans  ;  that,  at  the  same 
time,  he  received  the  support  of  Wise,  and  the  influence  of 
Breckinridge,  and  other  Southern  men ;  that  he  took  direct 
issue  with  the  administration,  and  secured,  against  all  its  power, 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  out  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  thousand  Democratic  votes  cast  in  the  State.  A 
man  that  can  bring  such  influence  to  bear  with  his  own  exer 
tions  may  play  the  devil  at  Charleston." 

From  about  the  7th  to  the  16th  of  June,  1858,  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  busily  engaged  writing  a  speech  :  he  wrote  it  in  scraps,  — 
a  sentence  now,  and  another  again.  It  was  originally  scat 
tered  over  numberless  little  pieces  of  paper,  and  was  only 
reduced  to  consecutive  sheets  and  connected  form  as  the 
hour  for  its  delivery  drew  near.  It  was  to  be  spoken  on  or 
about  the  16th,  when  the  Republican  State  Convention  would 
assemble  at  Springfield,  and,  as  Mr.  Lincoln  anticipated, 
would  nominate  him  for  senator  in  Congress. 

About  the  13th  of  June,  Mr.  Dubois,  the  State  auditor, 
entered  the  office  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon,  and  found  Mr.  Lin 
coln  deeply  intent  upon  the  speech.  "  Hello,  Lincoln  !  what 
are  you  writing ?  "  said  the  auditor.  "  Come,  tell  me."  —  "I 
sha'n't  tell  you,"  said  Lincoln.  "It  is  none  of  your  business, 
Mr.  Auditor.  Come,  sit  down,  and  let's  be  jolly." 

On  the  16th,  the  convention,  numbering,  with  delegates 
and  alternates,  about  a  thousand  men,  met,  and  passed  unani 
mously  the  following  resolution  :  — 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  397 

"  That  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  is  our  first  and  only  choice 
for  United  States  senator  to  fill  the  vacancy  about  to  be  cre 
ated  by  the  expiration  of  Mr.  Douglas's  term  of  office." 

That  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  came  early  to  his  office,  along 
with  Mr.  Herndon.  Having  carefully  locked  the  door,  and 
put  the  key  in  his  own  pocket,  he  pulled  from  his  bosom  the 
manuscript  of  his  speech,  and  proceeded  to  read  it  slowly 
and  distinctly.  When  he  had  finished  the  first  paragraph,  he 
came  to  a  dead  pause,  and  turned  to  his  astounded  auditor 
with  the  inquiry,  "  How  do  you  like  that  ?  What  do  you 
think  of  it  ?  "  —  "I  think,"  returned  Mr.  Herndon,  "  it  is  true  ; 
but  is  it  entirely  politic  to  read  or  speak  it  as  it  is  written  ?  " 
—  "  That  makes  no  difference,"  Mr.  Lincoln  said.  "  That 
expression  is  a  truth  of  all  human  experience,  — '  a  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand  ; '  and  '  he  that  runs  may 
read.'  The  proposition  is  indisputably  true,  and  has  been 
true  for  more  than  six  thousand  years  ;  and  —  I  will  deliver  it 
as  written.  I  want  to  use  some  universally  known  figure, 
expressed  in  simple  language  as  universally  known,  that  may 
strike  home  to  the  minds  of  men,  in  order  to  rouse  them  to 
the  peril  of  the  times.  I  would  rather  be  defeated  with  this 
expression  in  the  speech,  and  it  held  up  and  discussed  before 
the  people,  than  to  be  victorious  without  it." 

It  may  be  questioned  whether  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  clear 
right  to  indulge  in  such  a  venture,  as  a  representative  party 
man  in  a  close  contest.  He  had  other  interests  than  his  own 
in  charge  :  he  was  bound  to  respect  the  opinions,  and,  if  pos 
sible,  secure  the  success,  of  the  party  which  had  made  him 
its  leader.  He  knew  that  the  strange  doctrine,  so  strikingly 
enunciated,  would  alienate  many  well-affected  voters.  Was 
it  his  duty  to  cast  these  away,  or  to  keep  them  ?  He  was  not 
asked  to  sacrifice  any  principle  of  the  party,  or  any  opinion 
of  his  own  previously  expressed,  but  merely  to  forego  the 
trial  of  an  experiment,  to  withhold  the  announcement  of  a 
startling  theory,  and  to  leave  the  creed  of  the  party  as  it  came 
from  the  hands  of  its  makers,  without  this  individual  supple 
ment,  of  which  they  had  never  dreamed.  It  is  evident  that 


398  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

he  had  not  always  been  insensible  to  the  force  of  this  reason 
ing.  At  the  Bloomington  Convention  he  had  uttered  the 
same  ideas  in  almost  the  same  words  ;  and  their  novelty, 
their  tendency,  their  recognition  of  a  state  of  incipient  civil 
war  in  a  country  for  the  most  part  profoundly  peaceful, — 
these,  and  the  bloody  work  which  might  come  of  their  accept 
ance  by  a  great  party,  had  filled  the  minds  of  some  of  his 
hearers  with  the  most  painful  apprehensions.  The  theory 
was  equally  shocking  to  them,  whether  as  partisans  or  as 
patriots.  Among  them  was  Hon.  T.  Lyle  Dickey,  who 
sought  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  begged  him  to  suppress  them  in 
future.  He  vindicated  his  speech  as  he  has  just  vindicated 
it  in  the  interview  with  Mr.  Herndon  ;  but,  after  much  persua 
sion,  he  promised  at  length  not  to  repeat  it. 

It  was  now  Mr.  Herndon's  turn  to  be  surprised :  the  pupil 
had  outstripped  the  teacher.  He  was  intensely  anxious  for  Mr. 
Lincoln's  election :  he  feared  the  effect  of  this  speech  ;  and 
yet  it  was  so  exactly  in  accordance  with  his  own  faith,  that 
he  could  not  advise  him  to  suppress  it.  It  might  be  heresy 
to  many  others,  but  it  was  orthodoxy  to  him  ;  and  he  was  in 
the  habit  of  telling  the  whole  truth,  without  regard  to  conse 
quences.  If  it  cost  a  single  defeat  now,  he  was  sure  that  its 
potency  would  one  day  be  felt,  and  the  wisdom  of  its  present 
utterance  acknowledged.  He  therefore  urged  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
speak  it  as  he  had  written  it,  and  to  treat  with  the  scorn  of 
a  prophet  those  who,  having  ears,  would  not  hear,  and,  having 
eyes,  would  not  see.  The  advice  was  not  unacceptable,  but 
Mr.  Lincoln  thought  he  owed  it  to  other  friends  to  counsel 
with  them  also. 

About  a  dozen  gentlemen  were  called  to  meet  in  the  Libra 
ry  Room  in  the  State  House.  "  After  seating  them  at  the 
round  table,"  says  John  Armstrong,  one  of  the  number,  "  he 
read  that  clause  or  section  of  his  speech  which  reads,  '  a 
house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,'  &c.  He  read  it 
slowly  and  cautiously,  so  as  to  let  each  man  fully  understand 
it.  After  he  had  finished  the  reading,  he  asked  the  opinions 
of  his  friends  as  to  the  wisdom  or  policy  of  it.  Every  man 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  399 

among  them  condemned  the  speech  in  substance  and  spirit, 
and  especially  that  section  quoted  above.  They  unanimously 
declared  that  the  whole  speech  was  too  far  in  advance  of  the 
times ;  and  they  all  condemned  that  section  or  part  of  his 
speech  already  quoted,  as  unwise  and  impolitic,  if  not  false. 
William  H.  Herndon  sat  still  while  they  were  giving  their 
respective  opinions  of  its  unwisdom  and  impolicy  :  then  he 
sprang  to  his  feet  and  said,  '  Lincoln,  deliver  it  just  as  it 
reads.  If  it  is  in  advance  of  the  times,  let  us  —  you  and  I,  if 
no  one  else  —  lift  the  people  to  the  level  of  this  speech  now, 
higher  hereafter.  The  speech  is  true,  wise,  and  politic,  and 
will  succeed  now  or  in  the  future.  Nay,  it  will  aid  you,  if  it 
will  not  make  you  President  of  the  United  States.' 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  sat  still  a  short  moment,  rose  from  his  chair, 
walked  backwards  and  forwards  in  the  hall,  stopped  and  said, 
'  Friends,  I  have  thought  about  this  matter  a  great  deal,  have 
weighed  the  question  well  from  all  corners,  and  am  thorough 
ly  convinced  the  time  has  come  when  it  should  be  uttered  ; 
and  if  it  must  be  that  I  must  go  down  because  of  this  speech, 
then  let  me  go  down  linked  to  truth,  —  die  in  the  advocacy 
of  what  is  right  and  just.  This  nation  cannot  live  on  injus 
tice,  —  "a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,"  I  say 
again  and  again.'  This  was  spoken  with  some  degree  of  emo 
tion,  —  the  effects  of  his  love  of  truth,  and  sorrow  from  the 
disagreement  of  his  friends  with  himself." 

On  the  evening  of  the  17th  this  celebrated  speech  — known 
since  as  u  The  House-divided-against-itself  Speech  "  —  was 
delivered  to  an  immense  audience  in  the  hall  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Mr.  Lincoln  never  penned  words  which 
had  a  more  prodigious  influence  upon  the  public  mind,  or 
which  more  directly  and  powerfully  affected  his  own  career. 
It  was  as  follows  :  — 


GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION,  —  If  we  could  first  know  where 
we  are,  and  whither  we  are  tending,  we  could  then  better  judge  what  to  do, 
and  how  to  do  it.  We  are  now  far  on  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was 
initiated  with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to 


400  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

slavery  agitation.  Under  the  operation  of  that  policy,  that  agitation  had 
not  only  not  ceased,  but  has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion,  it  will 
not  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  "  A  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand."  I  believe  this  Government  cannot  endure 
permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dis 
solved,  —  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall ;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease 
to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other.  Either  the 
opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  farther  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where 
the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  course  of  ultimate  extinc 
tion,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become  alike  lawful  in 
all  the  States,  —  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South. 

Have  we  no  tendency  to  the  latter  condition  ?  Let  any  one  who  doubts 
carefully  contemplate  that  now  almost  complete  legal  combination,  —  piece 
of  machinery,  so  to  speak,  —  compounded  of  the  Nebraska  doctrine  and  the 
Dred- Scott  Decision.  Let  him  consider,  not  only  what  work  the  machinery 
is  adapted  to  do,  and  how  well  adapted,  but  also  let  him  study  the  history  of 
its  construction,  and  trace,  if  he  can,  or  rather  fail,  if  he  can,  to  trace,  the 
evidences  of  design  and  concert  of  action  among  its  chief  master-workers 
from  the  beginning. 

But  so  far  Congress  only  had  acted ;  and  an  indorsement  by  the  people, 
real  or  apparent,  was  indispensable,  to  save  the  point  already  gained  and 
give  chance  for  more.  The  New  Year  of  1854  found  slavery  excluded  from 
more  than  half  the  States  by  State  constitutions,  and  from  most  of  the 
national  territory  by  congressional  prohibition.  Four  days  later  commenced 
the  struggle  which  ended  in  repealing  that  congressional  prohibition.  This 
opened  all  the  national  territory  to  slavery,  and  was  the  first  point  gained. 

This  necessity  had  not  been  overlooked,  but  had  been  provided  for,  as 
well  as  might  be,  in  the  notable  argument  of  "  squatter  sovereignty"  otherwise 
called  "  sacred  riyht  of  self-government ;"  which  latter  phrase,  though  expres 
sive  of  the  only  rightful  basis  of  any  government,  was  so  perverted  in  this 
attempted  use  of  it  as  to  amount  to  just  this :  that,  if  any  one  man  choose  to 
enslave  another,  no  third  man  shall  be  allowed  to  object.  That  argument 
was  incorporated  into  the  Nebraska  Bill  itself,  in  the  language  which  fol 
lows  :  "  It  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  act  not  to  legislate 
slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State,  nor  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave 
the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  insti 
tutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

Then  opened  the  roar  of  loose  declamation  in  favor  of  "  squatter  sover 
eignty  "  and  "  sacred  right  of  self-government." 

"  But,"  said  opposition  members,  "  let  us  be  more  specific,  —  let  us  amend 
the  bill  so  as  to  expressly  declare  that  the  people  of  the  Territory  may 
exclude  slavery."  —  "  Not  we,"  said  the  friends  of  the  measure ;  and  down 
they  voted  the  amendment. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  401 

While  the  Nebraska  Bill  was  passing  through  Congress,  a  law-case 
involving  the  question  of  a  negro's  freedom,  by  reason  of  his  owner  having 
voluntarily  taken  him  first  into  a  Free  State,  and  then  a  Territory  covered 
by  the  congressional  prohibition,  and  held  him  as  a  slave,  —  for  a  long  time 
in  each,  —  was  passing  through  the  United-States  Circuit  Court  for  the 
District  of  Missouri ;  and  both  the  Nebraska  Bill  and  lawsuit  were  brought 
to  a  decision  in  the  same  month  of  May,  1854.  The  negro's  name  was  Dred 
Scott,  which  name  now  designates  the  decision  finally  made  in  the  case. 

Before  the  then  next  Presidential  election,  the  law-case  came  to,  and 
was  argued  in,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States ;  but  the  decision  of 
it  was  deferred  until  after  the  election.  Still,  before  the  election,  Senator 
Trumbull.  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  requests  the  leading  advocate  of  the 
Nebraska  Bill  to  state  his  opinion  whether  a  people  of  a  Territory  can  con 
stitutionally  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits ;  and  the  latter  answers,  "  That 
is  a  question  for  the  Supreme  Court." 

The  election  came.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected,  and  the  indorsement, 
such  as  it  was,  secured.  That  was  the  second  point  gained.  The  indorse 
ment,  however,  fell  short  of  a  clear  popular  majority  by  nearly  four  hundred 
thousand  votes ;  and  so,  perhaps,  was  not  overwhelmingly  reliable  and  satis 
factory.  The  outgoing  President,  in  his  last  annual  Message,  as  impressively 
as  possible  echoed  back  upon  the  people  the  weight  and  authority  of  the 
indorsement. 

The  Supreme  Court  met  again ;  did  not  announce  their  decision,  but 
ordered  a  re-argument.  The  Presidential  inauguration  came,  and  still  no 
decision  of  the  court ;  but  the  incoming  President,  in  his  inaugural  address, 
fervently  exhorted  the  people  to  abide  by  the  forthcoming  decision,  whatever 
it  might  be.  Then,  in  a  few  days,  came  the  decision. 

This  was  the  third  point  gained. 

The  reputed  author  of  the  Nebraska  Bill  finds  an  early  occasion  to  make 
a  speech  at  this  Capitol  indorsing  the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  and  vehemently 
denouncing  all  opposition  to  it.  The  new  President,  too,  seizes  the  early 
occasion  of  the  Silliman  letter  to  indorse  and  strongly  construe  that  decision, 
and  to  express  his  astonishment  that  any  different  view  had  ever  been  enter 
tained.  At  length  a  squabble  springs  up  between  the  President  and  the 
author  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  on  the  mere  question  of  fact  whether  the  Le- 
compton  Constitution  was,  or  was  not,  in  any  just  sense,  made  by  the  people 
of  Kansas ;  and,  in  that  squabble,  the  latter  declares  that  all  he  wants  is  a 
fair  vote  for  the  people,  and  that  he  cares  not  whether  slavery  be  voted  down 
or  voted  up.  I  do  not  understand  his  declaration,  that  he  cares  not  whether 
slavery  be  voted  down  or  voted  up,  to  be  intended  by  him  other  than  as  an 
apt  definition  of  the  policy  he  would  impress  upon  the  public  mind,  —  the 
principle  for  which  he  declares  he  has  suffered  much,  and  is  ready  to  suffer 
to  the  end. 

And  well  may  he  cling  to  that  principle  I  If  he  has  any  parental  feel- 
26 


402  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ing,  well  may  he  cling  to  it !  That  principle  is  the  only  shred  left  of  his 
original  Nebraska  doctrine.  Under  the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  squatter  sover 
eignty  squatted  out  of  existence,  —  tumbled  down  like  temporary  scaffolding ; 
like  the  mould  at  the  foundery,  served  through  one  blast,  and  fell  back  into 
loose  sand ;  helped  to  carry  an  election,  and  then  was  kicked  to  the  winds. 
His  late  joint  struggle  with  the  Republicans  against  the  Lecompton  Consti 
tution  involves  nothing  of  the  original  Nebraska  doctrine.  That  struggle 
was  made  on  a  point  —  the  right  of  a  people  to  make  their  own  constitution 
—  upon  which  he  and  the  Republicans  have  never  differed. 

The  several  points  of  the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  in  connection  with  Sena 
tor  Douglas's  "  care-not "  policy,  constitute  the  piece  of  machinery  in  its 
present  state  of  advancement.  The  working-points  of  that  machinery  are, — 

First,  That  no  negro  slave,  imported  as  such  from  Africa,  and  no  descend 
ant  of  such,  can  ever  be  a  citizen  of  any  State,  in  the  sense  of  that  term  as 
used  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

This  point  is  made  in  order  to  deprive  the  negro,  in  every  possible 
event,  of  the  benefit  of  this  provision  of  the  United  States  Constitution, 
which  declares  that  "  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States." 

Secondly,  That,  "  subject  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,"  nei 
ther  Congress  nor  a  Territorial  Legislature  can  exclude  slavery  from  any 
United  States  Territory. 

This  point  is  made  in  order  that  individual  men  may  fill  up  the  Terri 
tories  with  slaves,  without  danger  of  losing  them  as  property,  and  thus  to 
enhance  the  chances  of  permanency  to  the  institution  through  all  the  future. 

Thirdly,  That  whether  the  holding  a  negro  in  actual  slavery  in  a  Free 
State  makes  him  free,  as  against  the  holder,  the  United  States  courts  will 
not  decide,  but  will  leave  it  to  be  decided  by  the  courts  of  any  Slave  State 
the  negro  may  be  forced  into  by  the  master. 

This  point  is  made,  not  to  be  pressed  immediately :  but  if  acquiesced  in 
for  a  while,  and  apparently  indorsed  by  the  people  at  an  election,  then  to 
sustain  the  logical  conclusion,  that,  what  Dred  Scott's  master  might  lawfully 
do  with  Dred  Scott  in  the  free  State  of  Illinois,  every  other  master  may 
lawfully  do  with  any  other  one  or  one  thousand  slaves  in  Illinois,  or  in  any 
other  Free  State. 

Auxiliary  to  all  this,  and  working  hand  in  hand  with  it,  the  Nebraska 
doctrine,  or  what  is  left  of  it,  is  to  educate  and  mould  public  opinion,  at  least 
Northern  public  opinion,  not  to  care  whether  slavery  is  voted  down  or  voted 
up. 

This  shows  exactly  where  we  now  are,  and  partially,  also,  whither  we  are 
tending. 

It  will  throw  additional  light  on  the  latter  to  go  back  and  run  the  mind 
over  the  string  of  historical  facts  already  stated.  Several  things  will  now 
appear  less  dark  and  mysterious  than  they  did  when  they  were  transpiring. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  403 

The  people  were  to  be  left  "  perfectly  free,"  "  subject  only  to  the  Constitu 
tion."  What  the  Constitution  had  to  do  with  it,  outsiders  could  not  then  see. 
Plainly  enough  now,  it  was  an  exactly  fitted  niche  for  the  Dred-Scott  Decis 
ion  afterward  to  come  in,  and  declare  that  perfect  freedom  of  the  people  to 
be  just  no  freedom  at  all. 

Why  was  the  amendment  expressly  declaring  the  right  of  the  people  to 
exclude  slavery  voted  down  ?  Plainly  enough  now :  the  adoption  of  it  would 
have  spoiled  the  niche  for  the  Dred-Scott  Decision. 

Why  was  the  court  decision  held  up  ?  Why  even  a  senator's  individ 
ual  opinion  withheld  till  after  the  Presidential  election  ?  Plainly  enough 
now:  the  speaking  out  then  would  have  damaged  the  "  perfectly  free"  argu 
ment  upon  which  the  election  was  to  be  carried. 

Why  the  outgoing  President's  felicitation  on  the  indorsement?  Why 
the  delay  of  a  re-argument  ?  Why  the  incoming  President's  advance  exhor 
tation  in  favor  of  the  decision  ?  These  things  look  like  the  cautious  patting 
and  petting  of  a  spirited  horse  preparatory  to  mounting  him,  when  it  is 
dreaded  that  he  may  give  the  rider  a  fall.  And  why  the  hasty  after-indorse 
ments  of  the  decision  by  the  President  and  others  ? 

We  cannot  absolutely  know  that  all  these  exact  adaptations  are  the 
result  of  preconcert.  But  when  we  see  a  lot  of  framed  timbers,  different 
portions  of  which  we  know  have  been  gotten  out  at  different  times  and 
places,  and  by  different  workmen,  —  Stephen,  Franklin,  Roger,  and  James, 
for  instance,  —  and  when  we  see  these  timbers  joined  together,  and  see  they 
exactly  make  the  frame  of  a  house  or  a  mill,  all  the  tenons  and  mortises,  ex 
actly  fitting,  and  all  the  lengths  and  proportions  of  the  different  pieces 
exactly  adapted  to  their  respective  places,  and  not  a  piece  too  many  or  too  few, 
—  not  omitting  even  scaffolding  —  or,  if  a  single  piece  be  lacking,  we  can 
see  the  place  in  the  frame  exactly  fitted  and  prepared  to  yet  bring  such  piece 
in,  —  in  such  a  case,  we  find  it  impossible  not  to  believe  that  Stephen  and 
Franklin  and  Roger  and  James  all  understood  one  another  from  the  begin 
ning,  and  all  worked  upon  a  common  plan  or  draft  drawn  up  before  the  first 
blow  was  struck. 

It  should  not  be  overlooked,  that,  by  the  Nebraska  Bill,  the  people  of  a 
State  as  well  as  Territory  were  to  be  left  "  perfectly  free  "  "  subject,  only  to  the 
Constitution."  W"hy  mention  a  State  ?  They  were  legislating  for  Territories, 
and  not  for  or  about  States.  Certainly  the  people  of  a  State  are  and  ought 
to  be  subject  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  but  why  is  mention 
of  this  lugged  into  this  merely  territorial  law  ?  Why  are  the  people  of  a 
Territory  and  the  people  of  a  State  therein  lumped  together,  and  their  rela 
tion  to  the  Constitution  therein  treated  as  being  precisely  the  same  ? 

While  the  opinion  of  the  court  by  Chief-Justice  Taney,  in  the  Dred- 
Scott  case,  and  the  separate  opinions  of  all  the  concurring  judges,  expressly 
declare  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  neither  permits  Congress 
nor  a  Territorial  Legislature  to  exclude  slavery  from  any  United  States 


404  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Territory,  they  all  omit  to  declare  whether  or  not  the  same  Constitution  per 
mits  a  State,  or  the  people  of  a  State,  to  exclude  it.  Possibly,  this  was  a 
mere  omission ;  but  who  can  be  quite  sure,  if  McLean  or  Curtis  had  sought 
to  get  into  the  opinion  a  declaration  of  unlimited  power  in  the  people  of  a 
State  to  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  just  as  Chase  and  Mace  sought  to 
get  such  declaration,  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  a  Territory,  into  the  Ne 
braska  Bill,  —  I  ask,  who  can  be  quite  sure  that  it  would  not  have  been  voted 
down  in  the  one  case  as  it  had  been  in  the  other  ? 

The  nearest  approach  to  the  point  of  declaring  the  power  of  a  State 
over  slavery  is  made  by  Judge  Nelson.  He  approaches  it  more  than 
once,  using  the  precise  idea,  and  almost  the  language  too,  of  the  Ne 
braska  Act.  On  one  occasion  his  exact  language  is,  "  Except  in  cases 
where  the  power  is  restrained  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  law  of  the  State  is  supreme  over  the  subject  of  slavery  within  its  juris 
diction." 

In  what  cases  the  power  of  the  State  is  so  restrained  by  the  United 
States  Constitution  is  left  an  open  question,  precisely  as  the  same  question, 
as  to  the  restraint  on  the  power  of  the  Territories,  was  left  open  in  the 
Nebraska  Act.  Put  that  and  that  together,  and  we  have  another  nice  little 
niche,  which  we  may  ere  long  see  filled  with  another  Supreme  Court  decis 
ion,  declaring  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  does  not  permit  a 
State  to  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits.  And  this  may  especially  be 
expected  if  the  doctrine  of  "care  not  whether  slavery  be  voted  down  or 
voted  up  "  shall  gain  upon  the  public  mind  sufficiently  to  give  promise  that 
such  a  decision  can  be  maintained  when  made. 

Such  a  decision  is  all  trab  1  y  now  lacks  of  being  alike  lawful  in  all 
the  States.  Welcome  or  unwelcome,  such  decision  is  probably  coming,  and 
will  soon  be  upon  us,  unless  the  power  of  the  present  political  dynasty  shall 
be  met  and  overthrown.  We  shall  lie  down  pleasantly  dreaming  that  the 
people  of  Missouri  are  on  the  verge  of  making  their  State  free  ;  and  we  shall 
awake  to  the  reality,  instead,  that  the  Supreme  Court  has  made  Illinois  a 
Slave  State. 

To  meet  and  overthrow  the  power  of  that  dynasty  is  the  work  now 
before  all  those  who  would  prevent  that  consummation.  That  is  what  we 
have  to  do.  But  how  can  we  best  do  it  ? 

There  are  those  who  denounce  us  openly  to  their  own  friends,  and  yet 
whisper  softly,  that  Senator  Douglas  is  the  aptest  instrument  there  is  with 
which  to  effect  that  object.  They  do  not  tell  us,  nor  has  he  told  us,  that  he 
wishes  any  such  object  to  be  effected.  They  wish  us  to  infer  all,  from  the 
facts  that  he  now  has  a  little  quarrel  with  the  present  head  of  the  dynasty ; 
and  that  he  has  regularly  voted  with  us,  on  a  single  point,  upon  which  he 
and  we  have  never  differed. 

They  nmind  us  that  he  is  a  very  great  man,  and  that  the  largest  of  us 
are  very  small  ones.  Let  this  be  granted.  But  "  a  living  dog  is  better  than 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  405 

a  dead  lion."  Judge  Douglas,  if  not  a  dead  lion  for  this  work,  is  at  least  a 
caged  and  toothless  one.  How  can  he  oppose  the  advances  of  slavery  ?  He 
don't  care  any  thing  about  it.  His  avowed  mission  is  impressing  the  "  public 
heart  "  to  care  nothing  about  it. 

A  leading  Douglas  Democrat  newspaper  thinks  Douglas's  superior  tal 
ent  will  be  needed  to  resist  the  revival  of  the  African  slave-trade.  Does 
Douglas  believe  an  effort  to  revive  that  trade  is  approaching  V  lie  has  not 
said  so.  Does  he  really  think  so  ?  But,  if  it  is,  how  can  he  resist  it  ?  For 
years  he  has  labored  to  prove  it  a  sacred  r'ujld  of  white  men  to  take  negro 
slaves  into  the  new  Territories.  Can  he  possibly  show  that  it  is  less  a  sacred 
right  to  buy  them  where  they  can  be  bought  cheapest  ?  And  unquestion 
ably  they  can  be  bought  cheaper  in  Africa  than  in  Virginia. 

He  has  done  all  in  his  power  to  reduce  the  whole  question  of  slavery  to 
one  of  a  mere  right  of  property ;  and  as  such,  how  can  he  oppose  the  for 
eign  slave-trade,  —  how  can  he  refuse  that  trade  in  that  "  property  "  shall  be 
"  perfectly  free,"  —  unless  he  does  it  as  a  protection  to  the  home  production  ? 
And,  as  the  home  producers  will  probably  not  ask  the  protection,  he  will  be 
wholly  without  a  ground  of  opposition. 

Senator  Douglas  holds,  we  kno,w,  that  a  man  may  rightfully  be  wiser 
to-day  than  he  was  yesterday;  that  he  may  rightfully  change  when 
he  finds  himself  wrong.  But  can  we  for  that  reason  run  ahead,  and  infer 
that  he  will  make  any  particular  change,  of  which  he  himself  has  given 
no  intimation  ?  Can  we  safely  base  our  action  upon  any  such  vague  infer 
ences  ? 

Now,  as  ever,  I  wish  not  to  misrepresent  Judge  Douglas's  position,  ques 
tion  his  motives,  or  do  aught  that  can  be  crspnally  offensive  to  him.  When 
ever,  if  ever,  he  and  we  can  come  together  on  principle,  so  that  our  great 
cause  may  have  assistance  from  his  great  ability,  I  hope  to  have  interposed 
no  adventitious  obstacle. 

But  clearly  he  is  not  now  with  us ; ,  he  does  not  pretend  to  be ;  he 
does  not  promise  ever  to  be.  Our  cause,  then,  must  be  intrusted  to,  and  con 
ducted  by,  its  own  undoubted  friends,  —  those  whose  hands  are  free,  whose 
hearts  are  in  the  work,  who  do  care  for  the  result. 

Two  years  ago  the  Republicans  of  the  nation  mustered  over  thirteen 
hundred  thousand  strong.  We  did  this  under  the  single  impulse  of  resist 
ance  to  a  common  danger,  with  every  external  circumstance  against  us.  Of 
strange,  discordant,  and  even  hostile  elements,  we  gathered  from  the  four 
winds,  and  formed  and  fought  the  battle  through,  under  the  constant  hot  fire 
of  a  disciplined,  proud,  and  pampered  enemy.  Did  we  brave  all  then  to 
falter  now  ?  —  now,  when  that  same  enemy  is  wavering,  dissevered,  and 
belligerent  ? 

The  result  is  not  doubtful.  We  shall  not  fail,  —  if  we  stand  firm,  we 
shall  not  fail.  Wise  counsels  may  accelerate  or  mistakes  delay  it ;  but,  sooner 
or  later,  the  victory  is  sure  to  come. 


406  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  speech  produced  a  profound  impression  upon  men  of 
all  parties :  the  Democrats  rejoiced  in  it,  and  reprobated  it ; 
the  conservative  Republicans  received  it  coldly,  and  saw  in 
it  the  sign  of  certain  defeat.  In  the  eyes  of  the  latter  it  was  a 
disheartening  mistake  at  the  outset  of  a  momentous  campaign, 
—  a  fatal  error,  which  no  policy  or  exertion  could  retrieve. 
Alone  of  all  those  directly  affected  by  it,  the  Abolitionists, 
the  compatriots  of  Mr.  Herndon,  heard  in  it  the  voice  of  a 
fearless  leader,  who  had  the  wisdom  to  comprehend  an  un 
welcome  fact,  and  the  courage  to  proclaim  it  at  the  moment 
when  the  delusion  of  fancied  security  and  peace  was  most 
generally  and  fondly  entertained.  It  was  the  "  irrepressible 
conflict "  which  Mr.  Seward  had  been  preaching,  and  to 
which  the  one  party  had  given  almost  as  little  credit  as  the 
other.  Except  a  few  ultraists  here  and  there,  nobody  as  yet 
had  actually  prepared  his  armor  for  this  imaginary  conflict, 
to  which  the  nation  was  so  persistently  summoned,  —  and, 
indeed,  none  but  those  few  seriously  believed  in  the  possi 
bility  of  its  existence.  The  Republican  party  had  heretofore 
disavowed  the  doctrine  with  a  unanimity  nearly  as  great  as 
that  exhibited  by  the  little  council  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  imme 
diate  friends.  It  was  therefore  to  be  expected,  that,  when  a 
slow,  cautious,  moderate  man  like  Mr.  Lincoln  came  forward 
with  it  in  this  startling  fashion,  it  would  carry  dismay  to  his 
followers,  and  a  cheering  assurance  to  his  enemies.  But 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  looking  farther  than  this  campaign  :  he 
was  quietly  dreaming  of  the  Presidency,  and  edging  himself 
to  a  place  in  advance,  where  he  thought  the  tide  might  takf 
him  up  in  1860.  He  was  sure  that  sectional  animosities,  fai 
from  subsiding,  would  grow  deeper  and  stronger  with  time  -, 
and  for  that  reason  the  next  nominee  of  the  exclusively 
Northern  party  must  be  a  man  of  radical  views.  "  I  think," 
says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  the  speech  was  intended  to  take  the 
wind  out  of  Seward's  sails ; "  and  Mr.  Herndon  is  not  alone 
in  his  opinion. 

A  day  or  two  after  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke,  one  Dr.  Long  came 
into  his  office,  and  delivered  to  him  a  foretaste  of  the  remarks 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  407 

he  was  doomed  to  hear  for  several  months.  "  Well,  Lincoln," 
said  he,  "that  foolish  speech  of  yours  will  kill  you,  —  will 
defeat  you  in  this  contest,  and  probably  for  all  offices  for  all 
time  to  come.  I  am  sorry,  sorry,  —  very  sorry :  I  wish  it  was 
wiped  out  of  existence.  Don't  you  wish  it,  now  ?  "  Mr.  Lin 
coln  had  been  writing  during  the  doctor's  lament ;  but  at  the 
end  of  it  he  laid  down  his  pen,  raised  his  head,  lifted  his 
spectacles,  and,  with  a  look  half  quizzical,  half  contemptuous, 
replied,  "  Well,  doctor,  if  I  had  to  draw  a  pen  across,  and 
erase  my  whole  life  from  existence,  and  I  had  one  poor  gift 
or  choice  left,  as  to  what  I  should  save  from  the  wreck,  I 
should  choose  that  speech,  and  leave  it  to  the  world  un 
erased." 

Leonard  Swett,  than  whom  there  was  no  more  gifted  man, 
nor  a  better  judge  of  political  affairs,  in  Illinois,  is  convinced 
that  "  the  first  ten  lines  of  that  speech  defeated  him."  "  The 
sentiment  of  the  '  house  divided  against  itself '  seemed  wholly 
inappropriate,"  says  Mr.  Swett.  "  It  was  a  speech  made  at 
the  commencement  of  a  campaign,  and  apparently  made  for 
the  campaign.  Viewing  it  in  this  light  alone,  nothing  could 
have  been  more  unfortunate  or  inappropriate.  It  was  saying 
first  the  wrong  thing;  yet  he  saw  that  it  was  an  abstract 
truth,  and  standing  b}~  the  speech  would  ultimately  find  him 
in  the  right  place.  I  was  inclined  at  the  time  to  believe 
these  words  were  hastily  and  inconsiderately  uttered ;  but 
subsequent  facts  have  convinced  me  they  were  deliberate  and 
had  been  matured  ...  In  the  summer  of  1859,  when  he 
was  dining  with  a  party  of  his  intimate  friends  at  Blooming- 
ton,  the  subject  of  his  Springfield  speech  was  discussed.  Wo 
all  insisted  that  it  was  a  great  mistake  ;  but  he  justified  him 
self,  and  finally  said,  '  Well,  gentlemen,  you  may  think  that 
speech  was  a  mistake  ;  but  I  never  have  believed  it  was,  and 
you  will  see  the  day  when  you  will  consider  it  was  the  wisest 
thing  I  ever  said.' ' 

John  T.  Stuart  was  a  family  connection  of  the  Todds  and 
Edwardses,  and  thus  also  of  Lincoln.  Mr.  C.  C.  Brown  mar 
ried  Mr.  Stuart's  daughter,  and  speaks  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  "  our 


408  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

relative."  This  gentleman  says,  "  The  Todd-Stuart-Edwards 
family,  with  preacher  and  priest,  dogs  and  servants,  got  mad 
at  Mr.  Lincoln  because  he  made  '  The  House-divided-ao-ainst- 

O 

itself  Speech.'  He  flinched,  dodged,  said  he  would  explain, 
and  did  explain,  in  the  Douglas  debates." 

But  it  was  difficult  to  explain  :  explanations  of  the  kind  are 
generally  more  hurtful  than  the  original  offence.  Accordingly, 
Mr.  Herndon  reports  in  his  broad,  blunt  way,  that  "  Mr.  Lin 
coln  met  with  many  cold  shoulders  for  some  time,  —  nay, 
during  the  whole  canvass  with  Douglas."  At  the  great  pub 
lic  meetings  which  characterized  that  campaign,  "  you  could 
hear,  from  all  quarters  in  the  crowd,  Republicans  saying, 
'  Damn  that  fool  speech !  it  will  be  the  cause  of  the  death  of 
Lincoln  and  the  Republican  party.  Such  folly !  such  non 
sense  !  Damn  it ! ' : 

Since  1840  Lincoln  arid  Douglas  had  appeared  before  the 
people,  almost  as  regularly  as  the  elections  came  round,  to 
discuss,  the  one  against  the  other,  the  merits  of  parties,  can 
didates,  and  principles.  Thus  far  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  in  a 
certain  sense  the  pursuer  :  he  had  lain  in  wait  for  Mr.  Doug 
las  ;  he  had  caught  him  at  unexpected  turns  and  upon  sharp 
points ;  he  had  mercilessly  improved  the  advantage  of  Mr. 
Douglas's  long  record  in  Congress  to  pick  apart  and  to  criti 
cise,  while  his  own  was  so  much  more  humble  and  less  exten 
sive.  But  now  at  last  they  were  abreast,  candidates  for  the 
same  office,  with  a  fair  field  and  equal  opportunities.  It  was 
the  great  crisis  in  the  lives  of  both.  Let  us  see  what  they 
thought  of  each  other ;  and,  in  the  extracts  which  convey  the 
information,  we  may  also  get  a  better  idea  of  the  character  of 
each  for  candor,  generosity,  and  truthfulness. 

Dr.  Holland  quotes  from  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  unpublished 
manuscripts  as  follows  :  — 

"  Twenty-two  years  ago,  Judge  Douglas  and  I  first  be 
came  acquainted :  we  were  both  young  then,  —  he  a  trifle 
younger  than  I.  Even  then  we  were  both  ambitious,  —  I,  per 
haps,  quite  as  much  so  as  he.  With  me  the  race  of  ambition 
has  been  a  failure,  —  a  flat  failure ;  with  him  it  has  been  one 


LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN.  409 

of  splendid  success.  His  name  fills  the  nation,  and  is  not 
unknown  even  in  foreign  lands.  I  affect  no  contempt  for  the 
high  eminence  he  has  reached,  —  so  reached  that  the  oppressed 
of  my  species  might  have  shared  with  me  in  the  elevation,  I 
would  rather  stand  on  that  eminence  than  wear  the  richest 
crown  that  ever  pressed  a  monarch's  brow." 

Again,  in  the  pending  campaign,  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  There 
is  still  another  disadvantage  under  which  we  labor,  and  to 
which  I  will  invite  your  attention.  It  arises  out  of  the  rela 
tive  positions  of  the  two  persons  who  stand  before  the  State 
as  candidates  for  the  Senate.  Senator  Douglas  is  of  world 
wide  renown.  All  the  anxious  politicians  of  his  party,  or  who 
had  been  of  his  party  for  years  past,  have  been  looking  upon 
him  as  certainly,  at  no  distant  day,  to  be  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  They  have  seen,  in  his  round,  jolly,  fruitful 
face,  post-offices,  land-offices,  marshalships,  and  cabinet  ap 
pointments,  chargeships  and  foreign  missions,  bursting  and 
sprouting  out  in  wonderful  exuberance,  ready  to  be  laid  hold 
of  by  their  greedy  hands.  And  as  they  have  been  gazing 
upon  this  attractive  picture  so  long,  they  cannot,  in  the  lit 
tle  distraction  that  has  taken  place  in  the  party,  bring  them 
selves  to  give  up  the  charming  hope ;  but,  with  greedier 
anxiety,  they  rush  about  him,  sustain  him,  and  give  him 
marches,  triumphal  entries,  and  receptions,  beyond  what,  even 
in  the  days  of  his  highest  prosperity,  they  could  have  brought 
about  in  his  favor.  On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  ever 
expected  me  to  be  President.  In  my  poor,  lean,  lank  face, 
nobody  has  ever  seen  that  any  cabbages  were  sprouting  out. 
These  are  disadvantages,  all  taken  together,  that  the  Repub 
licans  labor  under.  We  have  to  fight  this  battle  upon  princi 
ple,  and  principle  alone." 

Now  hear  Mr.  Douglas.  In  their  first  joint  debate  at  Ot 
tawa,  he  said,  "  In  the  remarks  I  have  made  on  this  plat 
form,  and  the  position  of  Mr.  Lincoln  upon  it,  I  mean  noth 
ing  personally  disrespectful  or  unkind  to  that  gentleman.  I 
have  known  him  for  nearly  twenty-five  years.  There  were 
many  points  of  sympathy  between  us  when  we  first  got 


410  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

acquainted.  We  were  both  comparatively  boys,  and  both 
struggling  with  poverty  in  a  strange  land.  I  was  a  school 
teacher  in  the  town  of  Winchester,  and  he  a  flourishing  gro 
cery-keeper  in  the  town  of  Salem.  He  was  more  successful 
in  his  occupation  than  I  was  in  mine,  and  hence  more  fortu 
nate  in  this  world's  goods.  Lincoln  is  one  of  those  peculiar 
men  who  perform  with  admirable  skill  every  thing  which  they 
undertake.  I  made  as  good  a  school-teacher  as  I  could  ;  and, 
when  a  cabinet-maker,  I  made  a  good  bedstead  and  tables, 
although  my  old  boss  said  I  succeeded  better  with  bureaus 
and  secretaries  than  with  any  thing  else  ;  but  I  believe  that 
Lincoln  was  always  more  successful  in  business  than  I,  for  his 
business  enabled  him  to  get  into  the  Legislature.  I  met  him 
there,  however,  and  had  a  sympathy  with  him,  because  of  the 
up-hill  struggle  we  both  had  in  life.  He  was  then  just  as  good 
at  telling  an  anecdote  as  now.  He  could  beat  any  of  the 
boys  wrestling,  or  running  a  foot-race,  in  pitching  quoits,  or 
tossing  a  copper ;  could  ruin  more  liquor  than  all  of  the  boys 
of  the  town  together ;  and  the  dignity  and  impartiality  with 
which  he  presided  at  a  horse-race  or  fist-fight  excited  the 
admiration  and  won  the  praise  of  everybody  that  was  present 
and  participated.  I  sympathized  with  him  because  he  was 
struggling  with  difficulties  ;  and  so  was  I.  Mr.  Lincoln  served 
with  me  in  the  Legislature  in  1836,  when  we  both  retired, 
and  he  subsided,  or  became  submerged  ;  and  he  was  lost  sight 
of  as  a  public  man  for  some  years.  In  1846,  when  Wilmot 
introduced  his  celebrated  proviso,  and  the  abolition  tornado 
swept  over  the  country,  Lincoln  again  turned  up  as  a  mem 
ber  of  Congress  from  the  Sangamon  district.  I  was  then  in 

O  o 

the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  was  glad  to  welcome 
my  old  friend  and  companion.  Whilst  in  Congress,  he  dis 
tinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  to  the  Mexican  War, 
taking  the  side  of  the  common  enemy  against  his  own  coun 
try  ;  and,  when  he  returned  home,  he  found  that  the  indig 
nation  of  the  people  followed  him  everywhere,  and  he  was 
again  submerged,  or  obliged  to  retire  into  private  life,  for 
gotten  by  his  former  friends.  He  came  up  again  in  1854,  just 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  411 

in  time  to  make  this  abolition  or  Black  Republican  platform, 
iu  company  with  Giddings,  Lovejoy,  Chase,  and  Fred.  Doug 
las,  for  the  Republican  party  to  stand  upon.  Trumbull,  too, 
was  one  of  our  own  contemporaries." 

Previous  pages  of  this  book  present  fully  enough  for  our 
present  purpose  the  issues  upon  which  this  canvass  was  made 
to  turn.  The  principal  speeches,  the  joint  debates,  with 
five  separate  and  independent  speeches  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  and 
three  by  Mr.  Douglas,  have  been  collected  and  published 
under  Mr.  Lincoln's  supervision  in  a  neat  and  accessible  vol 
ume.  It  is,  therefore,  unnecessary,  and  would  be  unjust,  to 
reprint  them  here.  They  obtained  at  the  time  a  more  exten 
sive  circulation  than  such  productions  usually  have,  and 
exerted  an  influence  which  is  very  surprising  to  the  calm 
reader  of  the  present  day. 

Mr.  Douglas  endeavored  to  prove,  from  Mr.  Lincoln's 
Springfield  speech,  that  he  (Mr.  Lincoln)  was  a  self-declared 
Disunionist,  in  favor  of  reducing  the  institutions  of  all  the 
States  "  to  a  dead  uniformity,"  in  favor  of  abolishing  slav 
ery  everywhere,  —  an  old-time  abolitionist,  a  negropolist,  an 
amalgamationist.  This,  with  much  vaunting  of  himself  for 
his  opposition  to  Lecompton,  and  a  loud  proclamation  of 
"  popular  sovereignty,"  made  the  bulk  of  Mr.  Douglas's 
speeches. 

Mr.  Lincoln  denied  these  accusations  ;  he  had  no  "  thought 
of  bringing  about  civil  war,"  nor  yet  uniformity  of  institu 
tions  :  he  would  not  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  had  a 
lawful  existence,  and  was  not  in  favor  of  (negro  equality  or 
miscegenation.  He  did,  however,  believe  that  Congress  had 
the  right  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  and  ought 
to  exercise  it.  As  to  Mr.  Douglas's  doctrine  of  popular  sov 
ereignty,  there  could  be  no  issue  concerning  it ;  for  every 
body  agreed  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  might,  when  they 
formed  a  State  constitution,  adopt  or  exclude  slavery  as  they 
pleased.  But  that  a  Territorial  Legislature  possessed  exclu 
sive  power,  or  any  power  at  all,  over  the  subject,  even  Mr. 
Douglas  could  not  assert,  inasmuch  as  the  Dred-Scott  Decis- 


412  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ion  was  plain  and  explicit  the  other  way  ;  and  Mr.  Doug 
las  boasted  that  decision  as  the  rule  of  his  political  conduct, 
and  sought  to  impose  it  upon  all  parties  as  a  perfect  defi 
nition  of  the  rights  and  duties  of  government,  local  and 
general. 

At  Ottawa,  Mr.  Douglas  put  to  Mr.  Lincoln  a  series  of 
questions,  which,  upon  their  next  meeting  (at  Freeport),  Mr. 
Lincoln  answered  as  follows  :  — 

I  have  supposed  myself,  since  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party 
at  Bloomington,  in  May,  1856,  bound  as  a  party  man  by  the  platforms  of  the 
party,  then  and  since.  If,  in  any  interrogatories  which  I  shall  answer,  I  go 
beyond  the  scope  of  what  is  within  these  platforms,  it  will  be  perceived  that 
no  one  is  responsible  but  myself. 

Having  said  thus  much,  I  will  take  up  the  judge's  interrogatories  as  I 
find  them  printed  in  "  The  Chicago  Times,"  and  answer  them  seriatim.  In 
order  that  there  may  be  no  mistake  about  it,  I  have  copied  the  interrogatories 
in  writing,  and  also  my  answers  to  them.  The  first  one  of  these  interroga 
tories  is  in  these  words  :  — 

Question  1.  —  "I  desire  to  know  whether  Lincoln  to-day  stands,  as  he  did 
in  1854,  in  favor  of  the  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law." 

Answer.  —  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  in  favor  of  the  unconditional 
repeal  of  the  Fugitive-Slave  Law. 

Q.  2.  —  "I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to-day,  as  he 
did  in  1854,  against  the  admission  of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union, 
even  if  the  people  want  them." 

A .  —  "  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand  pledged  against  the  admission 
of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union. 

Q.  3.  —  "I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  against  the  admis 
sion  of  a  new  State  into  the  Union  with  such  a  constitution  as  the  people  of 
that  State  may  see  fit  to  make." 

A.  —  I  do  not  stand  pledged  against  the  admission  of  a  new  State  into  the 
Union,  with  such  a  constitution  as  the  people  of  that  State  may  see  fit  to 
make. 

Q.  4.  —  "I  want  to  know  whether  he  stands  to-day  pledged  to  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia." 

A.  —  I  do  not  stand  to-day  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia. 

Q.  5.  —  "I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  the  prohi 
bition  of  the  slave-trade  between  the  different  States." 

A.  —  I  do  not  stand  pledged  to  the  prohibition  of  the  slave-trade  between 
the  different  States. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  413 

Q.  6.  —  "I  desire  to  know  whether  he  stands  pledged  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  north  as  well  as  south  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line." 

A.  —  I  am  impliedly,  if  not  expressly,  pledged  to  a  belief  in  the  right 
and  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all  the  United  States  Territories. 
[Great  applause.] 

Q  7.  —  "I  desire  him  to  answer  whether  he  is  opposed  to  the  acquisition 
of  any  new  territory  unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein." 

A.  —  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  honest  acquisition  of  territory  ;  and, 
in  any  given  case,  I  would  or  would  not  oppose  such  acquisition,  accordingly 
as  I  might  think  such  acquisition  would  or  would  not  agitate  the  slavery 
question  among  ourselves. 

Now,  my  friends,  it  will  be  perceived,  upon  an  examination  of  these 
questions  and  answers,  that  so  far  I  have  only  answered  that  I  was  not 
pledged  to  this,  that,  or  the  other.  The  judge  has  not  framed  his  interroga 
tories  to  ask  me  any  thing  more  than  this,  and  I  have  answered  in  strict 
accordance  with  the  interrogatories,  and  have  answered  truly  that  I  am  not 
pledged  at  all  upon  any  of  the  points  to  which  I  have  answered.  But  I  am 
not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the  exact  form  of  his  interrogatory.  I  am  rather 
disposed  to  take  up  at  least  some  of  these  questions,  and  state  what  I  really 
think  upon  them. 

As  to  the  first  one,  in  regard  to  the  Fugitive- Slave  Law,  I  have  never 
hesitated  to  say,  and  I  do  not  now  hesitate  to  say,  that  I  think,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  are 
entitled  to  a  congressional  slave  law.  Having  said  that,  I  have  had  nothing 
to  say  in  regard  to  the  existing  Fugitive-Slave  Law,  further  than  that  I  think 
it  should  have  been  framed  so  as  to  be  free  from  some  of  the  objections  that 
pertain  to  it,  without  lessening  its  efficiency.  And  inasmuch  as  we  are  not 
now  in  an  agitation  in  regard  to  an  alteration  or  modification  of  that  law,  I 
would  not  be  the  man  to  introduce  it  as  a  new  subject  of  agitation  upon  the 
general  question  of  slavery. 

In  regard  to  the  other  question,  of  whether  I  am  pledged  to  the  admission 
of  any  more  Slave  States  into  the  Union,  I  state  to  you  very  frankly,  that  I 
would  be  exceedingly  sorry  ever  to  be  put  in  a  position  of  having  to  pass 
upon  that  question.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  know  that  there  would 
never  be  another  Slave  State  admitted  into  the  Union  ;  but  I  must  add,  that, 
if  slavery  shall  be  kept  out  of  the  Territories  during  the  Territorial  existence 
of  any  one  given  Territory,  and  then  the  people  shall,  having  a  fair  chance 
and  a  clear  field,  when  they  come  to  adopt  the  constitution,  do  such  an 
extraordinary  thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave  constitution,  uninfluenced  by  the 
actual  presence  of  the  institution  among  them,  I  see  no  alternative,  if  we  own 
the  country,  but  to  admit  them  into  the  Union.  [Applause.] 

The  third  interrogatory  is  answered  by  the  answer  to  the  second,  it  being, 
as  I  conceive,  the  same  as  the  second. 


414  LIFE  OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  fourth  one  is  in  regard  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  In  relation  to  that,  I  have  my  mind  very  distinctly  made  up.  I 
should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia.  I  believe  that  Congress  possesses  the  constitutional  power  to  abolish 
it.  Yet,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  I  should  not,  with  my  present  views,  be 
in  favor  of  endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  unless 
it  would  be  upon  these  conditions :  First,  that  the  abolition  should  be  grad 
ual  ;  Second,  That  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the  majority  of  qualified  voters 
in  the  District ;  and  Third,  That  compensation  should  be  made  to  unwilling 
owners.  With  these  three  conditions,  I  confess  I  would  be  exceedingly  glad 
to  see  Congress  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and,  in  the  lan 
guage  of  Henry  Clay,  "  sweep  from  our  capital  that  foul  blot  upon  our 
nation." 

In  regard  to  the  fifth  interrogatory,  I  must  say  here,  that  as  to  the  ques 
tion  of  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade  between  the  different  States,  I  can 
truly  answer,  as  I  have,  that  I  am  pledged  to  nothing  about  it.  It  is  a  sub 
ject  to  which  I  have  not  given  that  mature  consideration  that  would  make 
me  feel  authorized  to  state  a  position  so  as  to  hold  myself  entirely  bound  by 
it.  In  other  words,  that  question  has  never  been  prominently  enough  before 
me  to  induce  me  to  investigate  whether  we  really  have  the  constitutional 
power  to  do  it.  I  could  investigate  it  if  I  had  sufficient  time  to  bring  myself 
to  a  conclusion  upon  that  subject;  but  I  have  not  done  so,  and  I  say  so 
frankly  to  you  here  and  to  Judge  Douglas.  I  must  say,  however,  that,  if  I 
should  be  of  opinion  that  Congress  does  possess  the  constitutional  power  to 
abolish  slave-trading  among  the  different  States,  I  should  still  not  be  in  favor 
of  the  exercise  of  that  power  unless  upon  some  conservative  principle  as  I 
conceive  it,  akin  to  what  I  have  said  in  relation  to  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

My  answer  as  to  whether  I  desire  that  slavery  should  be  prohibited  in  all 
Territories  of  the  United  States  is  full  and  explicit  within  itself,  and  can 
not  be  made  clearer  by  any  comments  of  mine.  So  I  suppose,  in  regard  to 
the  question  whether  I  am  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any  more  territory 
unless  slavery  is  first  prohibited  therein,  my  answer  is  such  that  I  could  add 
nothing  by  way  of  illustration,  or  making  myself  better  understood,  than 
the  answer  which  I  have  placed  in  writing. 

Now,  in  all  this  the  Judge  has  me,  and  he  has  me  on  the  record.  I  sup 
pose  he  had  nattered  himself  that  I  was  really  entertaining  one  set  of  opin 
ions  for  one  place,  and  another  set  for  another  place,  —  that  I  was  afraid  to 
say  at  one  place  what  I  uttered  at  another.  What  I  am  saying  here  I  sup 
pose  I  say  to  a  vast  audience  as  strongly  tending  to  abolitionism  as  any 
audience  in  the  State  of  Illinois ;  and  I  believe  I  am  saying  that  which,  if 
it  would  be  offensive  to  any  persons,  and  render  them  enemies  to  myself, 
would  be  offensive  to  persons  in  this  audience. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  415 

Mr.  Douglas  had  presented  his  interrogatories  on  the  21st 
of  August,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  answer  them  until  the 
27th.  They  had  no  meetings  between  those  days  ;  and  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  ample  time  to  ponder  his  replies,  and  consult  his 
friends.  But  he  did  more  :  he  improved  the  opportunity  to 
prepare  a  series  of  insidious  questions,  which  he  felt  sure  Mr. 
Douglas  could  not  possibly  answer  without  utterly  ruining  his 
political  prospects.  Mr.  Lincoln  struggled  for  a  great  prize, 
unsuspected  by  the  common  mind,  but  the  thought  of  which 
was  ever  present  to  his  own.  Mr.  Douglas  was  a  standing 
candidate  for  the  Presidency ;  but  as  yet  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a 
very  quiet  one,  nursing  hopes  which  his  modesty  prevented  him 
from  obtruding  upon  others.  He  was  wise  enough  to  keep  the 
fact  of  their  existence  to  himself,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  dig 
pitfalls  and  lay  obstructions  in  the  way  of  his  most  formidable 
competitors.  His  present  purpose  was  not  only  to  defeat  Mr. 
Douglas  for  the  Senate,  but  to  "  kill  him,"  —  to  get  him  out 
of  the  way  finally  and  forever.  If  he  could  make  him  evade 
the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  and  deny  the  right  of  a  Southern 
man  to  take  his  negroes  into  a  Territory,  and  keep  them  there 
while  it  was  a  Territory,  he  would  thereby  sever  him  from 
the  body  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  leave  him  the  leader  of 
merely  a  little  half-hearted  antislavery  faction.  Under  such 
circumstances,  Mr.  Douglas  could  never  be  the  candidate  of 
the  party  at  large ;  but  he  might  serve  a  very  useful  purpose 
by  running  on  a  separate  ticket,  and  dividing  the  great  major 
ity  of  conservative  votes,  which  would  inevitably  elect  a  single 
nominee. 

Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  Chicago,  and  there  intimated  to  some 
of  his  friends  what  he  proposed  to  do.  They  attempted  to 
dissuade  him,  because,  as  they  insisted,  if  Mr.  Douglas  should 
answer  that  the  Dred-Scott  Decision  might  be  evaded  by  the 
people  of  a  Territory,  and  slavery  prohibited  in  the  face  of  it, 
the  answer  would  draw  to  him  the  sympathies  of  the  anti- 
slavery  voters,  and  probably,  of  itself,  defeat  Mr.  Lincoln. 
But,  so  long  as  Mr.  Douglas  held  to  the  decision  in  good  faith, 
he  had  no  hope  of  more  aid  from  that  quarter  than  he  had 


416  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

already  received.  It  was  therefore  the  part  of  wisdom  to  let 
him  alone  as  to  that  point.  Mr.  Lincoln,  on  the  contrary, 
looked  forward  to  1860,  and  was  determined  that  the  South 
should  understand  the  antagonism  between  Mr.  Douglas's 
latest  conception  of  "  squatter  sovereignty,"  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  the  Nebraska  Bill,  and  all  pre 
vious  platforms  of  the  party,  on  the  other.  Mr.  Douglas 
taught  strange  doctrines  and  false  ones  ;  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
thought  the  faithful,  far  and  near,  should  know  it.  If  Mr. 
Douglas  was  a  schismatic,  there  ought  to  be  a  schism,  of 
which  the  Republicans  would  reap  the  benefit ;  and  therefore 
he  insisted  upon  his  questions.  "  That  is  no  business  of 
yours,"  said  his  friends.  "  Attend  exclusively  to  your  sena 
torial  race,  and  let  the  slaveholder  and  Douglas  fight  out  that 
question  among  themselves  and  for  themselves.  If  you  put 
the  question  to  him,  he  will  answer  that  the  Dred-Scott  Decis 
ion  is  simply  an  abstract  rule,  having  no  practical  applica 
tion." —  "  If  he  answers  that  way,  he's  a  dead  cock  in  the  pit," 
responded  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  But  that,"  said  they,  "  is  none  of 
your  business :  you  are  concerned  only  about  the  senator- 
ship."  —  "  No,"  continued  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  not  alone  exactly  :  I 
am  killing  larger  game.  The  great  battle  of  1860  is  worth 
a  thousand  of  this  senatorial  race." 

He  did   accordingly   propound  the  interrogatories   as  fol 
lows  :  — 

1.  If  the  people  of  Kansas  shall,  by  means  entirely  unob 
jectionable  in  all  other  respects,  adopt  a  State  constitution, 
and  ask  admission  into  the  Union  under  it,  before  they  have  the 
requisite  number  of  inhabitants  according  to  the  English  Bill, 
—  some  ninety-three  thousand,  —  will   you  vote    to    admit 
them? 

2.  Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  Territory,  in  any 
lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  ? 

3.  If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decide 
that  States  cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  are  you 
in  favor  of  acquiescing  in,  adopting,  and  following  such  decis 
ion  as  a  rule  of  political  action  ? 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  417 

4.  Are  you  in  favor  of  acquiring  additional  territory,  in 
disregard  of  how  such  acquisition  may  affect  the  nation  on 
the  slavery  question? 

The  first  and  fourth  questions  Mr.  Douglas  answered  sub 
stantially  in  the  affirmative.  To  the  third  he  replied,  that  no 
judge  would  ever  be  guilty  of  the  "  moral  treason  "  of  making 
such  a  decision.  But  to  the  second  —  the  main  question,  to 
which  all  the  others  were  riders  and  make-weights — he 
answered  as  he  was  expected  to  answer.  "  It  matters  not," 
said  he,  "  what  way  the  Supreme  Court  may  hereafter  decide 
as  to  the  abstract  question  whether  slavery  may  or  may  not 
go  into  a  Territory  under  the  Constitution  :  the  people  have 
the  lawful  means  to  introduce  it  or  exclude  it,  as  they  please, 
for  the  reason  that  slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour 
anywhere,  unless  it  is  supported  by  local  police  regulations. 
Those  police  regulations  can  only  be  established  by  the  local 
Legislature  ;  and,  if  the  people  are  opposed  to  slavery,  they 
will  elect  representatives  to  that  body  who  will,  by  unfriend 
ly  legislation,  effectually  prevent  the  introduction  of  it  into 
their  midst." 

The  reply  was  more  than  enough  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  pur 
pose.  It  cut  Mr.  Douglas  off  from  his  party,  and  put  him  in 
a  state  of  perfect  antagonism  to  it.  He  firmly  denied  the 
power  of  Congress  to  restrict  slavery  ;  and  he  admitted,  that, 
under  the  Dred-Scott  Decision,  all  Territories  were  open  to 
its  entrance.  But  he  held,  that,  the  moment  the  slaveholder 
passed  the  boundary  of  a  Territory,  he  was  at  the  mercy 
of  the  squatters,  a  dozen  or  two  of  whom  might  get  to 
gether  in  a  legislature,  and  rob  him  of  the  property  which 
the  Constitution,  the  Supreme  Court,  and  Mr.  Douglas  him 
self  said  he  had  an  indefeasible  right  to  take  there.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  knew  that  the  Southern  people  would  feel  infinitely  safer 
in  the  hands  of  Congress  than  in  the  hands  of  the  squatters. 
If  they  regarded  the  Republican  mode  of  excluding  slavery 
as  a  barefaced  usurpation,  they  would  consider  Mr.  Douglas's 
system  of  confiscation  by  "  unfriendly  legislation  "  mere  plain 
stealing.  The  Republicans  said  to  them,  "  We  will  regulate 

27 


418  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 

the  whole  subject  by  general  laws,  which  you  participate  with 
us  in  passing ; "  but  Mr.  Douglas  offered  them,  as  sovereign 
judges  and  legislators,  the  territorial  settlers  themselves, — 
squatters  they  might  be,  —  whom  the  aid  societies  rushed  into 
the  new  Territories  for  the  very  purpose  of  keeping  slavery 
away.  The  new  doctrine  was  admirably  calculated  to  alarm 
and  incense  the  South  ;  and,  following  so  closely  Mr.  Doug 
las's  conduct  in  the  Lecompton  affair,  it  was  very  natural 
that  he  should  now  be  universally  regarded  by  his  late 
followers  as  a  dangerous  heretic  and  a  faithless  turncoat. 
The  result  justified  Mr.  Lincoln's  anticipations.  Mr.  Douglas 
did  not  fully  develop  his  new  theory,  nor  personally  promul 
gate  it  as  the  fixed  tenet  of  his  faction,  until  the  next  year, 
when  he  embodied  it  in  the  famous  article  contributed  by 
him  to  "  Harper's  .Magazine."  But  it  did  its  work  effectu 
ally  ;  and,  when  parties  began  to  marshal  for  the  great  strug 
gle  of  1860,  Mr.  Douglas  was  found  to  be,  not  precisely  what 
he  had  promised,  —  a  Republican,  "fighting  their  battles,"  — 
but  an  independent  candidate,  upon  an  independent  platform, 
dividing  the  opposition. 

Mr.  Lincoln  pointed  out  on  the  spot  the  wide  difference 
between  Mr.  Douglas's  present  views  and  those  he  had  pre 
viously  maintained  with  such  dogged  and  dogmatic  persist 
ence.  "  The  new  state  of  the  case  "  had  induced  "  the  Judge 
to  sheer  away  from  his  original  ground."  The  new  theory 
was  false  in  law,  and  could  have  no  practical  application. 
The  history  of  the  country  showed  it  to  be  a  naked  humbug, 
a  demagogue's  imposture.  Slavery  was  established  in  all 
this  country,  without  "local  police  regulations  "  to  protect 
it.  Dred  Scott  himself  was  held  in  a  Territory,  not  only 
without  "  local  police  regulations  "  to  favor  his  bondage,  but 
in  defiance  of  a  general  law  which  prohibited  it.  A  man 
who  believed  that  the  Dred-Scott  Decision  was  the  true  inter 
pretation  of  the  Constitution  could  not  refuse  to  ^egro  slav 
ery  whatever  protection  it  needed  in  the  Territories  with 
out  incurring  the  guilt  of  perjury.  To  say  that  slave  property 
might  be  constitutionally  confiscated,  destroyed,  or  driven 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  419 

away  from  a  place  where  it  was  constitutionally  protected, 
was  such  an  absurdity  as  Mr.  Douglas  alone  in  this  evil 
strait  was  equal  to  ;  the  proposition  meaning,  as  he  said  on  a 
subsequent  occasion,  "  no  less  than  that  a  thing  may  law 
fully  be  driven  away  from  a  place  where  it  has  a  lawful  right 
to  be." 

"  Of  that  answer  at  Freeport,"  as  Mr.  Herndon  has  it, 
Douglas  "  instantly  died.  The  red-gleaming  Southern  toma 
hawk  flashed  high  and  keen.  Douglas  was  removed  out 
of  Lincoln's  way.  The  wind  was  taken  out  of  Seward's  sails 
(by  the  House-divided  Speech),  and  Lincoln  stood  out 
prominent." 

The  State  election  took  place  on  the  2d  of  November,  1858. 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  more  than  four  thousand  majority  of  the 
votes  cast ;  but  this  was  not  enough  to  give  him  a  majority 
in  the  Legislature.  An  old  and  inequitable  apportionment 
law  was  still  in  operation ;  and  a  majority  of  the  members 
chosen  under  it  were,  as  it  was  intended  by  the  law-makers 
they  should  be,  Democrats.  In  the  Senate  were  fourteen 
Democrats  to  eleven  Republicans ;  and  in  the  House,  forty 
Democrats  to  thirty-five  Republicans.  Mr.  Douglas  was,  of 
course,  re-elected,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  bitterly  disappointed. 
Some  one  asked  Mr.  Lincoln  how  he  felt  when  the  returns 
came  in.  He  replied,  "  that  he  felt  like  the  boy  that  stumped 
his  toe,  — '  it  hurt  too  bad  to  laugh,  and  he  was  too  big  to 
cry!'" 

In  this  canvass  Mr.  Lincoln  earned  a  reputation  as  a  popu 
lar  debater  second  to  that  of  no  man  in  America,  —  certainly 
not  second  to  that  of  his  famous  antagonist.  He  kept  his 
temper ;  he  was  not  prone  to  personalities ;  he  indulged  in 
few  anecdotes,  and  those  of  a  decent  character ;  he  was  fair, 
frank,  and  manly  ;  and,  if  the  contest  had  shown  nothing  else, 
it  would  have  shown,  at  least,  that  "  Old  Abe  "  could  behave 
like  a  well-bred  gentleman  under  very  trying  circumstances. 
His  marked  success  in  these  discussions  was  probably  no 
surprise  to  the  people  of  the  Springfield  District,  who  knew 
him  as  well  as,  or  better  than,  they  did  Mr.  Douglas;  But 


420  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

in  the  greater  part  of  the  State,  and  throughout  the  Union 
the  series  of  brilliant  victories  successively  won  by  an  obscure 
man  over  an  orator  of  such  wide  experience  and  renown  was 
received  with  exclamations  of  astonishment,  alike  by  listeners 
and  readers.  It  is  true  that  many  believed,  or  pretended  to 
believe,  that  he  was  privately  tutored  and  "crammed"  by 
politicians  of  greater  note  than  himself ;  and,  when  the 
speeches  were  at  last  collected  and  printed  together,  it  was 
alleged  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  had  been  re-written  or  extensively 
revised  by  Mr.  Judd,  Judge  Logan,  Judge  Davis,  or  some 
one  else  of  great  and  conceded  abilities. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

IN  the  winter  of  1858-9,  Mr.  Lincoln,  having  no  political 
business  on  hand,  appeared  before  the  public  in  the  char 
acter  of  lecturer,  having  prepared  himself  with  much  care. 
His  lecture  was,  or  might  have  been,  styled,  "  All  Creation  is  a 
mine,  and  every  man  a  miner."  He  began  with  Adam  and  Eve, 
and  the  invention  of  the  "  fig-leaf  apron,"  of  which  he  gave  a 
humorous  description,  and  which  he  said  was  a  "  joint  oper 
ation."  The  invention  of  letters,  writing,  printing,  of  the 
application  of  steam,  of  electricity,  he  classed  under  the  com 
prehensive  head  of  "  inventions  and  discoveries,"  along  with 
the  discovery  of  America,  the  enactment  of  patent-laws,  and 
the  "  invention  of  negroes,  or  the  present  mode  of  using 
them."  Part  of  the  lecture  was  humorous ;  a  very  small 
part  of  it  actually  witty ;  and  the  rest  of  it  so  commonplace 
that  it  was  a  genuine  mortification  to  his  friends.  He  deliv 
ered  it  at  two  or  three  points,  and  then  declined  all  further 
invitations.  To  one  of  these  he  replied,  in  March,  as  fol 
lows  :  "  Your  note,  inviting  me  to  deliver  a  lecture  in  Gales- 
burgh,  is  received.  I  regret  to  say  I  cannot  do  so  now :  I 
must  stick  to  the  courts  a  while.  I  read  a  sort  of  a  lecture 
to  three  different  audiences  during  the  last  month  and  this ; 
but  I  did  so  under  circumstances  which  made  it  a  waste  of 
no  time  whatever." 

From  the  Douglas  discussion  many  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  party  believed,  and  the  reader  will  agree  had  some 
foundation  for  the  belief,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  one  of  the 
greatest  and  best  men1  in  the  party.  It  was  natural,  therefore, 

421 


422  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

that  many  eyes  should  be  turned  towards  him  for  the  coming 
Presidential  nomination.  He  had  all  the  requisites  of  an 
available  candidate  :  he  had  not  been  sufficiently  prominent  in 
national  politics  to  excite  the  jealousies  of  powerful  rivals ; 
he  was  true,  manly,  able  ;  he  was  pre-eminently  a  man  of  the 
people  ;  he  had  sprung  from  a  low  family  in  the  lowest  class  of 
society ;  he  had  been  a  rail-splitter,  a  flat-boatman,  a  grocery- 
keeper,  —  every  thing  that  could  commend  him  to  the  "  popu 
lar  heart."  His  manners,  his  dress,  his  stories,  and  his  popular 
name  and  style  of  "  Honest  Old  Abe,"  pointed  to  him  as  a  man 
beside  whose  "  running  qualities  "  those  of  Taylor  and  Harrison 
were  of  slight  comparison.  That  he  knew  all  this,  and  thought 
of  it  a  great  deal,  no  one  can  doubt ;  and  in  the  late  cam 
paign  he  had  most  adroitly  opened  the  way  for  the  realization 
of  his  hopes.  But  he  knew  very  well  that  a  becoming  mod 
esty  in  a  "new  man"  was  about  as  needful  as  any  thing  else. 
Accordingly,  when  a  Mr.  Pickett  wrote  him  on  the  subject 
in  March,  1859,  he  replied  as  follows  :  "  Yours  of  the  2d 
instant,  inviting  me  to  deliver  my  lecture  on  '  Inventions  '  in 
Rock  Island,  is  at  hand,  and  I  regret  to  be  unable  from  press 
of  business  to  comply  therewith.  In  regard  to  the  other 
matter  you  speak  of,  I  beg  that  you  will  not  give  it  a 
further  mention.  I  do  not  think  I  am  fit  for  the  Presi 
dency." 

But  in  April  the  project  began  to  be  agitated  in  his  own 
town.  On  the  27th  of  that  month,  he  was  in  the  office  of 
"  The  Central  Illinois  Gazette,"  when  the  editor  suggested  his 
name.  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  with  characteristic  modesty,  declined." 
But  the  editor  estimated  his  "  No  "  at  its  proper  value  ;  and 
he  "  was  brought  out  in  the  next  issue,  May  4."  Thence 
the  movement  spread  rapidly  and  strongly.  Many  Republi 
cans  welcomed  it,  and,  appreciating  the  pre-eminent  fitness  of 
the  nomination,  saw  in  it  the  assurance  of  certain  victory. 

The  West  was  rapidly  filling  with  Germans  and  other  in 
habitants  of  foreign  birth.  Dr.  Canisius,  a  German,  foresee 
ing  Mr.  Lincoln's  strength  in  the  near  future,  wrote  to  inquire 
what  he  thought  about  the  restrictions  upon  naturalization 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  423 

recently  adopted  in  Massachusetts,  and  whether  he  favored 
the  fusion  of  all  the  opposition  elements  in  the  next  canvass. 
He  replied,  that,  as  to  the  restrictions,  he  was  wholly  and 
unalterably  opposed  to  them  ;  and  as  to  fusion,  he  was  ready 
for  it  upon  "  Republican  grounds,"  but  upon  no  other.  He 
would  not  lower  "  the  Republican  standard  even  by  a  hair's 
breadth."  The  letter  undoubtedly  had  a  good  effect,  and 
brought  him  valuable  support  from  the  foreign  population. 

To  a  gentleman  who  desired  his  views  about  the  tariff  ques 
tion,  he  replied  cautiously  and  discreetly  as  follows  :  — 

CLINTON,  Oct.  11,  1859. 
DR.  EDWARD  WALLACE. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  am  here  just  now  attending  court.  Yesterday,  before 
I  left  Springfield,  your  brother,  Dr.  William  S.  Wallace,  showed  me  a  letter 
of  yours,  in  which  you  kindly  mention  my  name,  inquire  for  my  tariff- 
views,  and  suggest  the  propriety  of  my  writing  a  letter  upon  the  subject. 
I  was  an  old  Henry-Clay  Tariff  Whig.  In  old  times  I  made  more  speeches 
on  that  subject  than  on  any  other. 

I  have  not  since  changed  my  views.  I  believe  yet,  if  we  could  have  a 
moderate,  carefully  adjusted,  protective  tariff,  so  far  acquiesced  in  as  not  to 
be  a  perpetual  subject  of  political  strife,  squabbles,  changes,  and  uncertain, 
ties,  it  would  be  better  for  us.  Still,  it  is  my  opinion,  that,  just  now,  the 
revival  of  that  question  will  not  advance  the  cause  itself,  or  the  man  who 
revives  it. 

I  have  not  thought  much  on  the  subject  recently ;  but  my  general  impres 
sion  is,  that  the  necessity  for  a  protective  tariff  will  ere  long  force  its  old 
opponents  to  take  it  up ;  and  then  its  old  friends  can  join  in  and  establish  it 
on  a  more  firm  and  durable  basis.  We,  the  old  Whigs,  have  been  entirely 
beaten  out  on  the  tariff  question ;  and  we  shall  not  be  able  to  re-establish  the 
policy  until  the  absence  of  it  shall  have  demonstrated  the  necessity  for  it 
in  the  minds  of  men  heretofore  opposed  to  it.  With  this  view,  I  should 
prefer  to  not  now  write  a  public  letter  upon  the  subject. 

I  therefore  wish  this  to  be  considered  confidential. 

1  shall  be  very  glad  to  receive  a  letter  from  you. 

Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

In  September  Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  few  masterly  speeches 
in  Ohio,  where  Mr.  Douglas  had  preceded  him  on  his  new 
hobby  of  "  squatter  sovereignty,"  or  "  unfriendly  legislation." 


424  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  spoke  at  Columbus,  Cincinnati,  and  several  other  points  ; 
each  time  devoting  the  greater  part  of  his  address  to  Mr. 
Douglas  and  his  theories,  as  if  the  habit  of  combating  that 
illustrious  chieftain  was  hard  to  break. 

In  December  he  went  to  Kansas,  speaking  at  Elwood,  Don- 
aphan,  Troy,  Atchison,  and  twice  at  Leavenworth.  Wherever 
he  went,  he  was  met  by  vast  assemblages  of  people.  His 
speeches  were  principally  repetitions  of  those  previously  made 
in  Illinois ;  but  they  were  very  fresh  and  captivating  to  his 
new  audiences.  These  journeys,  which  turned  out  to  be  con 
tinuous  ovations,  spread  his  name  and  fame  far  beyond  the 
limits  to  which  they  had  heretofore  been  restricted. 

During  the  winter  of  1859-60,  he  saw  that  his  reputa 
tion  had  reached  such  a  height,  that  he  might  honorably  com 
pete  with  such  renowned  men  as  Seward,  Chase,  and  Bates, 
for  the  Presidential  nomination.  Mr.  Jackson  Grimshaw  of 
Quincy  urged  him  very  strongly  on  the  point.  At  length 
Mr.  Lincoln  consented  to  a  conference  with  Grimshaw  and 
some  of  his  more  prominent  friends.  It  took  place  in  a  com 
mittee-room  in  the  State  House.  Mr.  Buslmell,  Mr.  Hatch 
(the  Secretarj^of  State),  Mr.  Judd  (Chairman  of  the  Republi 
can  State  Central  Committee),  Mr.  Peck,  and  Mr.  Grimshaw 
were  present,  —  all  of  them  "  intimate  friends."  They  were 
unanimous  in  opinion  as  to  the  expediency  and  propriety  of 
making  him  a  candidate.  But  "  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  char 
acteristic  modesty,  doubted  whether  he  could  get  the  nomi 
nation,  even  if  he  wished  it,  and  asked  until  the  next  morning 
to  answer  us.  ...  The  next  day  he  authorized  us  to  consider 
him,  and  work  for  him,  if  we  pleased,  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency." 

It  was  in  October,  1859,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  received  an  invi 
tation  to  speak  in  New  York.  It  enchanted  him :  no  event 
of  his  life  had  given  him  more  heartfelt  pleasure.  He  went 
straight  to  his  office,  and,  Mr.  Herndon  says,  "  looked  pleased, 
not  to  say  tickled.  He  said  to  me,  '  Billy,  I  am  invited  to 
deliver  a  lecture  in  New  York.  Shall  I  go  ?  '  — '  By  all  means,' 
I  replied ;  and  it  is  a  good  opening  too.'  —  '  If  you  were  in  my 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  425 

fix,  what  subject  would  you  choose  ?  '  said  Lincoln.  '  Why, 
a  political  one  :  that's  your  forte,'  I  answered."  Mr.  Herndon 
remembered  his  partner's  previous  "  failure,  —  utter  failure,"  as 
a  lecturer,  and,  on  this  occasion,  dreaded  excessively  his  choice 
of  a  subject.  "  In  the  absence  of  a  friend's  advice,  Lincoln 
would  as  soon  take  the  Beautiful  for  a  subject  as  any  thing 
else,  when  he  had  absolutely  no  sense  of  it."  He  wrote  in 
response  to  the  invitation,  that  he  would  avail  himself  of  it 
the  coming  February,  provided  he  might  be  permitted  to  make 
a  political  speech,  in  case  he  found  it  inconvenient  to  get  up 
one  of  another  kind.  He  had  purposely  set  the  day  far 
ahead,  that  he  might  thoroughly  prepare  himself ;  and  it  may 
safely  be  said,  that  no  effort  of  his  life  cost  him  so  much  labor 
as  this  one.  Some  of  the  party  managers  who  were  afterwards 
put  to  work  to  verify  its  statements,  and  get  it  out  as  a  cam 
paign  document,  are  alleged  to  have  been  three  weeks  in  find 
ing  the  historical  records  consulted  by  him. 

o  •/ 

On  the  25th  of  February,  1860,  he  arrived  in  New  York. 
It  was  Saturday,  and  he  spent  the  whole  day  in  revising  and 
retouching  his  speech.  The  next  day  he  heard  Beecher 
preach,  and  on  Monday  wandered  about  the  city  to  see  the 
sights.  When  the  committee  under  whose  auspices  he  was 
to  speak  waited  upon  him,  they  found  him  dressed  in  a  sleek 
and  shining  suit  of  new  black,  covered  with  very  apparent 
creases  and  wrinkles,  acquired  by  being  packed  too  closely 
and  too  long  in  his  little  valise.  He  felt  uneasy  in  his  new 
clothes  and  a  strange  place.  His  confusion  was  increased 
when  the  reporters  called  to  get  the  printed  slips  of  his  speech 
in  advance  of  its  delivery.  Mr.  Lincoln  knew  nothing  of  such 
a  custom  among  the  orators,  and  had  no  slips.  He  was,  in 
fact,  not  quite  sure  that  the  press  would  desire  to  publish  his 
speech.  When  he  reached  the  Cooper  Institute,  and  was 
ushered  into  the  vast  hall,  he  was  surprised  to  see  the  most 
cultivated  men  of  the  city  awaiting  him  on  the  stand,  and  an 
immense  audience  assembled  to  hear  him.  Mr.  Bryant  intro 
duced  him  as  "  an  eminent  citizen  of  the  West,  hitherto 
known  to  you  only  by  reputation."  Mr.  Lincoln  then  began, 


426  LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM   LINCOLN. 

in  low,  monotonous  tones,  which  gradually  became  louder  and 
clearer,  the  following  speech  :  — 

MR.  PRESIDENT  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  NEW  YORK,  —  The  facts 
with  which  I  shall  deal  this  evening  are  mainly  old  and  familiar ;  nor  is  there 
any  thing  new  in  the  general  use  I  shall  make  of  them.  If  there  shall  be 
any  novelty,  it  will  be  in  the  mode  of  presenting  the  facts,  and  the  inferences 
and  observations  following  that  presentation. 

In  his  speech  last  autumn,  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  as  reported  in  "  The  New- 
York  Times,"  Senator  Douglas  said, — 

"  Our  fathers,  when  they  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live, 
understood  this  question  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do  now." 

I  fully  indorse  this,  and  I  adopt  it  as  a  text  for  this  discourse.  I  so  adopt 
it,  because  it  furnishes  a  precise  and  agreed  starting-point  for  the  discussion 
between  Republicans  and  that  wing  of  Democracy  headed  by  Senator  Doug 
las.  It  simply  leaves  the  inquiry,  "  What  was  the  understanding  those 
fathers  had  of  the  questions  mentioned?  ' 

What  is  the  frame  of  government  under  which  we  live  ? 

The  answer  must  be,  "  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  That 
Constitution  consists  of  the  original,  framed  in  1787  (and  under  which  the 
present  Government  first  went  into  operation),  and  twelve  subsequently 
framed  amendments,  the  first  ten  of  which  were  framed  in  1789. 

Who  were  our  fathers  that  framed  the  Constitution  ?  I  suppose  the 
"  thirty-nine  "  who  signed  the  original  instrument  maybe  fairly  called  our 
fathers  who  framed  that  part  of  the  present  Government.  It  is  almost  exactly 
true  to  say  they  framed  it ;  and  it  is  altogether  true  to  say  they  fairly  rep 
resented  the  opinion  and  sentiment  of  the  whole  nation  at  that  time.  Their 
names,  being  familiar  to  nearly  all,  and  accessible  to  quite  all,  need  not  now 
be  repeated. 

I  take  these  "  thirty-nine,"  for  the  present,  as  being  "  our  fathers,  who 
framed  the  Government  under  which  we  live." 

What  is  the  question  which,  according  to  the  text,  those  fathers  under 
stood  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do  now? 

It  is  this  :  Does  the  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or 
any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  forbid  our  Federal  Government  control  as  to 
slavery  in  our  Federal  Territories  ? 

Upon  this,  Douglas  holds  the  affirmative,  and  Republicans  the  negative. 
This  affirmative  and  denial  form  an  issue ;  and  this  issue,  this  question,  is 
precisely  what  the  text  declares  our  fathers  understood  better  than  we. 

Let  us  now  inquire  whether  the  "  thirty-nine,"  or  any  of  them,  ever  acted 
upon  this  question ;  and,  if  they  did,  how  they  acted  upon  it,  —  how  they 
expressed  that  better  understanding. 

In  1784,  —  three  years  before  the  Constitution,  —  the  United  States  then 
owning  the  North-western  Territory,  and  no  other,  the  Congress  of  the  Con*- 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  427 

federation  had  before  them  the  question  of  prohibiting  slavery  in  that  Terri 
tory;  and  four  of  the  "thirty-nine"  who  afterward  framed  the  Constitution 
were  in  that  Congress,  and  voted  on  that  question.  Of  these,  Roger  Sher 
man,  Thomas  Mifflin,  and  Hugh  Williamson  voted  for  the  prohibition;  thus 
showing,  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local  from  Federal 
authority,  nor  any  thing  else,  properly  forbade  the  Federal  Government 
to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory.  The  other  of  the  four,  James 
McHenry,  voted  against  the  prohibition,  showing  that,  for  some  cause,  he 
thought  it  improper  to  vote  for  it. 

In  1787  —  still  before  the  Constitution,  but  while  the  Convention  was  in 
session  framing  it,  and  while  the  North-western  Territory  still  was  the  only 
Territory  owned  by  the  United  States  —  the  same  question  of  prohibiting 
slavery  in  the  Territory  again  came  before  the  Congress  of  the  Confedera 
tion  ;  and  three  more  of  the  "  thirty-nine  "  who  afterward  signed  the  Consti 
tution  were  in  that  Congress,  and  voted  on  the  question.  They  were  William 
Blount,  William  Few,  and  Abraham  Baldwin ;  and  they  all  voted  for  the 
prohibition,  thus  showing  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local 
from  Federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  else,  properly  forbids  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory.  This  time  the  prohibi 
tion  became  a  law,  being  part  of  what  is  now  well  known  as  the  Ordinance 
of  '87. 

The  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  seems  not  to 
have  been  directly  before  the  convention  which,  framed  the  original  Consti 
tution  ;  and  hence  it  is  not  recorded  that  the  "  thirty-nine,"  or  any  of  them, 
while  engaged  on  that  instrument,  expressed  any  opinion  on  that  precise 
question. 

In  1789,  by  the  First  Congress  which  sat  under  the  Constitution,  an  act 
was  passed  to  enforce  the  Ordinance  of  '87,  including  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  North-western  Territory.  The  bill  for  this  act  was  reported 
by  one  of  the  "  thirty-nine,"  —  Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  then  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  Pennsylvania.  It  went  through  all  its  stages 
without  a  word  of  opposition,  and  finally  passed  both  branches  without  yeas 
and  nays,  which  is  equivalent  to  a  unanimous  passage.  In  this  Congress 
there  were  sixteen  of  the  "  thirty-nine  "  fathers  who  framed  the  original  Con 
stitution.  They  were  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  .Gilman,  William  S.  Johnson, 
Roger  Sherman,  Robert  Morris,  Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  William  Few,  Abra 
ham  Baldwin,  Rufus  King,  William  Patterson,  George  Clymer,  Richard  Bas- 
sett,  George  Read,  Pierce  Butler,  Daniel  Carrol,  James  Madison. 

This  shows  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local  from  Federal 
authority,  nor  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  properly  forbade  Congress  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  the  Federal  territory ;  else  both  their  fidelity  to  correct 
principle,  and  their  oath  to  support  the  Constitution,  would  have  constrained 
them  to  oppose  the  prohibition. 

Again,  George  Washington,  another  of  the  "  thirty-nine,"  was  then  Presi- 


428  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

dent  of  the  United  States,  and,  as  such,  approved  and  signed  the  bill,  thus 
completing  its  validity  as  a  law,  and  thus  showing,  that,  in  his  understanding, 
no  line  dividing  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  in  the  Consti 
tution,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal 
territory. 

No  great  while  after  the  adoption  of  the  original  Constitution,  North 
Carolina  ceded  to  the  Federal  Government  the  country  now  constituting  the 
State  of  Tennessee ;  and  a  few  years  later  Georgia  ceded  that  which  now 
constitutes  the  States  of  Mississippi  and  Alabama.  In  both  deeds  of  cession 
it  was  made  a  condition  by  the  ceding  States  that  the  Federal  Government 
should  not  prohibit  slavery  in  the  ceded  country.  Besides  this,  slavery  was 
then  actually  in  the  ceded  country.  Under  these  circumstances,  Congress, 
on  taking  charge  of  these  countries,  did  not  absolutely  prohibit  slavery  within 
them.  But  they  did  interfere  with  it,  take  control  of  it,  even  there,  to  a 
certain  extent.  In  1798,  Congress  organized  the  Territory  of  Mississippi. 
In  the  act  of  organization  they  prohibited  the  bringing  of  slaves  into  the 
Territory,  from  any  place  without  the  United  States,  by  fine,  and  giving 
freedom  to  slaves  so  brought.  This  act  passed  both  branches  of  Congress 
without  yeas  and  nays.  In  that  Congress  were  three  of  the  "  thirty-nine  " 
who  framed  the  original  Constitution :  they  were  John  Langdon,  George 
Read,  and  Abraham  Baldwin.  They  all,  probably,  voted  for  it.  Cer 
tainly  they  would  have  placed  their  opposition  to  it  upon  record,  if,  in 
their  understanding,  any  line  dividing  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any 
thing  in  the  Constitution,  properly  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  con 
trol  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

In  1803  the  Federal  Government  purchased  the  Louisiana  country.  Our 
former  territorial  acquisitions  came  from  certain  of  our  own  States ;  but  this 
Louisiana  country  was  acquired  from  a  foreign  nation.  In  1804  Congress 
gave  a  territorial  organization  to  that  part  of  it  which  now  constitutes  the 
State  of  Louisiana.  New  Orleans,  lying  within  that  part,  was  an  old  and 
comparatively  large  city.  There  were  other  considerable  towns  and  settle 
ments,  and  slavery  was  extensively  and  thoroughly  intermingled  with  the 
people.  Congress  did  not,  in  the  Territorial  Act,  prohibit  slavery ;  but  they 
did  interfere  with  it,  take  control  of  it,  in  a  more  marked  and  extensive  way 
.than  they  did  in  the  case  6f  Mississippi.  The  substance  of  the  provision 
therein  made,  in  relation  to  slaves,  was,  — 

First,  That  no  slave  should  be  imported  into  the  Territory  from  foreign 
parts. 

Second,  That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it  who  had  been  imported 
into  the  United  States  since  the  first  day  of  May,  1798. 

Third,  That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it,  except  by  the  owner,  and 
for  his  own  use  as  a  settler ;  the  penalty  in  all  the  cases  being  a  fine  upon 
the  violator  of  the  law,  and  freedom  to  the  slave. 

This  act  also  was  passed  without  yeas  and  nays.     In  the  Congress  which 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  429 

passed  it  there  were  two  of  the  "  thirty-nine : "  they  were  Abraham  Bald 
win  and  Jonathan  Dayton.  As  stated  in  the  case  of  Mississippi,  it  is  proba 
ble  they  both  voted  for  it.  They  would  not  have  allowed  it  to  pass  without 
recording  their  opposition  to  it,  if,  in  their  understanding,  it  violated  either 
the  line  proper  dividing  local  from  Federal  authority  or  any  provision  of  the 
Constitution. 

In  1819-20  came  and  passed  the  Missouri  question.  Many  votes  were 
taken  by  yeas  and  nays,  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  upon  the  various 
phases  of  the  general  question.  Two  of  the  "  thirty-nine  "  —  Rufus  King  and 
Charles  Pinckney  —  were  members  of  that  Congress.  Mr.  King  steadily 
voted  for  slavery  prohibition  and  against  all  compromises ;  while  Mr.  Pinck 
ney  as  steadily  voted  against  slavery  prohibition  and  against  all  compromises. 
By  this  Mr.  King  showed,  that,  in  his  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local 
from  Federal  authority,  nor  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  was  violated  by 
Congress  prohibiting  slavery  in  Federal  territory ;  while  Mr.  Pinckney,  by 
his  votes,  showed,  that,  in  his  understanding,  there  was  some  sufficient 
reason  for  opposing  such  prohibition  in  that  case. 

The  cases  I  have  mentioned  are  the  only  acts  of  the  "  thirty-nine,"  or  of 
any  of  them,  upon  the  direct  issue,  which  I  have  been  able  to  discover. 

To  enumerate  the  persons  who  thus  acted  as  being  four  in  1784,  three  in 
1787,  seventeen  in  1789,  three  in  1798,  two  in  1804,  and  two  in  1819-20, — 
there  would  be  thirty-one  of  them.  But  this  would  be  counting  John  Lang- 
don,  Roger  Sherman,  William  Few,  Rufus  King,  and  George  Read  each 
twice,  and  Abraham  Baldwin  four  times.  The  true  number  of  those  of  the 
"  thirty-nine  "  whom  I  have  shown  to  have  acted  upon  the  question,  which, 
by  the  text,  they  understood  better  than  we,  is  twenty-three,  leaving  sixteen 
not  shown  to  have  acted  upon  it  in  any  way. 

Here,  then,  we  have  twenty-three  out  of  our  "  thirty-nine  "  fathers,  who 
framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,  who  have,  upon  their  official 
responsibility  and  their  corporal  oaths,  acted  upon  the  very  question  which 
the  text  affirms  they  "  understood  just  as  well,  and  even  better  than  we  do 
now ;  "  and  twenty-one  of  them  —  a  clear  majority  of  the  "  thirty-nine  "  —  so 
acting  upon  it  as  to  make  them  guilty  of  gross  political  impropriety  and  wilful 
perjury  if,  in  their  understanding,  any  proper  division  between  local  and 
Federal  authority,  or  any  thing  in  the  Constitution  they  had  made  themselves, 
and  sworn  to  support,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  sla 
very  in  the  Federal  Territories.  Thus  the  twenty-one  acted ;  and,  as  actions 
speak  louder  than  words,  so  actions  under  such  responsibility  speak  still 
louder. 

Two  of  the  twenty-three  voted  against  congressional  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  the  Federal  Territories  in  the  instances  in  which  they  acted  upon  the 
question ;  but  for  what  reasons  they  so  voted  is  not  known.  They  may  have 
done  so  because  they  thought  a  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority, 
or  some  provision  or  principle  of  the  Constitution,  stood  in  the  way  ;  or  they 


430  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

may,  without  any  such  question,  have  voted  against  the  prohibition,  on  what 
appeared  to  them  to  be  sufficient  grounds  of  expediency.  No  one  who  has 
sworn  to  support  the  Constitution  can  conscientiously  vote  for  what  he  under 
stands  to  be  an  unconstitutional  measure,  however  expedient  he  may  think 
it ;  but  one  may  and  ought  to  vote  against  a  measure  which  he  deems  con 
stitutional  if,  at  the  same  time,  he  deems  it  inexpedient.  It,  therefore,  would 
be  unsafe  to  set  down  even  the  two  who  voted  against  the  prohibition  as 
having  done  so  because,  in  their  understanding,  any  proper  division  of  local 
from  Federal  authority,  or  any  thing  in  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

The  remaining  sixteen  of  the  "  thirty-nine,"  so  far  as  I  have  discovered, 
have  left  no  record  of  their  understanding  upon  the  direct  question  of  Fed 
eral  control  of  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  But  there  is  much  reason 
to  believe  that  their  understanding  upon  that  question  would  not  have 
appeared  different  from  that  of  their  twenty-three  compeers,  had  it  been 
manifested  at  all. 

For  the  purpose  of  adhering  rigidly  to  the  text,  I  have  purposely  omitted 
whatever  understanding  may  have  been  manifested  by  any  person,  however 
distinguished,  other  than  the  "  thirty-nine  "  fathers  who  framed  the  original 
Constitution  ;  and,  for  the  same  reason,  I  have  also  omitted  whatever  under 
standing  may  have  been  manifested  by  any  of  the  "  thirty-nine  "  even,  on  any 
other  phase  of  the  general  question  of  slavery.  If  we  should  look  into  their 
acts  and  declarations  on  those  other  phases,  as  the  foreign  slave-trade,  and 
the  morality  and  policy  of  slavery  generally,  it  would  appear  to  us,  that,  on 
the  direct  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories,  the 
sixteen,  if  they  had  acted  at  all,  would  probably  have  acted  just  as  the 
twenty-three  did.  Among  that  sixteen  were  several  of  the  most  noted  anti- 
slavery  men  of  those  times,  —  as  Dr.  Franklin,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and 
Gouverneur  Morris ;  while  there  was  not  one  now  known  to  have  been 
otherwise,  unless  it  may  be  John  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  is,  that  of  our  "  thirty-nine  "  fathers  who  framed 
the  original  Constitution,  twenty-one  —  a  clear  majority  of  the  whole  —  cer 
tainly  understood  that  no  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor 
any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control 
slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories ;  while  all  the  rest  probably  had  the  same 
understanding.  Such,  unquestionably,  was  the  understanding  of  our  fathers 
who  framed  the  original  Constitution ;  and  the  text  affirms  that  they  under 
stood  the  question  better  than  we. 

But,  so  far,  I  have  been  considering  the  understanding  of  the  question 
manifested  by  the  framers  of  the  original  Constitution.  In  and  by  the  origi 
nal  instrument,  a  mode  was  provided  for  amending  it ;  and,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  the  present  frame  of  government  under  which  we  live  con 
sists  of  that  original,  and  twelve  amendatory  articles  framed  and  adopted 
since.  Those  who  now  insist  that  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  Federal  Ter- 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  431 

ritories  violates  the  Constitution  point  us  to  the  provisions  which  they  sup 
pose  it  thus  violates;  and,  as  I  understand,  they  all  fix  upon  provisions  Jn 
these  amendatory  articles,  and  not  in  the  original  instrument.  The  Supreme 
Court,  in  the  Dred-Scott  case,  plant  themselves  upon  the  fifth  amendment, 
which  provides  that  "  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  property  without  due 
process  of  law  ; "  while  Senator  Douglas  and  his  peculiar  adherents  plant 
themselves  upon  the  tenth  amendment,  providing  that  "the  powers  not 
granted  by  the  Constitution  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  and  to 
the  people." 

Now,  it  so  happens  that  these  amendments  were  framed  by  the  first  Con 
gress  which  sat  under  the  Constitution,  —  the  identical  Congress  which 
passed  the  act  already  mentioned,  enforcing  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
North-western  Territory.  Not  only  was  it  the  same  Congress,  but  they  were 
the  identical,  same  individual  men,  who,  at  the  same  time  within  the  session, 
had  under  consideration,  and  in  progress  toward  maturity,  these  constitu 
tional  amendments,  and  this  act  prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  territory  the 
nation  then  owned.  The  constitutional  amendments  were  introduced  before, 
»nd  passed  after,  the  act  enforcing  the  Ordinance  of  '87;  so  that,  during 
the  whole  pendency  of  the  act  to  enforce  the  Ordinance,  the  constitutional 
amendments  were  also  pending. 

That  Congress,  consisting  in  all  of  seventy-six  members,  including  six 
teen  of  the  framers  of  the  original  Constitution,  as  before  stated,  were  pre 
eminently  our  fathers  who  framed  that  part  of  the  government  under  which 
we  live,  which  is  now  claimed  as  forbidding  the  Federal  Government  to  con 
trol  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories. 

Is  it  not  a  little  presumptuous  in  any  one  at  this  day  to  affirm  that  the 
two  things  which  that  Congress  deliberately  framed,  and  carried  to  maturity 
at  the  same  time,  are  absolutely  inconsistent  with  each  other  ?  And  does 
not  such  affirmation  become  impudently  absurd  when  coupled  with  the  other 
affirmation,  from  the  same  mouth,  that  those  who  did  the  two  things  alleged 
to  be  inconsistent  understood  whether  they  were  really  inconsistent  better 
than  we,  —  better  than  he  who  affirms  that  they  are  inconsistent  V 

It  is  surely  safe  to  assume  that  the  "  thirty-nine  "  framers  of  the  original 
Constitution,  and  the  seventy-six  members  of  the  Congress  which  framed  the 
amendments  thereto,  taken  together,  do  certainly  include  those  who  may  be 
fairly  called  "  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live." 
And  so  assuming,  I  defy  any  man  to  show  that  any  one  of  them  ever,  in  his 
whole  life,  declared,  that,  in  his  understanding,  any  proper  division  of  local 
from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  I  go  a  step 
farther.  I  defy  any  one  to  show  that  any  living  man  in  the  whole  world 
ever  did,  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  (and  I  might  almost 
say  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  half  of  the  present  century),  declare, 
that,  in  his  understanding,  any  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  author- 


432  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ity,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  con 
trol  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  To  those  who  now  so  declare, 
I  give,  not  only  "  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we 
live,"  but  with  them  all  other  living  men  within  the  century  in  which  it  was 
framed,  among  whom  to  search,  and  they  shall  not  be  able  to  find  the  evi 
dence  of  a  single  man  agreeing  with  them. 

Now,  and  here,  let  me  guard  a  little  against  being  misunderstood.  I  do 
not  mean  to  say  we  are  bound  to  follow  implicitly  in  whatever  our  fathers 
did.  To  do  so  would  be  to  discard  all  the  lights  of  current  experience,  — 
to  reject  all  progress,  —  all  improvement.  What  I  do  say  is,  that,  if  we 
would  supplant  the  opinions  and  policy  of  our  fathers  in  any  case,  we  should 
do  so  upon  evidence  so  conclusive,  and  argument  so  clear,  that  even  their 
great  authority,  fairly  considered  and  weighed,  cannot  stand ;  and  most 
surely  not  in  a  case  whereof  we  ourselves  declare  they  understood  the  ques 
tion  better  than  we. 

If  any  man,  at  this  day,  sincerely  believes  that  a  proper  division  of  local 
from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbids  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories,  he  is  right  to 
say  so,  and  to  enforce  his  position  by  all  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argument 
which  he  can.  But  he  has  no  right  to  mislead  others,  who  have  less  access 
to  history  and  less  leisure  to  study  it,  into  the  false  belief  that  "  our  fathers, 
who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,"  were  of  the  same  opinion, 
thus  substituting  falsehood  and  deception  for  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argu 
ment.  If  any  man  at  this  day  sincerely  believes  "our  fathers,  who  framed 
the  government  under  which  we  live,"  used  and  applied  principles,  in  other 
cases,  which  ought  to  have  led  them  to  understand  that  a  proper  division  of 
local  from  Federal  authority,  or  some  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbids  the 
Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories,  he  is 
right  to  say  so.  But  he  should,  at  the  same  time,  brave  the  responsibility  of 
declaring,  that,  in  his  opinion,  he  understands  their  principles  better  than 
they  did  themselves ;  and  especially  should  he  not  shirk  that  responsibility 
by  asserting  that  they  "  understood  the  question  just  as  well,  and  even  better 
than  we  do  now." 

But  enough.  Let  all  who  believe  that  "  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  gov 
ernment  under  which  we  live,  understood  this  question  just  as  well,  and  even 
better  than  we  do  now,"  speak  as  they  spoke,  and  act  as  they  acted  upon  it. 
This  is  all  Republicans  ask,  all  Republicans  desire,  in  relation  to  slavery. 
As  those  fathers  marked  it,  so  let  it  be  again  marked,  as  an  evil  not  to  be 
extended,  but  to  be  tolerated  and  protected  only  because  of  and  so  far  as  its 
actual  presence  among  us  makes  that  toleration  and  protection  a  necessity. 
Let  all  the  guaranties  those  fathers  gave  it  be,  not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and 
fairly  maintained.  For  this  Republicans  contend,  and  with  this,  so  far  as  I 
know  or  believe,  they  will  be  content. 

And  now,  if  they  would  listen,  —  as  I  suppose  they  will  not,  —  I  would 
address  a  few  words  to  the  Southern  people. 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  433 

I  would  say  to  them,  You  consider  yourselves  a  reasonable  and  a  just 
people;  and  I  consider,  that,  in  the  general  qualities  of  reason  and  justice, 
you  are  not  inferior  to  any  other  people.  Still,  when  you  speak  of  us  Repub 
licans,  you  do  so  only  to  denounce  us  as  reptiles,  or,  at  the  best,  as  no  better 
than  outlaws.  You  will  grant  a  hearing  to  pirates  or  murderers,  but  nothing 
like  it  to  "  Black  Republicans."  In  all  your  contentions  with  one  another, 
each  of  you  deems  an  unconditional  condemnation  of  "  Black  Republican 
ism  "  as  the  first  thing  to  be  attended  to.  Indeed,  such  condemnation  of  us 
seems  to  be  an  indispensable  prerequisite  —  license,  so  to  speak  —  among 
you  to  be  admitted  or  permitted  to  speak  at  all. 

Now  can  you,  or  not,  be  prevailed  upon  to  pause  and  to  consider  whether 
this  is  quite  just  to  us,  or  even  to  yourselves? 

Bring  forward  your  charges  and  specifications,  and  then  be  patient  long 
enough  to  hear  us  deny  or  justify. 

You  say  we  are  sectional.  We  deny  it.  That  makes  an  issue ;  and  the 
burden  of  proof  is  upon  you.  You  produce  your  proof;  and  what  is  it? 
Why,  that  our  party  has  no  existence  in  your  section.  —  gets  no  votes  in  your 
section.  The  fact  is  substantially  true  ;  but  does  it  prove  the  issue  ?  If  it 
does,  then  in  case  we  should,  without  change  of  principle,  begin  to  get  votes 
in  your  section,  we  should  thereby  cease  to  be  sectional.  You  cannot  escape 
this  conclusion ;  and  yet  are  you  willing  to  abide  by  it  ?  If  you  are,  you 
will  probably  soon  find  that  we  have  ceased  to  be  sectional,  for  we  shall  get 
votes  in  your  section  this  very  year.  You  will  then  begin  to  discover,  as  the 
truth  plainly  is,  that  your  proof  does  not  touch  the  issue.  The  fact  that  we 
get  no  votes  in  your  section  is  a  fact  of  your  making,  and  not  of  ours.  And 
if  there  be  fault  in  that  fact,  that  fault  is  primarily  yours,  and  remains  so 
until  you  show  that  we  repel  you  by  some  wrong  principle  or  practice.  If 
we  do  repel  you  by  any  wrong  principle  or  practice,  the  fault  is  ours ;  but 
this  brings  us  to  where  you  ought  to  have  started,  —  to  a  discussion  of  the 
right  or  wrong  of  our  principle.  If  our  principle,  put  in  practice,  would 
wrong  your  section  for  the  benefit  of  ours,  or  for  any  other  object,  then  our 
principle,  and  we  with  it,  are  sectional,  and  are  justly  opposed  and  de 
nounced  as  such.  Meet  us,  then,  on  the  question  of  whether  our  principle, 
put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your  section ;  and  so  meet  it  as  if  it  were  pos 
sible  that  something  may  be  said  on  our  side.  Do  you  accept  the  challenge? 
No?  Then  you  really  believe  that  the  principle  which  our  fathers,  who 
framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,  thought  so  clearly  right  as  to 
adopt  it,  and  indorse  it  again  and  again  upon  their  official  oaths,  is,  in  fact, 
so  clearly  wrong  as  to  demand  your  condemnation  without  a  moment's  con 
sideration. 

Some  of  you  delight  to  flaunt  in  our  faces  the  warning  against  sectional 

parties  given  by  Washington  in  his  Farewell  Address.      Less  than  eight 

years  before  Washington  gave  that  warning,  he  had,  as  President  of  the 

United  States,  approved  and  signed  an  act  of  Congress  enforcing  the  prohi- 

28 


434  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

bition  of  slavery  in  the  North-western  Territory,  which  act  embodied  the 
policy  of  the  Government  upon  that  subject  up  to  and  at  the  very  moment 
he  penned  that  warning ;  and  about  one  year  after  he  penned  it  he  wrote 
Lafayette  that  he  considered  that  prohibition  a  wise  measure,  expressing,  in 
the  same  connection,  his  hope  that  we  should  some  time  have  a  confederacy 
of  Free  States. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  and  seeing  that  sectionalism  has  since  arisen  upon 
this  same  subject,  is  that  warning  a  weapon  in  your  hands  against  us,  or  in 
our  hands  against  you  ?  Could  Washington  himself  speak,  would  he  cast 
the  blame  of  that  sectionalism  upon  us,  who  sustain  his  policy,  or  upon  you, 
who  repudiate  it?  We  respect  that  warning  of  Washington  ;  and  we  com 
mend  it  to  you,  together  with  his  example  pointing  to  the  right  application 
of  it. 

But  you  say  you  are  conservative,  —  eminently  conservative  ;  while  we 
are  revolutionary,  destructive,  or  something  of  the  sort.  What  is  conser 
vatism  ?  Is  it  not  adherence  to  the  old  and  tried  against  the  new  and 
untried  ?  We  stick  to,  contend  for,  the  identical  old  policy  on  the  point  in 
controversy  which  was  adopted  by  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government 
under  which  we  live ;  while  you,  with  one  accord,  reject  and  scout  and  spit 
upon  that  old  policy,  and  insist  upon  substituting  something  new.  True, 
you  disagree  among  yourselves  as  to  what  that  substitute  shall  be.  You 
have  considerable  variety  of  new  propositions  and  plans  ;  but  you  are  unani 
mous  in  rejecting  and  denouncing  the  old  policy  of  the  fathers.  Some  of 
you  are  for  reviving  the  foreign  slave-trade  ;  some  for  a  Congressional  Slave- 
code  for  the  Territories ;  some  for  Congress  forbidding  the  Territories  to 
prohibit  slavery  within  their  limits ;  some  for  maintaining  slavery  in  the 
Territories  through  the  judiciary ;  some  for  the  "  gur-reat  pur-rinciple  "  that, 
"if  one  man  would  enslave  another,  no  third  man  should  object,"  fantasti 
cally  called  "  popular  sovereignty ;  "  but  never  a  man  among  you  in  favor 
of  Federal  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories,  according  to  the 
practice  of  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live. 
Not  one  o  all  your  various  plans  can  show  a  precedent  or  an  advocate  in 
the  cent1  y  within  which  our  Government  originated.  Consider,  then, 
whether'vyour  claim  of  conservatism  for  yourselves,  and  your  charge  of 
destructiveness  against  us,  are  based  on  the  most  clear  and  stable  founda 
tions. 

Again,  you  say  we  have  made  the  slavery  question  more  prominent  than 
it  formerly  was.  We  deny  it.  We  admit  that  it  is  more  prominent,  but  we 
deny  that  we  made  it  so.  It  was  not  we,  but  you,  who  discarded  the  old 
policy  of  the  fathers.  We  resisted,  and  still  resist,  your  innovation  ;  and 
thence  comes  the  greater  prominence  of  the  question.  Would  you  have  that 
question  reduced  to  its  former  proportions  ?  Go  back  to  that  old  policy. 
What  ^as  been  will  be  again,  under  the  same  conditions.  If  you  would 
have  the  peace  of  the  old  times,  re-adopt  the  precepts  and  policy  of  the  old 
times. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  435 

You  charge  that  we  stir  up  insurrections  among  your  slaves.  We  deny 
it.  And  what  is  your  proof?  Harper's  Ferry!  John  Brown!  John 
Brown  was  no  Republican ;  and  you  have  failed  to  implicate  a  single  Repub 
lican  in  his  Harper's  Ferry  enterprise.  If  any  member  of  our  party  is  guilty 
in  that  matter,  you  know  it,  or  you  do  not  know  it.  If  you  do  know  it,  you 
are  inexcusable  to  not  designate  the  man,  and  prove  the  fact.  If  you  do  not 
know  it,  you  are  inexcusable  to  assert  it,  and  especially  to  persist  in  the 
assertion  after  you  have  tried  and  failed  to  make  the  proof.  You  need  not 
be  told  that  persisting  in  a  charge  which  one  does  not  know  to  be  true  is 
simply  malicious  slander. 

Some  of  you  admit  that  no  Republican  designedly  aided  or  encouraged 
the  Harper's-Ferry  affair,  but  still  insist  that  our  doctrines  and  declarations 
necessarily  lead  to  such  results.  We  do  not  believe  it.  We  know  we  hold 
to  no  doctrine,  and  make  no  declarations,  which  were  not  held  to  and  made 
by  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live.  You  never 
deal  fairly  by  us  in  relation  to  this  affair.  When  it  occurred,  some  important 
State  elections  were  near  at  hand ;  and  you  were  in  evident  glee  with  the 
belief,  that,  by  charging  the  blame  upon  us,  you  could  get  an  advantage  of  us 
in  those  elections.  The  elections  came ;  and  your  expectations  were  not  quite 
fulfilled.  Every  Republican  man  knew,  that,  as  to  himself  at  least,  your 
charge  was  a  slander,  and  he  was  not  much  inclined  by  it  to  cast  his  vote  in 
your  favor.  Republican  doctrines  and  declarations  arc  accompanied  with  a 
continual  protest  against  any  interference  whatever  with  your  slaves,  or  with 
you  about  your  slaves.  Surely  this  does  not  encourage  them  to  revolt. 
True,  we  do,  in  common  with  our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under 
which  we  live,'  declare  our  belief  that  slavery  is  wrong ;  but  the  slaves  do 
not  hear  us  declare  even  this.  For  any  thing  we  say  or  do,  the  slaves  would 
scarcely  know  there  is  a  Republican  party.  I  believe  they  would  not,  in 
fact,  generally  know  it  but  for  your  misrepresentations  of  us  in  their  hearing. 
In  your  political  contest  among  yourselves,  each  faction  charges  the  other 
with  sympathy  with  Black  Republicanism;  and  then,  to  give  point  to  the 
charge,  defines  Black  Republicanism  to  simply  be  insurrection  jlood,  and 
thunder  among  the  slaves.  -ijj 

Slave  insurrections  are  no  more  common  now  than  they  wxiie  before 
the  Republican  party  was  organized.  What  induced  the  Southampton 
Insurrection,  twenty-eight  years  ago,  in  which,  at  least,  three  times  as  many 
lives  were  lost  as  at  Harper's  Ferry  ?  You  can  scarcely  stretch  your  very 
elastic  fancy  to  the  conclusion  that  Southampton  was  got  up  by  Black 
Republicanism.  In  the  present  state  of  things  in  the  United  States,  I  do 
not  think  a  general,  or  even  a  very  extensive  slave  insurrection,  is  possible. 
The  indispensable  concert  of  action  cannot  be  attained.  The  slaves  have  no 
means  of  rapid  communication  ;  nor  can  incendiary  free  men,  black  or  white, 
supply  it.  The  explosive  materials  are  everywhere  in  parcels ;  but  there 
neither  are,  nor  can  be  supplied,  the  indispensable  connecting  trains. 


436  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Much  is  said  by  Southern  people  about  the  affection  of  slaves  for  their 
masters  and  mistresses ;  and  a  part  of  it,  at  least,  is  true.  A  plot  for  an 
uprising  could  scarcely  be  devised  and  communicated  to  twenty  individuals 
before  some  one  of  them,  to  save  the  life  of  a  favorite  master  or  mistress, 
would  divulge  it.  This  is  the  rule ;  and  the  slave  revolution  in  Hayti  was 
not  an  exception  to  it,  but  a  case  occurring  under  peculiar  circumstances. 
The  gunpowder  plot  of  British  history,  though  not  connected  with  the  slaves, 
was  more  in  point.  In  that  case,  only  about  twenty  were  admitted  to  the 
secret ;  and  yet  one  of  them,  in  his  anxiety  to  save  a  friend,  betrayed  the 
plot  to  that  friend,  and,  by  consequence,  averted  the  calamity.  Occasional 
poisoning  from  the  kitchen,  and  open  or  stealthy  assassinations  in  the  field, 
and  local  revolts  extending  to  a  score  or  so,  will  continue  to  occur  as  the 
natural  results  of  slavery ;  but  no  general  insurrection  of  slaves,  as  I  think, 
can  happen  in  this  country  for  a  long  time.  Whoever  much  fears,  or  much 
hopes,  for  such  an  event  will  be  alike  disappointed. 

In  the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  uttered  many  years  ago,  "  It  is  still  in 
our  power  to  direct  the  process  of  emancipation  and  deportation  peaceably, 
and  in  such  slow  degrees,  as  that  the  evil  will  wear  off  insensibly ;  and  their 
places  be,  pari  passu,  filled  up  by  free  white  laborers.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  left  to  force  itself  on,  human  nature  must  shudder  at  the  prospect  held 
up." 

Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  mean  to  say,  nor  do  I,  that  the  power  of  emancipa 
tion  is  in  the  Federal  Government.  He  spoke  of  Virginia  ;  and,  as  to  the 
power  of  emancipation,  I  speak  of  the  slaveholding  States  only. 

The  Federal  Government,  however,  as  we  insist,  has  the  power  of  re 
straining  the  extension  of  the  institution,  —  the  power  to  insure  that  a  slave 
insurrection  shall  never  occur  on  any  American  soil  which  is  now  free  from 
slavery. 

John  Brown's  effort  was  peculiar.  It  was  not  a  slave  insurrection.  It 
was  an  attempt  by  white  men  to  get  up  a  revolt  among  slaves,  in  which  the 
slaves  refused  to  participate.  In  fact,  it  was  so  absurd  that  the  slaves,  with 
all  their  ignorance,  saw  plainly  enough  it  could  not  succeed.  That  affair, 
in  its  philosophy,  corresponds  with  the  many  attempts,  related  in  history, 
at  the  assassination  of  kings  and  emperors.  An  enthusiast  broods  over  the 
oppression  of  a  people  till  he  fancies  himself  commissioned  by  Heaven  to 
liberate  them.  He  ventures  the  attempt,  which  ends  in  little  else  than  in 
his  own  execution.  Orsini's  attempt  on  Louis  Napoleon,  and  John  Brown's 
attempt  at  Harper's  Ferry,  were,  in  their  philosophy,  precisely  the  same. 
The  eagerness  to  cast  blame  on  old  England  in  the  one  case,  and  on  New 
England  in  the  other,  does  not  disprove  the  sameness  of  the  two  things. 

And  how  much  would  it  avail  you,  if  you  could,  by  the  use  of  John 
Brown,  Helper's  book,  and  the  like,  break  up  the  Republican  organization  ? 
Human  action  can  be  modified  to  some  extent ;  but  human  nature  cannot 
be  changed.  There  is  a  judgment  and  a  feeling  against  slavery  in  this 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  437 

nation,  which  cast  at  least  a  million  and  a  half  of  votes.  You  cannot 
destroy  that  judgment  and  feeling,  that  sentiment,  by  breaking  up  the 
political  organization  which  rallies  around  it.  You  can  scarcely  scatter  and 
disperse  an  army  which  has  been  formed  into  order  in  the  face  of  your 
heaviest  fire  ;  but,  if  you  could,  how  much  would  you  gain  by  forcing  the 
sentiment  which  created  it  out  of  the  peaceful  channel  of  the  ballot-box, 
into  some  other  channel?  What  would  that  other  channel  probably  be? 
Would  the  number  of  John  Browns  be  lessened  or  enlarged  by  the  opera 
tion  ? 

But  you  will  break  up  the  Union  rather  than  submit  to  a  denial  of  your 
constitutional  rights. 

That  has  a  somewhat  reckless  sound ;  but  it  would  be  palliated,  if  not 
fully  justified,  were  we  proposing  by  the  mere  force  of  numbers  to  deprive 
you  of  some  right  plainly  written  down  in  the  Constitution.  But  we  are 
proposing  no  such  thing. 

When  you  make  these  declarations,  you  have  a  specific  and  well-under 
stood  allusion  to  an  assumed  constitutional  right  of  yours  to  take  slaves  into 
the  Federal  Territories,  and  hold  them  there  as  property  ;  but  no  such  right 
is  specifically  written  in  the  Constitution.  That  instrument  is  literally  silent 
about  any  such  right.  We,  on  the  contrary,  deny  that  such  a  right  has  any 
existence  in  the  Constitution,  even  by  implication. 

Your  purpose  then,  plainly  stated,  is,  that  you  will  destroy  the  govern 
ment,  unless  you  be  allowed  to  construe  and  enforce  the  Constitution  as 
you  please  on  all  points  in  dispute  between  you  and  us.  You  will  rule  or 
ruin  in  all  events. 

This,  plainly  stated,  is  your  language  to  us.  Perhaps  you  will  say  the 
Supreme  Court  has  decided  the  disputed  constitutional  question  in  your 
favor.  Not  quite  so.  But  waiving  the  lawyer's  distinction  between  dictum 
and  decision,  the  courts  have  decided  the  question  for  you  in  a  sort  of  way. 
The  courts  have  substantially  said,  it  is  your  constitutional  right  to  take 
slaves  into  the  Federal  Territories,  and  to  hold  them  there  as  property. 

When  I  say  the  decision  was  made  in  a  sort  of  way,  I  mean  it  was  made 
in  a  divided  court  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  judges,  and  they  not  quite  agree 
ing  with  one  another  in  the  reasons  for  making  it;  that  it  is  so  made  as  that 
its  avowed  supporters  disagree  with  one  another  about  its  meaning,  and  that 
it  was  mainly  based  upon  a  mistaken  statement  of  fact,  —  the  statement  in 
the  opinion  that  "  the  right  of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly 
affirmed  in  the  Constitution." 

An  inspection  of  the  Constitution  will  show  that  the  right  of  property  in 
a  slave  is  not  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  it.  Bear  in  mind,  the 
judges  do  not  pledge  their  judicial  opinion  that  such  right  is  impliedly 
affirmed  in  the  Constitution ;  but  they  pledge  their  veracity  that  it  is  dis 
tinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  there,  —  "  distinctly,"  that  is,  not  mingled  with 
any  thing  else  ;  u  expressly,"  that  is,  in  words  meaning  just  that,  without  the 
aid  of  any  inference,  and  susceptible  of  no  other  meaning. 


438  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

If  they  had  only  pledged  their  judicial  opinion  that  such  right  is  affirmed 
in  the  instrument  by  implication,  it  would  be  open  to  others  to  show  that 
neither  the  word  "  slave  "  nor  "  slavery  "  is  to  be  found  in  the  Constitution, 
nor  the  word  "  property  "  even,  in  any  connection  with  language  alluding  to 
the  things  slave  or  slavery,  and  that,  wherever  in  that  instrument  the  slave 
is  alluded  to,  he  is  called  a  "  person ; "  and  wherever  his  master's  legal  right 
in  relation  to  him  is  alluded  to,  it  is  spoken  of  as  "  service  or  labor  due,"  — 
as  a  "  debt "  payable  in  service  or  labor.  Also  it  would  be  open  to  show,  by 
contemporaneous  history,  that  this  mode  of  alluding  to  slaves  and  slavery, 
instead  of  speaking  of  them,  was  employed  on  purpose  to  exclude  from  the 
Constitution  the  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  man. 

To  show  all  this  is  easy  and  certain. 

When  this  obvious  mistake  of  the  judges  shall  be  brought  to  their  notice, 
is  it  not  reasonable  to  expect  that  they  will  withdraw  the  mistaken  state 
ment,  and  reconsider  the  conclusion  based  upon  it  ? 

And  then  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  "  our  fathers,  who  framed  the  gov 
ernment  under  which  we  live,"  —  the  men  who  made  the  Constitution,  — 
decided  this  same  constitutional  question  in  our  favor  long  ago,  —  decided  it 
without  a  division  among  themselves,  when  making  the  decision  ;  without 
division  among  themselves  about  the  meaning  of  it  after  it  was  made,  and, 
so  far  as  any  evidence  is  left,  without  basing  it  upon  any  mistaken  statement 
of  facts. 

Under  all  these  circumstances,  do  you  really  feel  yourselves  justified  to 
break  up  this  Government,  unless  such  a  court  decision  as  yours  is  shall  be 
at  once  submitted  to,  as  a  conclusive  and  final  rule  of  political  action  ? 

But  you  will  not  abide  the  election  of  a  Republican  President.  In  that 
supposed  event,  you  say,  you  will  destroy  the  Union ;  and  then,  you  say,  the 
great  crime  of  having  destroyed  it  will  be  upon  us  ! 

That  is  cool.  A  highwayman  holds  a  pistol  to  my  ear,  and  mutters 
through  his  teeth,  "  Stand  and  deliver,  or  I  shall  kill  you;  and  tfcsn  you  will 
be  a  murderer !  " 

To  be  sure,  what  the  robber  demanded  of  me  —  my  money  —  was  my 
own ;  and  I  had  a  clear  right  to  keep  it ;  but  it  was  no  more  my  own  than 
my  vote  is  my  own ;  and  threat  of  death  to  me  to  extort  my  money,  and 
threat  of  destruction  to  the  Union  to  extort  my  vote,  can  scarcely  be  distin 
guished  in  principle. 

A  few  words  now  to  Republicans.  It  is  exceedingly  desirable  that  all 
parts  of  this  great  Confederacy  shall  be  at  peace,  and  in  harmony,  one  with 
another.  Let  us  Republicans  do  our  part  to  have  it  so.  Even  though  much 
provoked,  let  us  do  nothing  through  passion  and  ill-temper.  Even  though 
the  Southern  people  will  not  so  much  as  listen  to  us,  let  us  calmly  consider 
their  demands,  and  yield  to  them  if,  in  our  deliberate  view  of  our  duty,  we 
possibly  can.  Judging  by  all  they  say  and  do,  and  by  the  subject  and  nature 
of  their  controversy  with  us,  let  us  determine,  if  we  can,  what  will  satisfy 
them. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  439 

Will  they  be  satisfied  if  the  Territories  be  unconditionally  surrendered  to 
them  ?  We  know  they  will  not.  In  all  their  present  complaints  against  us, 
the  Territories  are  scarcely  mentioned.  Invasions  and  insurrections  are  the 
rage  now.  Will  it  satisfy  them  if,  in  the  future,  we  have  nothing  to  do  with 
invasions  and  insurrections  ?  We  know  it  will  not.  We  so  know  because 
we  know  we  never  had  any  thing  to  do  with  invasions  and  insurrections ; 
and  yet  this  total  abstaining  does  not  exempt  us  from  the  charge  and  the 
denunciation. 

The  question  recurs,  what  will  satisfy  them  ?  Simply  this  :  We  must  not 
only  let  them  alone,  but  we  must,  somehow,  convince  them  that  we  do  let 
them  alone.  This  we  know  by  experience  is  no  easy  task.  We  have  been 
so  trying  to  convince  them  from  the  very  beginning  of  our  organization,  but 
with  no  success.  In  all  our  platforms  and  speeches  we  have  constantly  pro 
tested  our  purpose  to  let  them  alone ;  but  this  has  had  no  tendency  to  con 
vince  them.  Alike  unavailing  to  convince  them  is  the  fact  that  they  have 
never  detected  a  man  of  us  in  any  attempt  to  disturb  them. 

These  natural,  and  apparently  adequate  means  all  failing,  what  will  con 
vince  them  ?  This,  and  this  only  :  cease  to  call  slavery  wrong,  and  join  them 
in  calling  it  right.  And  this  must  be  done  thoroughly,  —  done  in  acts  as  well 
as  in  words.  Silence  will  not  be  tolerated  :  we  must  place  ourselves  avow 
edly  with  them.  Douglas's  new  sedition  law  must  be  enacted  and  enforced, 
suppressing  all  declarations  that  slavery  is  wrong,  whether  made  in  politics, 
in  presses,  in  pulpits,  or  in  private.  We  must  arrest  and  return  their  fugi 
tive  slaves  with  greedy  pleasure.  We  must  pull  down  our  Free-State  Con 
stitutions.  The  whole  atmosphere  must  be  disinfected  from  all  taint  of 
opposition  to  slavery,  before  they  will  cease  to  believe  that  all  their  troubles 
proceed  from  us. 

I  am  quite  aware  they  do  not  state  their  case  precisely  in  this  way.  Most 
of  them  would  probably  say  to  us,  "  Let  us  alone,  do  nothing  to  us,  and  say 
what  you  please  about  slavery."  But  we  do  let  them  alone,  have  never 
disturbed  them  ;  so  that,  after  all,  it  is  what  we  say  which  dissatisfies  them. 
They  will  continue  to  accuse  us  of  doing  until  we  cease  saying. 

I  am  also  aware  they  have  not  as  yet,  in  terms,  demanded  the  overthrow 
of  our  Free-State  constitutions.  Yet  those  constitutions  declare  the  wrong 
of  slavery  with  more  solemn  emphasis  than  do  all  other  sayings  against  it; 
and  when  all  these  other  sayings  shall  have  been  silenced,  the  overthrow  of 
these  constitutions  will  be  demanded,  and  nothing  be  left  to  resist  the 
demand.  It  is  nothing  to  the  contrary,  that  they  do  not  demand  the  whole 
of  this  just  now.  Demanding  what  they  do,  and  for  the  reason  they  do, 
they  can  voluntarily  stop  nowhere  short  of  this  consummation.  Holding,  as 
they  do,  that  slavery  is  morally  right,  and  socially  elevating,  they  cannot 
cease  to  demand  a  full  national  recognition  of  it,  as  a  legal  right  and  a  social 
blessing. 

Nor  can  we  justifiably  withhold  this  on  any  ground,  save  our  conviction 


440  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  slavery  is  right,  all  words,  acts,  laws,  and  consti 
tutions  against  it  are  themselves  wrong,  and  should  be  silenced  and  swept 
away.  If  it  is  right,  we  cannot  justly  object  to  its  nationality,  its  univer 
sality;  if  it  is  wrong,  they  cannot  justly  insist  upon  its  extension,  its 
enlargement.  All  they  ask,  we  could  readily  grant,  if  we  thought  slavery 
right;  all  we  ask,  they  could  as  readily  grant,  if  they  thought  it  wrong. 
Their  thinking  it  right,  and  our  thinking  it  wrong,  is  the  precise  fact  upon 
which  depends  the  whole  controversy.  Thinking  it  right,  as  they  do,  they 
are  not  to  blame  for  desiring  its  full  recognition,  as  being  right ;  but  think 
ing  it  wrong,  as  we  do,  can  we  yield  to  them  ?  Can  we  cast  our  votes  with 
their  view,  and  against  our  own  ?  In  view  of  our  moral,  social,  and  political 
responsibilities,  can  we  do  this  ? 

Wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we  can  yet  afford  to  let  it  alone  where  it 
is,  because  that  much  is  due  to  the  necessity  arising  from  its  actual  presence 
in  the  nation ;  but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will  prevent  it,  allow  it  to  spread 
into  the  national  Territories,  and  to  overrun  us  here  in  these  Free  States? 

If  our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our  duty  fearlessly 
and  effectively.  Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those  sophistical  contrivances 
wherewith  we  are  so  industriously  plied  and  belabored,  —  contrivances  such 
as  groping  for  some  middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong,  vain  as 
the  search  for  a  man  who  should  be  neither  a  living  man  nor  a  dead  man,  — 
such  as  a  policy  of  "  don't  care  "  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men  do 
care,  —  such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true  Union  men  to  yield  to  Dis- 
unionists,  reversing  the  divine  rule,  and  calling,  not  the  sinners,  but  the 
righteous,  to  repentance,  —  such  as  invocations  to  Washington,  imploring 
men  to  unsay  what  Washington  said,  and  undo  what  Washington  did. 

Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations  against  us, 
nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruction  to  the  Government,  nor  of 
dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might ;  and  in 
that  faith,  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it. 


The  next  morning  "  The  Tribune  "  presented  a  report  of 
the  speech,  but,  in  doing  so,  said,  "  the  tones,  the  gestures, 
the  kindling  eye,  and  the  mirth-provoking  look  defy  the 
reporter's  skill.  .  .  .  No  man  ever  before  made  such  an  im 
pression  on  his  first  appeal  to  a  New  York  audience."  "  The 
Evening  Post "  said,  "  We  have  made  room  for  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  speech,  notwithstanding  the  pressure  of  other  mat 
ters  ;  and  our  readers  will  see  that  it  was  well  worthy  of  the 
deep  attention  with  which  it  was  heard."  For  the  publica 
tion  of  such  arguments  the  editor  was  "  tempted  to  wish  " 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  441 

that  his  columns  "  were  indefinitely  elastic."     And  these  are 
but  fair  evidences  of  the  general  tone  of  the  press. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  much  annoyed,  after  his  return  home,  by 
the  allegation  that  he  had  sold  a  "  political  speech,"  and  had 
been  generally  governed  by  mercenary  motives  in  his  Eastern 
trip.  Being  asked  to  explain  it,  he  answered  as  follows  :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  April  6,  1860. 
C.  F.  McNEiLL,  ESQ. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Reaching  home  yesterday,  I  found  yours  of  the  23d 
March,  enclosing  a  slip  from  "  The  Middlcport  Press."  It  is  not  true  that 
I  ever  charged  any  thing  for  a  political  speech  in  my  life;  but  this  much  is 
true.  Last  October  I  was  requested  by  letter  to  deliver  some  sort  of  speech 
in  Mr.  Beecher's  church  in  Brooklyn,  —  $200  being  offered  in  the  first  letter. 
I  wrote  that  I  could  do  it  in  February,  provided  they  would  take  a  political 
speech  if  I  could  find  time  to  get  up  no  other.  They  agreed  ;  and  subsequently 
I  informed  them  the  speech  would  have  to  be  a  political  one.  When  I 
reached  New  York,  I,  for  the  first,  learned  that  the  place  was  changed  to 
"  Cooper  Institute."  I  made  the  speech,  and  left  for  New  Hampshire,  where 
I  have  a  son  at  school,  neither  asking  for  pay  nor  having  any  offered  me. 
Three  days  after,  a  check  for  $200  was  sent  to  me  at  N.H.  ;  and  I  took  it, 
and  did  not  know  it  was  wrong.  My  understanding  now  is,  though  I  knew 
nothing  of  it  at  the  time,  that  they  did  charge  for  admittance  at  the  Cooper 
Institute,  and  that  they  took  in  more  than  twice  $200. 

I  have  made  this  explanation  to  you  as  a  friend  ;  but  I  wish  no  explana 
tion  made  to  our  enemies.  What  they  want  is  a  squabble  and  a  fuss  :  and 
that  they  can  have  if  we  explain  ;  and  they  cannot  have  it  if  we  don't. 

When  I  returned  through  New  York  from  New  England,  I  was  told  by 
the  gentlemen  who  sent  me  the  check,  that  a  drunken  vagabond  in  the  club, 
having  learned  something  about  the  $200,  made  the  exhibition  out  of  which 
"  The  Herald  "  manufactured  the  article  quoted  by  "  The  Press  "  of  your 
town. 

My  judgment  is,  and  therefore  my  request  is,  that  you  give  no  denial, 
and  no  explanations. 

Thanking  you  for  your  kind  interest  in  the  matter,  I  remain 

Yours  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

From  New  York  Mr.  Lincoln  travelled  into  New  Eng 
land,  to  visit  his  son  Robert,  who  was  a  student  at  Har 
vard  ;  but  he  was  overwhelmed  with  invitations  to  address 
Republican  meetings.  In  Connecticut  he  spoke  at  Hartford, 


442  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Norwich,  New  Haven,  Meriden,  and  Bridgeport ;  in  Rhode 
Island,  at  Woonsocket ;  in  New  Hampshire,  at  Concord  and 
Manchester.  Everywhere  the  people  poured  out  in  multi 
tudes,  and  the  press  lavished  encomiums.  Upon  his  speech 
at  Manchester,  "  The  Mirror,"  a  neutral  paper,  passed  the 
following  criticisms  of  his  style  of  oratory,  —  criticisms 
familiar  enough  to  the  people  of  his  own  State :  "  He 
spoke  an  hour  and  a  half  with  great  fairness,  great  ap 
parent  candor,  and  with  wonderful  interest.  He  did  not 
abuse  the  South,  the  administration,  or  the  Democrats,  or 
indulge  in  any  personalities,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
hits  at  Douglas's  notions.  He  is  far  from  prepossessing  in 
personal  appearance,  and  his  voice  is  disagreeable ;  and  yet 
he  wins  your  attention  and  good-will  from  the  start.  .  .  . 
He  indulges  in  no  flowers  of  rhetoric,  no  eloquent  passages. 
He  is  not  a  wit,  a  humorist,  or  a  clown  ;  yet  so  great  a  vein 
of  pleasantry  and  good-nature  pervades  what  he  says,  gild 
ing  over  a  deep  current  of  practical  argument,  he  keeps  his 
hearers  in  a  smiling  mood,  with  their  mouths  open  ready  to 
swallow  all  he  says.  His  sense  of  the  ludicrous  is  very  keen ; 
.  and  an  exhibition  of  that  is  the  clincher  of  all  his  arguments, 
—  not  the  ludicrous  acts  of  persons,  but  ludicrous  ideas. 
Hence  he  is  never  offensive,  and  steals  away  willingly  into 
his  train  of  belief  persons  who  were  opposed  to  him.  For 
the  first  half-hour  his  opponents  would  agree  with  every  word 
he  uttered  ;  and  from  that  point  he  began  to  lead  them  off 
little  by  little,  until  it  seemed  as  if  he  had  got  them  all  into  his 
fold.  He  displays  more  shrewdness,  more  knowledge  of  the 
masses  of  mankind,  than  any  public  speaker  we  have  heard 
since  Long  Jim  Wilson  left  for  California." 

On  the  morning  after  the  Norwich  speech,  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
met,  or  is  said  to  have  been  met,  in  the  cars  by  a  preacher, 
one  Gulliver,  —  a  name  suggestive  of  fictions.  Gulliver  says 
he  told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  he  thought  his  speech  "  the  most 
remarkable  one  he  ever  heard."  Lincoln  doubted  his  sin 
cerity  ;  but  Gulliver  persisted.  "  Indeed,  sir,"  said  he,  "  I 
learned  more  of  the  art  of  public  speaking  last  evening  than 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  443 

I  could  from  a  whole  course  of  lectures  on  rhetoric."  Lincoln 
found  he  had  in  hand  a  clerical  sycophant,  and  a  little  poli 
tician  at  that,  —  a  class  of  beings  whom  he  most  heartily  de 
spised.  Whereupon  he  began  to  quiz  the  fellow,  and  told  him, 
for  a  most  "  remarkable  circumstance,"  that  the  professors  of 
Yale  College  were  running  all  around  after  him,  taking  notes 
of  his  speeches,  and  lecturing  about  him  to  the  classes. 
"  Now,"  continued  he,  "  I  should  like  very  much  to  know  what 
it  was  in  my  speech  which  you  thought  so  remarkable,  and 
which  interested  my  friend  the  professor  so  much  ?  "  Gulliver 
was  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  answered  with  an  opinion 
which  Mr.  Bunsby  might  have  delivered,  and  died,  leaving  to 
the  world  a  reputation  perfected  by  that  single  saying.  "  The 
clearness  of  your  statements,"  said  Gulliver,  "  the  unanswer-. 
able  style  of  your  reasoning,  and  especially  your  illustra 
tions,  which  were  romance  and  pathos,  and  fun  and  logic,  all 
welded  together."  Gulliver  closed  the  interview  with  the 

o 

cant  peculiar  to  his  kind.  "Mr.  Lincoln,"  said  he,  "may 
I  say  one  thing  to  you  before  we  separate  ?  " —  "  Certainly  ; 
any  thing  you  please,"  replied  the  good-natured  old  Abe. 
"  You  have  just  spoken,"  preached  Gulliver,  "  of  the  ten 
dency  of  political  life  in  Washington  to  debase  the  moral 
convictions  of  our  representatives  there  by  the  admixture 
of  mere  political  expediency.  You  have  become,  by  the  con 
troversy  with  Mr.  Douglas,  one  of  our  leaders  in  this  great 
struggle  with  slavery,  which  is  undoubtedly  the  struggle  of 
the  nation  and  the  age.  What  I  would  like  to  say  is  this, 
and  I  say  it  with  a  full  heart :  Be  true  to  your  principles  ; 
and  we  will  be  true  to  you,  and  Grod  will  be  true  to  us  all."  To 
which  modest,  pious,  and  original  observation,  Mr.  Lincoln 
responded,  "  I  say  Amen  to  that !  Amen  to  that  I  " 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

IT  was  not  until  May  9  and  10  that  the  Republican  State 
Convention  of  Illinois  met  at  Decatur.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
present,  and  is  said  to  have  been  there  as  a  mere  "  spectator." 
He  had  no  special  interest  in  the  proceedings,  and  appears  to 
have  had  no  notion  that  any  business  relating  to  him  was  to 
be  transacted  that  day.  It  was  a  very  large  and  spirited 
body,  comprising  an  immense  number  of  delegates,  among 
whom  were  the  most  brilliant,  as  well  as  the  shrewdest  men 
in  the  party.  It  was  evident  that  something  of  more  than 
usual  importance  was  expected  to  transpire.  A  few  moments 
after  the  convention  organized,  "  Old  Abe  "  was  seen  squat 
ting,  or  sitting  on  his  heels,  just  within  the  door  of  the 
Wigwam.  Gov.  Oglesby  rose  and  said  amid  increasing  silence, 
"  I  am  informed  that  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Illinois,  and 
one  whom  Illinois  will  ever  delight  to  honor,  is  present ;  and 
I  wish  to  move  that  this  body  invite  him  to  a  seat  on  the 
stand."  Here  the  governor  paused,  as  if  to  tease  and  dally, 
and  work  curiosity  up  to  the  highest  point ;  but  at  length  he 
shouted  the  magic  name  "  Abraham  Lincoln  !  "  Not  a  shout, 
but  a  roar  of  applause,  long  and  deep,  shook  every  board 
and  joist  of  the  Wigwam.  The  motion  was  seconded  and 
passed.  A  rush  was  made  for  the  hero  that  sat  on  his  heels. 
He  was  seized,  and  jerked  to  his  feet.  An  effort  was  made  to 
"jam  him  through  the  crowd  "  to  his  place  of  honor  on  the 
stage  ;  but  the  crowd  was  too  dense,  and  it  failed.  Then  he 
was  "  troosted,"  —  lifted  up  bodily, —  and  lay  for  a  few  sec 
onds  sprawling  and  kicking  upon  the  heads  and  shoulders  of 


444 


UNCLE  JOHN  HANKS. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  445 

the  great  throng.  In  this  manner  he  was  gradually  pushed 
toward  the  stand,  and  finally  reached  it,  doubtless  to  his  great 
relief,  "  in  the  arms  of  some  half-dozen  gentlemen,"  who  set 
him  down  in  full  view  of  his  clamorous  admirers.  "  The 
cheering  was  like  the  roar  of  the  sea.  Hats  were  thrown  up 
by  the  Chicago  delegation,  as  if  hats  were  no  longer  useful." 
Mr.  Lincoln  rose,  bowed,  smiled,  blushed,  and  thanked  the 
assembly  as  well  as  he  could  in  the  midst  of  such  a  tumult. 
A  gentleman  who  saw  it  all  says,  "  I  then  thought  him  one 
of  the  most  diffident  and  worst-plagued  men  I  ever  saw." 

At  another  stage  of  the  proceedings,  Gov.  Oglesby  rose 
again  with  another  provoking  and  mysterious  speech.  "  There 
was,"  he  said,  "  an  old  Democrat  outside  who  had  something 
he  wished  to  present  to  this  Convention." — "Receive  it!" 
"  Receive  it!  "  cried  some.  "  What  is  it?  "  "  What  is  it?  " 
screamed  some  of  the  lower  Egyptians,  who  had  an  idea  the 
old  Democrat  might  want  to  blow  them  up  with  an  infernal 
machine.  But  the  party  for  Oglesby  and  the  old  Democrat 
was  the  stronger,  and  carried  the  vote  with  a  tremendous 
hurrah.  The  door  of  the  Wigwam  opened  ;  and  a  fine,  robust 
old  fellow,  with  an  open  countenance  and  bronzed  cheeks, 
marched  into  the  midst  of  the  assemblage,  bearing  on  his 
shoulder  "  two  small  triangular  heart  rails,"  surmounted  by  a 
banner  with  this  inscription  :  — 

TWO  RAILS, 

FROM  A  LOT  MADE    BY  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN    AND    JOHN    HANKS,  IN 
THE    SANGAMON    BOTTOM,    IN    THE    YEAR    1830. 

The  sturdy  bearer  was  old  John  Hanks  himself,  enjoying 
the  great  field-day  of  his  life.  He  was  met  with  wild  and 
tumultuous  cheers,  prolonged  through  several  minutes  ;  and  it 
was  observed  that  the  Chicago  and  Central-Illinois  men  put 
up  the  loudest  and  longest.  The  whole  scene  was  for  a  time 
simply  tempestuous  and  bewildering.  But  it  ended  at  last ; 
and  now  the  whole  body,  those  in  the  secret  and  those  out  of 
it,  clamored  like  men  beside  themselves  for  a  speech  from  Mr. 


446  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Lincoln,  who  in  the  mean  time  "  blushed,  but  seemed  to  shake 
with  inward  laughter."  In  response  to  the  repeated  appeals 
he  rose  and  said, — 

"  Gentlemen,  I  suppose  you  want  to  know  something 
about  those  things  "  (pointing  to  old  John  and  the  rails). 
"  Well,  the  truth  is,  John  Hanks  and  I  did  make  rails  in  the 
Sangamon  Bottom.  I  don't  know  whether  we  made  those 
rails  or  not ;  fact  is,  I  don't  think  they  are  a  credit  to  the 
makers"  (laughing  as  he  spoke).  "But  I  do  know  this:  I 
made  rails  then,  and  I  think  I  could  make  better  ones  than 
these  now." 

By  this  time  the  innocent  Egyptians  began  to  open  their 
eyes :  they  saw  plainly  enough  now  the  admirable  Presiden 
tial  scheme  unfolded  to  their  view.  The  result  of  it  all  was 
a  resolution  declaring  that  "  Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  first 
choice  of  the  Republican  party  of  Illinois  for  the  Presidency, 
and  instructing  the  delegates  to  the  Chicago  Convention  to  use 
all  honorable  means  to  secure  his  nomination,  and  to  cast  the  vote 
of  the  State  as  a  unit  for  him." 

The  crowd  at  Decatur,  delegates  and  private  citizens,  who 
took  part  in  these  proceedings,  was  estimated  at  five  thousand. 
Neither  the  numbers  nor  the  enthusiasm  was  a  pleasant  sight 
to  the  divided  and  demoralized  Democrats.  They  disliked  to 
hear  so  much  about  "  honest  Old  Abe,"  "  the  rail-splitter," 
"the  flat-boatman,"  "  the  pioneer."  These  cries  had  an  omi 
nous  sound  in  their  ears.  Leaving  Decatur  on  the  cars,  an 
old  man  out  of  Egypt,  devoted  to  the  great  principles  of 
Democracy,  and  excessively  annoyed  by  the  demonstration  in 
progress,  approached  Mr.  Lincoln  and  said,  "So  you're  Abe 
Lincoln  ?  "  —  "  That's  my  name,  sir,"  answered  Mr.  Lincoln. 
"  They  say  you're  a  self-made  man,"  said  the  Democrat. 
"Well,  yes,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "what  there  is  of  me  is  self- 
made." —  "  Well,  all  I've  got  to  say,"  observed  the  old  man, 
after  a  careful  survey  of  the  statesman  before  him,  "  is,  that 
it  was  a  d — n  bad  job." 

In  the  mean  time  Mr.  Lincoln's  claims  had  been  attractively 
presented  to  the  politicians  of  other  States.  So  early  as 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  447 

1858,  Mr.  Herndon  had  been  to  Boston  partly,  if  not  entirely, 
on  this  mission ;  and  latterly  Judge  Davis,  Leonard  Swett, 
and  others  had  visited  Ohio,  Indiana,  Pennsylvania,  and  Mary 
land  in  his  behalf.  Illinois  was,  of  course,  overwhelmingly 
and  vociferously  for  him. 

On  the  16th  of  May,  the  Republican  Convention  assembled 
at  Chicago.  The  city  was  literally  crammed  with  delegates, 
alternates,  "  outside  workers,"  and  spectators.  No  nominat 
ing  convention  had  ever  before  attracted  such  multitudes  to 
the  scene  of  its  deliberations. 

The  first  and  second  days  were  spent  in  securing  a  perma 
nent  organization,  and  the  adoption  of  a  platform.  The  latter 
set  out  by  reciting  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  to  the 
equality  of  all  men,  not  forgetting  the  usual  quotation  about 
the  right  to  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness."  The 
third  resolution  denounced  disunion  in  any  possible  event ; 
the  fourth  declared  the  right  of  each  State  to  "  order  and  con 
trol  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judg 
ment  exclusively ;  "  the  fifth  denounced  the  administration 
and  its  treatment  of  Kansas,  as  well  as  its  general  support  of 
the  supposed  rights  of  the  South  under  the  Constitution  ;  the 
sixth  favored  "  economy ;  "  the  seventh  denied  the  "  new 
dogma,  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force,  carries  slavery 
into  any  or  all  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States ;  "  the 
eighth  denied  the  "  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  Territorial 
Legislature,  or  of  any  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to 
slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States  ; "  the  ninth 
called  the  African  slave-trade  a  "  burning  shame  ;  "  the  tenth 
denounced  the  governors  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  for  veto 
ing  certain  antislavery  bills ;  the  eleventh  favored  the  admis 
sion  of  Kansas  ;  the  twelfth  was  a  high-tariff  manifesto,  and  a 
general  stump  speech  to  the  mechanics  ;  the  thirteenth  lauded 
the  Homestead  policy  ;  the  fourteenth  opposed  any  Federal 
or  State  legislation  "  by  which  the  rights  of  citizenship,  hith 
erto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands,  shall  be 
abridged  or  impaired,"  with  some  pretty  words,  intended  as 
a  further  bid  for  the  foreign  vote  ;  the  fifteenth  declared  for 


448  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  river  and  harbor  improvements,"  and  the  sixteenth  for  a 
"  Pacific  Railroad."  It  was  a  very  comprehensive  "  platform  ; " 
and,  if  all  classes  for  whom  planks  were  provided  should  be 
kind  enough  to  stand  upon  them,  there  could  be  no  failure  in 
the  election. 

On  the  third  day  the  balloting  for  a  candidate  was  to 
begin.  Up  to  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  Mr.  Seward's 
prospects  were  far  the  best.  It  was  certain  that  he  would 
receive  the  largest  vote  on  the  first  ballot ;  and  outside  of  the 
body  itself  the  "  crowd  "  for  him  was  more  numerous  and 
boisterous  than  for  any  other,  except  Mr.  Lincoln.  For  Mr. 
Lincoln,  however,  the  "  pressure  "  from  the  multitude,  in  the 
Wigwam,  in  the  streets,  and  in  the  hotels,  was  tremendous. 
It  is  sufficiently  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  "spot" 
was  Chicago,  and  the  State  Illinois.  Besides  the  vast  num 
bers  who  came  there  voluntarily  to  urge  his  claims,  and  to 
cheer  for  him,  as  the  exigency  demanded,  his  adherents  had 
industriously  "  drummed  up  "  their  forces  in  the  city  and 
country,  and  were  now  able  to  make  infinitely  more  noise 
than  all  the  other  parties  put  together.  There  was  a  large 
delegation  of  roughs  there  for  Mr.  Seward,  headed  by  Tom 
Hyer,  the  pugilist.  These,  and  others  like  them,  filled  the 
Wigwam  toward  the  evening  of  the  second  day  in  expecta 
tion  that  the  voting  would  begin.  The  Lincoln  party  found 
it  out,  and  determined  to  call  a  check  to  that  game.  They 
spent  the  whole  night  in  mustering  and  organizing  their 
"  loose  fellows  "  from  far  and  near,  and  at  daylight  the  next 
morning  "  took  charge  "  of  the  Wigwam,  filling  every  avail 
able  space,  and  much  that  they  had  no  business  to  fill.  As 
a  result,  the  Seward  men  were  unable  to  get  in,  and  were 
forced  to  content  themselves  with  curbstone  enthusiasm. 

Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  to  be  very  sure,  all  along,  that  the  con 
test  would  be  ultimately  between  him  and  Mr.  Seward.  The 
"  Bates  men "  were  supposed  to  be  conservative,  that  is, 
not  Abolitionists  ;  and  the  object  of  the  move  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Bates  was  to  lower  the  fanatical  tone  of  the  party,  and  save 
the. votes  of  certain  "  Union  men  "  who  might  otherwise  be 


LIFE   OP  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN.  449 

against  it.  But  a  Seward  man  had  telegraphed  to  St.  Louis, 
to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Bates,  to  say  that  Lincoln  was  as  bad  as 
Seward,  and  to  urge  them  to  go  for  Mr.  Seward  in  case  their 
own  favorite  should  fail.  The  despatch  was  printed  in  "  The 
Missouri  Democrat,"  but  was  not  brought  to  Mr.  Lincoln's 
attention  until  the  meeting  of  the  Convention.  He  immedi 
ately  caught  up  the  paper,  and  "  wrote  on  its  broad  margin," 
"  Lincoln  agrees  with  Seward  in  his  irrepressible-conflict  idea, 
and  in  negro  equality  ;  but  he  is  opposed  to  Seward's  Higher 
Law."  With  this  he  immediately  despatched  a  friend  to 
Chicago,  who  handed  it  to  Judge  Davis  or  Judge  Logan. 

Simon  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania  was  nominally  a  candi 
date  ;  but,  in  the  language  of  Col.  McClure,  "  it  meant  noth 
ing  :  "  it  was  a  mere  sham,  got  up  to  enable  Cameron  to  make 
a  bargain  with  some  real  candidate,  and  thus  secure  for  him 
self  and  his  friends  the  lion's  share  of  the  spoils  in  the  event 
of  a  victory  at  the  polls.  The  genuine  sentiment  of  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  was  divided  between  Judge  Bates 
and  Judge  McLean.  But  Cameron  was  in  a  fine  position  to 
trade,  and  his  friends  were  anxious  for  business.  On  the 
evening  of  the  second  day,  these  gentlemen  were  gratified.  A 
deputation  of  them  —  Casey,  Sanderson,  Reeder,  and  perhaps 
others  —  were  invited  to  the  Lincoln  Head-quarters  at  the 
Tremont  House,  where  they  were  met  by  Messrs.  Davis, 
Swett,  Logan,  and  Dole,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  An 
agreement  was  there  made,  that,  if  the  Cameron  men  would 
go  for  Lincoln,  and  he  should  be  nomiiKited  and  elected,  Cam 
eron  should  have  a  seat  in  his  Cabinet,  provided  the  Penn 
sylvania  delegation  could  be  got  to  recommend  him.  The 
bargain  was  fulfilled,  but  not  without  difficulty.  Cameron's 
strength  was  more  apparent  than  real.  There  was,  however, 
"  a  certain  class  of  the  delegates  under  his  immediate  influ 
ence  ;  "  and  these,  with  the  aid  of  Mr.  Wilmot  and  his  friends, 
who  were  honestly  for  Lincoln,  managed  to  carry  the  delega 
tion  by  a  very  small  majority,  —  "  about  six." 

About  the  same  time  a  similar  bargain  was  made  with  the 
friends  of  Caleb  B.  Smith  of  Indiana ;  and  with  these  two 

29 


450  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

contracts  quietly  ratified,  the  Lincoln  men  felt  strong  and 
confident  on  the  morning  of  the  third  day. 

While  the  candidates  were  being  named,  and  when  the 
ballotings  began,  every  mention  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  name 
was  received  with  thundering  shouts  by  the  vast  mass  of  his 
adherents  by  whom  the  building  had  been  packed.  In  the 
phrase  of  the  day,  the  "  outside  pressure "  was  all  in  his 
favor.  On  the  first  ballot,  Mr.  Seward  had  173|  votes  ;  Mr. 
Lincoln,  102  ;  Mr.  Cameron,  50|  ;  Mr.  Chase,  49  ;  Mr.  Bates, 
48 ;  Mr.  Dayton,  14  ;  Mr.  McLean,  12 ;  Mr.  Collamer,  10 ; 
and  6  were  scattered.  Mr.  Cameron's  name  was  withdrawn 
on  the  second  ballot,  according  to  the  previous  understanding  ; 
Mr.  Seward  had  184|- ;  Mr.  Lincoln,  181 ;  Mr.  Chase,  42£  ; 
Mr.  Bates,  35 ;  Mr.  Dayton,  10  ;  Mr.  McLean,  8  ;  and  the 
rest  scattered.  It  was  clear  that  the  nomination  lay  between 
Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  latter  was  receiving 
great  accessions  of  strength.  The  third  ballot  came,  and  Mr. 
Lincoln  ran  rapidly  up  to  231-|-  votes ;  233  being  the  number 
required  to  nominate.  Hundreds  of  persons  were  keeping  the 
count ;  and  it  was  well  known,  without  any  announcement, 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  lacked  but  a  vote  and  a  half  to  make  him  the 
nominee.  At  this  juncture,  Mr.  Cartter  of  Ohio  rose,  and 
changed  four  votes  from  Mr.  Chase  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  was 
nominated.  The  Wigwam  shook  to  its  foundation  with  the 
roaring  cheers.  The  multitude  in  the  streets  answered  the 
multitude  Avithin,  and  in  a  moment  more  all  the  holiday  artil 
lery  of  Chicago  helped  to  swell  the  grand  acclamation.  After 
a  time,  the  business  of  the  convention  proceeded  amid  great 
excitement.  All  the  votes  that  had  heretofore  been  cast 
against  Mr.  Lincoln  were  cast  for  him  before  this  ballot 
concluded ;  and,  upon  motion,  the  nomination  was  made 
unanimous.  The  convention  then  adjourned  for  dinner,  and 
in  the  afternoon  finished  its  work  by  the  nomination  of  Han 
nibal  Hamlin  of  Maine  for  Vice-President. 

All  that  day  and  all  the  day  previous  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in 
Springfield,  trying  to  behave  as  usual,  but  watching  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention,  as  they  were  reported  by  tele- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  451 

graph,  with  nervous  anxiety.  Mr.  Baker,  the  friend  who 
had  taken  "  The  Missouri  Democrat "  to  Chicago  with  Mr. 
Lincoln's  pregnant  indorsement  upon  it,  returned  on  the 
night  of  the  18th.  Early  in  the  morning,  he  and  Mi.  Lin 
coln  went  to  the  b  .11-alley  to  play  at  "  fives  ;  "  but  the  alley 
was  pre-engaged.  They  went  to  an  "  excellent  and  neat 
beer  saloon  "  to  play  a  game  of  billiards  ;  but  the  table  was 
occupied.  In  this  strait  they  contented  themselves  with  a 
glass  of  beer,  and  repaired  to  "  The  Journal "  office  for 
news. 

C.  P.  Brown  says  that  Lincoln  played  ball  a  great  deal  that 
day,  notwithstanding  the  disappointment  when  he  went  with 
Baker;  and  Mr.  Zane  informs  us  that  he  was  engaged  in  the 
same  way  the  greater  part  of  the  day  previous.  It  is  prob 
able  that  he  took  this  physical  mode  of  working  off  or  keep 
ing  down  the  unnatural  excitement  that  threatened  to  possess 
him. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Lincoln  came  to 
the  office  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon.  Mr.  Zane  was  then  con 
versing  with  a  student,  "  Well,  boys,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln, 
"  what  do  you  know  ?  "  —  "  Mr.  Rosette,"  answered  Zane, 
"  who  came  from  Chicago  this  morning,  thinks  your  chances 
for  the  nomination  are  good."  Mr.  Lincoln  wished  to  know 
what  Mr.  Rosette's  opinion  was  founded  upon  ;  and,  while  Zane 
was  explaining,  Mr.  Baker  entered  with  a  telegram,  "  which 
said  the  names  of  the  candidates  for  nomination  had  been 
announced,"  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  had  been  received  with 
more  applause  than  any  other.  Mr.  Lincoln  lay  down  on  a 
sofa  to  rest.  Soon  after,  Mr.  Brown  entered ;  and  Mr.  Lin 
coln  said  to  him,  "  Well,  Brown,  do  you  know  any  thing  ?  " 
Brown  did  not  know  much  ;  and  so  Mr.  Lincoln,  secretly 
nervous  and  impatient,  rose  and  exclaimed,  "  Let's  go  to  the 
telegraph-office."  After  waiting  some  time  at  the  office,  the 
result  of  the  first  ballot  came  over  the  wire.  It  was  apparent 
to  all  present  that  Mr.  Lincoln  thought  it  very  favorable. 
He  believed  that  if  Mr.  Seward  failed  to  get  the  nomination, 
or  to  "come  very  near  it,"  on  the  first  ballot,  he  would  fail 


452  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

altogether.  Presently  the  news  of  the  second  ballot  arrived, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  by  his  manner  that  he  considered 
the  contest  no  longer  doubtful.  "  I've  got  him,"  said  he. 
He  then  went  over  to  the  office  of  "  The  Journal,"  where 
other  friends  were  awaiting  decisive  intelligence.  The  local 
editor  of  that  paper,  Mr.  Zane,  and  others,  remained  behind 
to  receive  the  expected  despatch.  In  due  time  it  came :  the 
operator  was  intensely  excited ;  at  first  he  threw  down  his 
pencil,  but,  seizing  it  again,  wrote  off  the  news  that  threw 
Springfield  into  a  frenzy  of  delight.  The  local  editor  picked 
it  up,  and  rushed  to  "The  Journal"  office.  Upon  entering 
the  room,  he  called  for  three  cheers  for  the  next  President. 
They  were  given,  and  then  the  despatch  was  read.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  seemed  to  be  calm,  but  a  close  observer  could  detect 
in  his  countenance  the  indications  of  deep  emotion.  In  the 
mean  time  cheers  for  Lincoln  swelled  up  from  the  streets,  and 
began  to  be  heard  throughout  the  town.  Some  one  remarked, 
"  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  suppose  now  we  will  soon  have  a  book  con 
taining  your  life."  —  "  There  is  not  much,"  he  replied,  "  in 
my  past  life  about  which  to  write  a  book,  as  it  seems  to  me." 
Having  received  the  hearty  congratulations  of  the  company  in 
the  office,  he  descended  to  the  street,  where  he  was  immedi 
ately  surrounded  by  "  Irish  and  American  citizens  ;  "  and,  so 
long  as  he  was  willing  to  receive  it,  there  was  great  hand 
shaking  and  felicitating.  "  Gentlemen,"  said  the  great  man 
with  a  happy  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "  you  had  better  come  up 
and  shake  my  hand  while  you  can:  honors  elevate  some 
men,  you  know."  But  he  soon  bethought  him  of  a  person 
who  was  of  more  importance  to  him  than  all  this  crowd. 
Looking  toward  his  house,  he  said,  "  Well,  gentlemen,  there 
is  a  little  short  woman  at  our  house  who  is  probably  more 
interested  in  this  despatch  than  I  am  ;  and,  if  you  will  excuse 
me,  I  will  take  it  up  and  let  her  see  it." 

During  the  day  a  hundred  guns  were  fired  at  Springfield ; 
and  in  the  evening  a  great  mass  meeting  "  ratified  "  the  nom 
ination,  and,  after  doing  so,  adjourned  to  the  house  of  the 
nominee.  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared,  made  a  "  model "  speech, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  453 

and  invited  into  his  house  everybody  that  could  get  in.  To 
this  the  immense  crowd  responded  that  they  would  give  him 
a  larger  house  the  next  year,  and  in  the  mean  time  beset  the 
one  he  had  until  after  midnight. 

On  the  following  day  the  Committee  of  the  Convention, 
with  Mr.  Ashmun,  the  president,  at  its  head,  arrived  at 
Springfield  to  notify  Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  nomination.  Con 
trary  to  what  might  have  been  expected,  he  seemed  sad  and 
dejected.  The  re-action  from  excessive  joy  to  deep  despond 
ency  —  a  process  peculiar  to  his  constitution  —  had  already 
set  in.  To  the  formal  address  of  the  Committee,  he  responded 
with  admirable  taste  and  feeling  :  — 

"Mn.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE,  —  I  tender 
to  you.  and  through  you  to  the  Republican  National  Convention,  and  all  the 
people  represented  in  it,  my  profoundest  thanks  for  the  high  honor  done  me, 
which  you  now  formally  announce.  Deeply  and  even  painfully  sensible  of 
the  great  responsibility  which  is  inseparable  from  this  high  honor,  —  a 
responsibility  which  I  could  almost  wish  had  fallen  upon  some  one  of  the  far 
more  eminent  men  and  experienced  statesmen  whose  distinguished  names 
were  before  the  Convention,  I  shall,'  by  your  leave,  consider  more  fully  the 
resolutions  of  the  Convention,  denominated  the  platform,  and,  without  unne 
cessary  and  unreasonable  delay,  respond  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  writing, 
not  doubting  that  the  platform  will  be  found  satisfactory,  and  the  nomina 
tion  gratefully  accepted.  And  now  I  will  not  longer  defer  the  pleasure  of 
taking  you,  and  each  of  you,  by  the  hand." 

The  Committee  handed  him  a  letter  containing  the  official 
notice,  accompanied  by  the  resolutions  of  the  Convention  ;  and 
to  this  he  replied  on  the  23d  as  follows :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  III,  May  23,  1860. 
HON.  GEORGE   ASHMUN,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL 

CONVENTION. 

Sir,  —  I  accept  the  nomination  tendered  me  by  the  Convention  oVer 
which  you  presided,  and  of  which  I  am  formally  apprised  in  the  letter  of 
yourself  and  others,  acting  as  a  Committee  of  the  Convention  for  that  pur 
pose. 

The  declaration  of  principles  and  sentiments  which  accompanies  your 
letter  meets  my  approval ;  and  it  shall  be  my  care  not  to  violate  or  disre 
gard  it  in  any  part. 


454  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Imploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  with  due  regard  to 
the  views  and  feelings  of  all  who  were  represented  in  the  Convention  ;  to 
the  rights  of  all  the  States  and  Territories,  and  people  of  the  nation ;  to  the 
inviolability  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  perpetual  union,  harmony,  and 
prosperity  of  all,  —  I  am  most  happy  to  co-operate  for  the  practical  success 
of  the  principles  declared  by  the  Convention. 

Your  obliged  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  the  mean  time  the  National  Democratic  Convention  had 
met  at  Charleston,  S.C.,  and  split  in  twain.  The  South 
utterly  repudiated  Mr.  Douglas's  new  heresy  ;  and  Mr.  Doug 
las  insisted  that  the  whole  party  ought  to  become  heretics 
with  him,  and,  turning  their  backs  on  the  Dred-Scott  Decision 
and  the  Cincinnati  Platform,  give  up  slavery  in  the  Territories 
to  the  tender  mercies  of  "  squatter  sovereignty  "  and  "  un 
friendly  legislation."  Neither  party  to  the  controversy  would 
be  satisfied  with  a  simple  re-affirmation  of  the  Cincinnati  Plat 
form  ;  for  under  it  Mr.  Douglas  could  go  to  the  North  and  say 
that  it  meant  "  squatter  sovereignty,"  and  Mr.  Breckinridge 
could  go  to  the  South  and .  say  that  it  meant  Congressional 
protection  to  slavery.  In  fact,  it  meant  neither,  and  said 
neither,  but  declared,  in  plain  English  words,  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  ;  and 
that,  when  the  Territories  were  about  to  become  States,  they 
had  all  power  to  settle  the  question  for  themselves.  Gen. 
B.  F.  Butler  of  Massachusetts  proposed  to  heal  the  ominous 
divisions  in  the  Convention  by  the  re-adoption  of  that  clear 
and  emphatic  provision  ;  but  his  voice  was  soon  drowned  in 
the  clamors  of  the  fiercer  disputants.  The  differences  were 
irreconcilable.  Mr.  Douglas's  friends  had  come  there  deter 
mined  to  nominate  him  at  any  cost ;  and,  in  order  to  nominate 
him,  they  dared  not  concede  the  platform  to  the  South.  A 
majority  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  reported  the  Cin 
cinnati  Platform,  with  the  Southern  interpretation  of  it ;  and 
the  minority  reported  the  same  platform  with  a  recitation  con 
cerning  the  "  differences  of  opinion "  "  in  the  Democratic 
party,"  and  a  pledge  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  455 

Court  "  on  the  questions  of  constitutional  law,"  —  a  pledge 
supposed  to  be  of  little  value,  since  those  who  gave  it  were 
that  moment  in  the  very  act  of  repudiating  the  only  decision 
the  Court  had  ever  rendered.  The  minority  report  was 
adopted  after  a  protracted  and  acrimonious  debate,  by  a  vote 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  to  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
eight.  Thereupon  the  Southern  delegates,  most  of  them 
under  instructions  from  their  State  conventions,  withdrew, 
and  organized  themselves  into  a  separate  convention.  The 
remaining  delegates,  called  "  the  rump  "  by  their  Democratic 
adversaries,  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President, 
and  voted  fifty-seven  times  without  effecting  a  nomination. 
Mr.  Douglas,  of  course,  received  the  highest  number  of  votes  ; 
but,  the  old  two-thirds  rule  being  in  force,  he  failed  of 
a  nomination.  Mr.  Guthrie  of  Kentucky  was  his  principal 
competitor :  but  at  one  time  and  another  Mr.  Hunter  of  Vir 
ginia,  Gen.  Lane  of  Oregon,  and  Mr.  Johnson  of  Tennessee, 
received  flattering  and  creditable  votes.  After  the  fifty- 
seventh  ballot,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  at  Balti 
more  on  the  18th  of  June. 

The  seceders  met  in  another  hall,  adopted  the  majority 
platform,  as  the  adhering  delegates  had  adopted  the  minority 
platform,  and  then  adjourned  to  meet  at  Richmond  on  the 
second  Monday  in  June.  Faint  hopes  of  accommodation  were 
still  entertained ;  and,  when  the  seceders  met  at  Richmond, 
they  adjourned  again  to  Baltimore,  and  the  28th  of  June. 

The  Douglas  Convention,  assuming  to  be  the  regular  one, 
had  invited  the  Southern  States  to  fill  up  the  vacant  seats 
which  belonged  to  them ;  but,  when  the  new  delegates 
appeared,  they  were  met  with  the  apprehension  that  their 
votes  might  not  be  perfectly  secure  for  Mr.  Douglas,  and  were 
therefore,  in  many  instances,  lawlessly  excluded.  This  was 
the  signal  for  another  secession :  the  Border  States  with 
drew  ;  Mr.  Butler  and  the  Massachusetts  delegation  withdrew ; 
Mr.  Gushing  deserted  the  chair,  and  took  that  of  the  rival 
Convention.  The  "regular"  Convention,  it  was  said,  was 
now  "  the  rump  of  a  rump." 


456  LIFE  OP  ABKAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  the  first  ballot  for  a  candidate,  Mr.  Douglas  had 
votes ;  Mr.  Guthrie,  10 ;  Mr.  Breckinridge,  5  ;  and  3  were 
scattered.  On  the  second  ballot,  Mr.  Douglas  had  181|  ;  Mr. 
Breckinridge,  5 ;  and  Mr.  Guthrie,  5^.  It  was  plain  that  under 
the  two-thirds  rule  no  nomination  could  be  made  here.  Nei 
ther  Mr.  Douglas  nor  any  one  else  could  receive  two-thirds 
of  a  full  convention.  It  was  therefore  resolved  that  Mr. 
Douglas,  "  having  received  two-thirds  of  all  the  votes  given 
in  this  Convention,"  should  be  declared  the  nominee.  Mr. 
Fitzpatrick  of  Alabama  was  nominated  for  Vice-President,  but 
declined  to  stand ;  and  Mr.  Johnson  of  Georgia  was  substi 
tuted  for  him  by  the  Douglas  "  National  Committee." 

In  the  seceders'  Convention,  twenty-one  States  were  rep 
resented  more  or  less  fully.  It  had  no  trouble  in  selecting 
a  candidate.  John  C.  Breckinridge  of  Kentucky  and  Joseph 
Lane  of  Oregon  were  unanimously  nominated  for  the  offices 
of  President  and  Vice-President. 

In  the  mean  time  another  party  —  the  "  Constitutional 
Union  party"  —  had  met  in  Baltimore  on  the  19th  of  May, 
and  nominated  John  Bell  of  Tennessee  for  President,  and 
Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts  for  Vice-President.  Its 
platform  was,  in  brief,  "  The  Constitution  of  the  Country,  the 
Union  of  the  States,  and  the  Enforcement  of  the  Laws." 
This  body  was  composed  for  the  most  part  of  impenitent 
Know-Nothings  and  respectable  old-line  Whigs. 

The  spring  elections  had  given  the  democracy  good  reason 
to  hope  for  success  in  the  fall.  The  commercial  classes,  the 
shipping  classes,  and  large  numbers  of  the  manufacturers, 
were  thoroughly  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  the  great  trade 
dependent  upon  a  political  connection  with  the  South.  It 
seemed  probable  that  a  great  re-action  against  antislavery 
agitations  might  take  place.  But  the  division  at  Charleston, 
the  permanent  organization  of  the  two  factions  at  Balti 
more,  and  their  mutual  and  rancorous  hostility,  completely 
reversed  the  delusive  prospect.  A  majority  of  the  whole 
people  of  the  Union  looked  forward  to  a  Republican  victory 
with  dreacL,  and  a  large  part  with  actual  terror ;  and  yet  it 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  457 

was  now  clear  that  that  majority  was  fatally  bent  upon 
wasting  its  power  in  the  bitter  struggles  of  the  factions 
which  composed  it.  Mr.  Lincoln's  election  was  assured ;  and 
for  them  there  was  nothing  left  but  to  put  the  house  in  order 
for  the  great  convulsion  which  all  our  political  fathers  and 
prophets  had  predicted  as  the  necessary  consequence  of  such 
an  event. 

On  the  6th  of  November,  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  received  1,857,610  votes; 
Mr.  Douglas  had  1,291,574  ;  Mr.  Breckinridge,  850,082 ;  Mr. 
Bell,  646,124.  Against  Mr.  Lincoln  there  was  a  majority 
of  930,170  of  all  the  votes  cast.  Of  the  electoral  votes, 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  180;  Mr.  Breckinridge,  72;  Mr.  Bell,  30; 
and  Mr.  Douglas,  12.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln  owed  this,  his  crowning  triumph,  to  the  skill  and  adroit 
ness  with  which  he  questioned  Mr.  Douglas  in  the  canvass 
of  1858,  and  drew  out  of  him  those  fatal  opinions  about 
"  squatter  sovereignty  "  and  "  unfriendly  legislation  "  in  the 
Territories.  But  for  Mr.  Douglas's  committal  to  those  opin 
ions,  it  is  not  likely  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  ever  have  been 
President. 

The  election  over,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  sorely  beset  by  office- 
seekers.  Individuals,  deputations,  "  delegations,"  from  all 
quarters,  pressed  in  upon  him  in  a  manner  that  might  have 
killed  a  man  of  less  robust  constitution.  The  hotels  of 
Springfield  were  filled  with  gentlemen  who  came  with  light 
baggage  and  heavy  schemes.  The  party  had  never  been  in 
office  :  a  "  clean  sweep  "  of  the  "  ins  "  was  expected;  and  all 
the  "outs"  were  patriotically  anxious  to  take  the  vacant  places. 
It  was  a  party  that  had  never  fed  ;  and  it  was  voraciously  hun 
gry.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Arteraus  Ward  saw  a  great  deal  of  fun 
in  it ;  and  in  all  human  probability  it  was  the  fun  alone  that 
enabled  Mr.  Lincoln  to  bear  it. 

Judge  Davis  says  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  determined  to  ap 
point  "  Democrats  and  Republicans  alike  to  office."  Many 
things  confirm  this  statement.  Mr.  Lincoln  felt  deeply  the 
responsibility  of  his  great  trust ;  and  he  felt  still  more  keenly 


458  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  supposed  impossibility  of  administering  the  government 
for  the  sole  benefit  of  an  organization  which  had  no  existence 
in  one-half  of  the  Union.  He  was  therefore  willing,  not  onlj 
to  appoint  Democrats  to  office,  but  to  appoint  them  to  the 
very  highest  offices  within  his  gift.  At  this  time  he  thought 
very  highly  of  Mr.  Stephens  of  Georgia,  and  would  gladly  have 
taken  him  into  his  Cabinet  but  for  the  fear  that  Georgia  might 
secede,  and  take  Mr.  Stephens  along  with  her.  He  did  actu 
ally  authorize  his  friend,  Mr.  Speed,  to  offer  the  Treasury 
Department  to  Mr.  Guthrie  of  Kentucky ;  and  Mr.  Guthrie, 
for  good  reasons  of  his  own,  declined  it.  The  full  signifi 
cance  of  this  act  of  courageous  magnanimity  cannot  be  under 
stood  without  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Charleston 
Convention,  where  Mr.  Guthrie  was  one  of  the  foremost  can 
didates.  He  considered  the  names  of  various  other  gentle 
men  from  the  Border  States,  each  of  them  with  good  pro- 
slavery  antecedents.  He  commissioned  Thurlow  Weed  to 
place  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet  at  the  disposal  of  Mr.  Gilmore 
of  North  Carolina ;  but  Mr.  Gilmore,  finding  that  his  State 
was  likely  to  secede,  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  decline  it. 
He  was,  in  fact,  sincerely  and  profoundly  anxious  that  the 
South  should  be  honestly  represented  in  his  councils  by  men 
who  had  an  abiding-place  in  the  hearts  of  her  people.  To 
accomplish  that  high  purpose,  he  was  forced  to  go  beyond  the 
ranks  of  his  own  party ;  and  he  had  the  manliness  to  do  it. 
He  felt  that  his  strength  lay  in  conciliation  at  the  outset : 
that  was  his  ruling  conviction  during  all  those  months  of 

o  o 

preparation  for  the  great  task  before  him.  It  showed  itself, 
not  only  in  the  appointments  which  he  sought  to  make,  but 
in  those  which  he  did  make.  Harboring  no  jealousies,  enter 
taining  no  fears  concerning  his  personal  interests  in  the 
future,  he  called  around  him  the  most  powerful  of  his  late 
rivals,  —  Seward,  Chase,  Bates,  —  and  unhesitatingly  gave  into 
their  hands  powers  which  most  presidents  would  have  shrunk 
from  committing  to  their  equals,  and  much  more  to  their 
superiors  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs. 

The  casos  of  Cameron  and  Smith,  however,  were  very  dis- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  459 

tressing.  He  had  authorized  no  one  to  make  such  bargains 
for  him  as  had  been  made  with  the  friends  of  these  men. 
He  would  gladly  have  repudiated  the  contracts,  if  it  could 
have  been  done  with  honor  and  safety.  For  Smith  he  had 
great  regard,  and  believed  that  he  had  rendered  important 
services  in  the  late  elections.  But  his  character  was  now 
grossly  assailed  ;  and  it  would  have  saved  Mr.  Lincoln  serious 
embarrassments  if  he  had  been  able  to  put  him  aside  alto 
gether,  and  select  Mr.  Lane  or  some  other  Indiana  statesman 
in  his  place.  He  wavered  long,  but  finally  made  up  his  mind 
to  keep  the  pledge  of  his  friends ;  and  Smith  was  appointed. 
In  Cameron's  case  the  contest  was  fierce  and  more  pro 
tracted.  At  Chicago,  Cameron's  agents  had  demanded  that 
he  should  have  the  Treasury  Department ;  but  that  was  too 
much ;  and  the  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  tried,  pushed,  and 
anxious  as  they  were,  declined  to  consider  it.  They  would 
say  that  he  should  be  appointed  to  a  Cabinet  position,  but  no 
more ;  and  to  secure  this,  he  must  get  a  majority  of  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  to  recommend  him.  Mr.  Cameron 
was  disposed  to  exact  the  penalty  of  his  bond,  hard  as  com 
pliance  might  be  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  But  Cameron 
had  many  and  formidable  enemies,  who  alleged  that  he  was 
a  man  notorious  for  his  evil  deeds,  shameless  in  his  rapacity 
and  corruption,  and  even  more  shameless  in  his  mean  ambi 
tion  to  occupy  exalted  stations,  for  which  he  was  utterly  and 
hopelessly  incompetent ;  that  he  had  never  dared  to  offer  him 
self  as  a  candidate  before  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  but 
had  more  than  once  gotten  high  offices  from  the  Legislature 
by  the  worst  means  ever  used  by  a  politician ;  and  that  it 
would  be  a  disgrace,  a  shame,  a  standing  offence  to  the 
country,  if  Mr.  Lincoln  should  consent  to  put  him  into  his 
Cabinet.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Cameron  had  no  lack  of 
devoted  friends  to  deny  these  charges,  and  to  say  that  his 
was  as  "  white  a  soul "  as  ever  yearned  for  political  prefer 
ment  :  they  came  out  to  Springfield  in  numbers,  —  Edgar 
Cowan,  J.  K.  Moorehead,  Alexander  Cummins,  Mr.  Sander 
son,  Mr.  Casey,  and  many  others,  besides  Gen.  Cameron 


460  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

himself.  On  the  ground,  of  course,  were  the  powerful  gen 
tlemen  who  had  made  the  original  contract  on  the  part  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  who,  from  first  to  last,  strenuously  insisted 
upon  its  fulfilment.  It  required  a  hard  struggle  to  overcome 
Mr.  Lincoln's  scruples;  and  the  whole  force  was  necessarily 
mustered  in  order  to  accomplish  it.  "  All  that  I  am  in  the 
world,"  said  he,  —  "the  Presidency  and  all  else,  —  I  owe  to 
that  opinion  of  me  which  the  people  express  when  they  call 
me  '  honest  Old  Abe.'  Now,  what  will  they  think  of  their 
honest  Abe,  when  he  appoints  Simon  Cameron  to  be  his 
familiar  adviser  ?  " 

In  Pennsylvania  it  was  supposed  for  a  while  that  Came 
ron's  audacity  had  failed  him,  and  that  he  would  abandon  the 
attempt.  But  about  the  1st  of  January  Mr.  Swett,  one  of 
the  contracting  parties,  appeared  at  Harrisburg,  and  imme 
diately  afterwards  Cameron  and  some  of  his  friends  took 
flight  to  Springfield.  This  circumstance  put  the  vigilant 
opposition  on  the  alert,  and  aroused  them  to  a  clear  sense  of 
the  impending  calamity.  The  sequel  is  a  painful  story  ;  and 
it  is,  perhaps,  better  to  give  it  in  the  words  of  a  distinguished 
actor,  —  Col.  Alexander  K.  McClure.  "  I  do  not  know,"  says 
he,  "  that  any  went  there  to  oppose  the  appointment  but 
myself.  When  I  learned  that  Cameron  had  started  to  Spring 
field,  and  that  his  visit  related  to  the  Cabinet,  I  at  once 
telegraphed  Lincoln  that  such  an  appointment  would  be 
most  unfortunate.  Until  that  time,  no  one  outside  a  small 
circle  of  Cameron's  friends  dreamed  of  Lincoln's  calling  him 
to  the  Cabinet.  Lincoln's  character  for  honesty  was  con 
sidered  a  complete  guaranty  against  such  a  suicidal  act.  No 
efforts  had  therefore  been  made  to  guard  against  it. 

"  In  reply  to  my  telegram,  Mr.  Lincoln  answered,  requesting 
me  to  come  to  Springfield  at  once.  I  hastily  got  letters  from 
Gov.  Curtin,  Secretary  Slifer,  Mr.  Wilmot,  Mr.  Dayton,  Mr. 
Stevens,  and  started.  I  took  no  affidavits  with  me,  nor  were 
any  specific  charges  made  against  him  by  me,  or  by  any  of 
the  letters  I  bore  ;  but  they  all  sustained  me  in  the  allega 
tion,  that  the  appointment  would  disgrace  the  administration 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  461 

and  the  country,  because  of  the  notorious  incompetency  and 
public  and  private  villany  of  the  candidate.  I  spent  four 
hours  with  Mr.  Lincoln  alone ;  and  the  matter  was  discussed 
very  fully  and  frankly.  Although  he  had  previously  decided 
to  appoint  Cameron,  he  closed  our  interview  by  a  reconsidera 
tion  of  his  purpose,  and  the  assurance  that  within  twenty- 
four  hours  he  would  write  me  definitely  on  the  subject.  He 
wrote  me,  as  he  promised,  and  stated,  that,  if  I  would  make 
specific  charges  against  Mr.  Cameron,  and  produce  the  proof, 
he  would  dismiss  the  subject.  I  answered,  declining  to  do 
so  for  reasons  I  thought  should  be  obvious  to  every  one.  I 
believe  that  affidavits  were  sent  to  him,  but  I  had  no  hand 
in  it. 

"  Subsequently  Cameron  regarded  his  appointment  as  im 
possible,  and  he  proposed  to  Stevens  to  join  in  pressing  him. 
Stevens  wrote  me  of  the  fact ;  and  I  procured  strong  letters 
from  the  State  administration  in  his  favor.  A  few  days 
after  Stevens  wrote  me  a  most  bitter  letter,  saying  that 
Cameron  had  deceived  him,  and  was  then  attempting  to 
enforce  his  own  appointment.  The  bond  was  demanded  of 
Lincoln  ;  and  that  decided  the  matter."  l 

1  As  this  was  one  of  the  few  public  acts  which  Mr.  Lincoln  performed  with  a  bad  con 
science,  the  reader  ought  to  know  the  consequences  of  it ;  and,  because  it  may  not  be 
convenient  to  revert  to  them  in  detail  at  another  place,  we  give  them  here,  still  retaining 
the  language  of  the  eye-witness.  Col.  McClure  :  — 

"  I  saw  Cameron  the  night  of  the  day  that  Lincoln  removed  him.  We  met  in  the  room 
of  a  mutual  friend,  and  he  was  very  violent  against  Lincoln  for  removing  him  without 
consultation  or  notice.  His  denunciation  against  the  President  wa«  extremely  bitter,  for 
attempting,  as  he  said,  his  •  personal  as  well  as  his  political  destruction.'  He  exhibited  the 
letter,  which  was  all  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  handwriting,  and  was  literally  as  follows.  I  quote 
from  carefully-treasured  recollection  :  — 

" '  HON.  SIMON  CAMKRON,  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

Dear  Sir.  —  I  have  this  day  nominated  Hon.  Edwin  M.  Stanton  to  be  Secretary  of  War, 
and  you  to  be  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Uussia. 

Very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN.' 

"  I  am  sure  there  is  no  material  error  in  my  quotation  of  the  letter. 

"  Cameron's  chief  complaint  was.  that  he  had  no  knowledge  or  intimation  of  the  change 
until  Chase  delivered  the  letter.  We  were  then,  as  ever  before  and  since,  and  as  we  ever 
shall  be,  not  in  political  sympathy,  but  our  personal  relations  were  ever  kind.  Had  he 
been  entirely  collected,  he  would  probably  not  have  said  and  done  what  I  heard  and  wit 
nessed;  but  he  wept  like  a  child,  and  appealed  to  me  to  aid  in  protecting  him  against  the 
President's  attempt  at  personal  degradation,  assuring  me  that  under  like  circumstances  he 


4G2  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

As  a  slight  relief  to  the  miseries  of  his  high  position,  and 
the  doleful  tales  of  the  office-hunters,  who  assailed  him  morn 
ing,  noon,  and  night,  Mr.  Lincoln  ran  off  to  Chicago,  where 
he  met  with  the  same  annoyances,  and  a  splendid  reception 
besides.  Here,  however,  he  enjoyed  the  great  satisfaction  of 
a  long  private  conference  with  his  old  friend  Speed ;  and  it 
was  then  that  he  authorized  him  to  invite  Mr.  Guthrie  to  the 
Cabinet. 

And  now  he  began  to  think  very  tenderly  of  his  friends 
and  relatives  in  Coles  County,  especially  of  his  good  step 
mother  and  her  daughters.  By  the  first  of  February,  he 
concluded  that  he  could  not  leave  his  home  to  assume  the 
vast  responsibilities  that  awaited  him  without  paying  them  a 
visit.  Accordingly,  he  left  Springfield  on  the  first  day  of  that 
month,  and  went  straight  to  Charleston,  where  Col.  Chap 
man  and  family  resided.  He  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Mar 
shall,  the  State  Senator  from  that  district,  and  was  entertained 
at  his  house.  The  people  crowded  by  hundreds  to  see  him ; 
and  he  was  serenaded  by  "  both  the  string  and  brass  bands 
of  the  town,  but  declined  making  a  speech."  Early  the  next 
morning,  he  repaired  "  to  his  cousin,  Dennis  Hanks  ;  "  and  our 
jolly  old  friend  Dennis  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a  grand 
levee  under  his  own  roof.  It  was  all  very  pleasant  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  see  such  multitudes  of  familiar  faces  smiling  upon 
his  wonderful  successes.  But  the  chief  object  of  his  solici 
tude  was  not  here ;  Mrs.  Lincoln  lived  in  the  southern  part 
of  the  county,  and  he  was  all  impatience  to  see  her.  As  soon, 
therefore,  as  he  had  taken  a  frugal  breakfast  with  Dennis,  he 
and  Col.  Chapman  started  off  in  a  "  two-horse  buggy  "  toward 
Farmington,  where  his  step-mother  was  living  with  her  daugh 
ter,  Mrs.  Moore.  They  had  much  difficulty  in  crossing  "  the 

would  defend  me.  In  my  presence  the  proposition  was  made  and  determined  upon  to  ask 
Lincoln  to  allow  a  letter  of  resignation  to  be  antedated,  and  to  write  a  kind  acceptance  of 
the  same  in  reply.  The  effort  was  made,  in  which  Mr.  Chase  joined,  although  perhaps 
ignorant  of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case ;  and  it  succeeded.  The  record  shows  that 
Mr.  Cameron  voluntarily  resigned;  while,  in  point  of  fact,  he  was  summarily  removed  with 
out  notice. 

"  In  many  subsequent  conversations  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  the 
great  misfortune  of  Cameron's  appointment  and  the  painful  necessity  of  his  removal." 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  463 

Kickapoo  "  River,  which  was  running  full  of  ice  ;  but  they 
finally  made  the  dangerous  passage,  and  arrived  at  Farming- 
ton  in  safety.  The  meeting  between  him  and  the  old  lady 
was  of  a  most  affectionate  and  tender  character.  She  fondled 
him  as  her  own  "  Abe,"  and  he  her  as  his  own  mother.  It 
was  soon  arranged  that  she  should  return  with  him  to  Charles 
ton,  so  that  they  might  enjoy  by  the  way  the  unrestricted 
and  uninterrupted  intercourse  which  they  both  desired  above 
all  things,  but  which  they  were  not  likely  to  have  where 
the  people  could  get  at  him.  Then  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Col. 
Chapman  drove  to  the  house  of  John  Hall,  who  lived  "  on 
the  old  Lincoln  farm,"  where  Abe  split  the  celebrated  rails, 
and  fenced  in  the  little  clearing  in  1830.  Thence  they  went 
to  the  spot  where  old  Tom  Lincoln  was  buried.  The  grave 
was  unmarked  and  utterly  neglected.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  he 
wanted  to  "  have  it  enclosed,  and  a  suitable  tombstone 
erected."  He  told  Col.  Chapman  to  go  to  a  "marble-dealer," 
ascertain  the  cost  of  the  work  proposed,  and  write  him  in 
full.  He  would  then  send  Dennis  Hanks  the  money,  and  an 
inscription  for  the  stone  ;  and  Dennis  would  do  the  rest. 
(Col.  Chapman  performed  his  part  of  the  business,  but  Mr. 
Lincoln  noticed  it  no  further ;  and  the  grave  remains  in  the 
same  condition  to  this  day.) 

"  We  then  returned,"  says  Col.  Chapman,  "  to  Farmington, 
where  we  found  a  large  crowd  of  citizens  —  nearly  all  old 
acquaintances  —  waiting  to  see  him.  His  reception  was  very 
enthusiastic,  and  appeared  to  gratify  him  very  much.  After 
taking  dinner  at  his  step-sister's  (Mrs.  Moore),  we  returned 
to  Charleston,  his  step-mother  coming  with  us. 

"  Our  conversation  during  the  trip  was  mostly  concerning 
family  affairs.  Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  to  me  on  the  way  down  to 
Farmington  of  his  step-mother  in  the  most  affectionate  man 
ner  ;  said  she  had  been  his  best  friend  in  the  world,  and  that 
no  son  could  love  a  mother  more  than  he  loved  her.  He  also 
told  me  of  the  condition  of  his  father's  family  at  the  time  he 
married  his  step-mother,  and  of  the  change  she  made  in  the 
family,  and  of  the  encouragement  he  (Abe)  received  from 


464  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

her.  .  .  .  He  spoke  of  his  father,  and  related  some  amusing 
incidents  of  the  old  man  ;  of  the  bull-dogs'  biting  the  old  man 
on  his  return  from  New  Orleans ;  of  the  old  man's  escape, 
when  a  boy,  from  an  Indian  who  was  shot  by  his  uncle  Mor- 
decai.  He  spoke  of  his  uncle  Mordecai  as  being  a  man 
of  very  great  natural  gifts,  and  spoke  of  his  step-brother,  John 
D.  Johnston,  who  had  died  a  short  time  previous,  in  the  most 
affectionate  manner. 

"  Arriving  at  Charleston  on  our  return  from  Farmington, 
we  proceeded  to  my  residence.  Again  the  house  was 
crowded  by  persons  wishing  to  see  him.  The  crowd  finally 
became  so  great,  that  he  authorized  me  to  announce  that  he 
would  hold  a  public  reception  at  the  Town  Hall  that  evening 
at  seven  o'clock ;  but  that,  until  then,  he  wished  to  be  left 
with  relations  and  friends.  After  supper  he  proceeded  to  the 
Town  Hall,  where  large  numbers  from  the  town  and  sur 
rounding  country,  irrespective  of  party,  called  to  see  him. 

"  He  left  this  place  Wednesday  morning  at  four  o'clock  to 
return  to  Springfield.  .  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared  to  enjoy 
his  visit  here  remarkably  well.  His  reception  by  his  old 
acquaintances  appeared  to  be  very  gratifying  to  him.  They 
all  appeared  so  glad  to  see  him,  irrespective  of  party,  and  all 
appeared  so  anxious  that  his  administration  might  be  a  suc 
cess,  and  that  he  might  have  a  pleasant  and  honorable  career 
as  President." 

The  parting  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  mother  was  very 
touching.  She  embraced  him  with  deep  emotion,  and  said 
she  was  sure  she  would  never  behold  him  again,  for  she 
felt  that  his  enemies  would  assassinate  him.  He  replied, 
"  No,  no,  mamma :  they  will  not  do  that.  Trust  in  the  Lord, 
and  all  will  be  well :  we  will  see  each  other  again."  Inex 
pressibly  affected  by  this  new  evidence  of  her  tender  attach 
ment  and  deep  concern  for  his  safety,  he  gradually  and 
reluctantly  withdrew  himself  from  the  arms  of  the  only  mother 
he  had  ever  known,  feeling  still  more  oppressed  by  the 
heavy  cares  which  time  and  events  were  rapidly  augmenting. 

The  fear  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  be  assassinated  was  not 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  4G5 

peculiar  to'  his  step-mother.  It  was  shared  by  very  many 
of  his  neighbors  at  Springfield ;  and  the  friendly  warnings  he 
received  were  as  numerous  as  they  were  sidly  and  gratuitous. 
Every  conceivable  precaution  was  suggested.  Some  thought 
the  cars  might  be  thrown  from  the  track ;  some  thought  he 
would  be  surrounded  and  stabbed  in  some  great  crowd ; 
others  thought  he  might  be  shot  from  a  house-top  as  he  rode 
up  Pennsylvania  Avenue  on  inauguration  day ;  while  others 
still  were  sure  he  would  be  quietly  poisoned  long  before  the 
4th  of  March.  One  gentleman  insisted  that  he  ought,  in 
common  prudence,  to  take  his  cook  with  him  from  Spring 
field,  —  one  from  "  among  his  own  female  friends." 

Mingled  with  the  thousands  who  came  to  see  him  were 
many  of  his  old  New-Salem  and  Petersburg  friends  and  con 
stituents  ;  and  among  these  was  Hannah  Armstrong,  the  wife 
of  Jack  and  the  mother  of  William.  Hannah  had  been  to 
see  him  once  or  twice  before,  and  had  thought  there  was 
something  mysterious  in  his  conduct.  He  never  invited  her 
to  his  house,  or  introduced  her  to  his  wife  ;  and  this  circum 
stance  led  Hannah  to  suspect  that  "  there  was  something 
wrong  between  him  and  her."  On  one  occasion  she  attempted 
a  sort  of  surreptitious  entrance  to  his  house  by  the  kitchen 
door ;  but  it  ended  very  ludicrously,  and  poor  Hannah  was 
very  much  discouraged.  On  this  occasion  she  made  no  effort 
to  get  upon  an  intimate  footing  with  his  family,  but  went 
straight  to  the  State  House,  where  he  received  the  common 
run  of  strangers.  He  talked  to  her  as  he  would  have  done 
in  the  days  when  he  ran  for  the  Legislature,  and  Jack  was 
an  "  influential  citizen."  Hannah  was  perfectly  charmed, 
and  nearly  beside  herself  with  pride  and  pleasure.  She,  too, 
was  filled  with  the  dread  of  some  fatal  termination  to  all  his 
glory.  "  Well,"  says  she,  "  I  talked  to  him  some  time,  and 
was  about  to  bid  him  good-by ;  had  told  him  that  it  was  the 
last  time  I  should  ever  see  him :  something  told  me  that  I 
should  never  see  him  ;  they  would  kill  him.  He  smiled,  and 
said  jokingly,  '  Hannah,  if  they  do  kill  me,  I  shall  never 
die  another  death.'  I  then  bade  him  good-by." 
so 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

IT  was  now  but  a  few  weeks  until  Mr.  Lincoln  was  to 
become  the  constitutional  ruler  of  one  of  tho  great 
nations  of  the  earth,  and  to  begin  to  expend  appropriations, 
to  wield  armies,  to  apportion  patronage,  powers,  offices,  and 
honors,  such  as  few  sovereigns  have  ever  had  at  command.  The 
eyes  of  all  mankind  were  bent  upon  him  to  see  how  he  would 
solve  a  problem  in  statesmanship  to  which  the  philosophy  of 
Burke  and  the  magnanimity  of  Wellington  might  have  been 
unequal.  In  the  midst  of  a  political  canvass  in  his  own  State 
but  a  few  years  before,  impressed  with  the  gravity  of  the  great 
issues  which  then  loomed  but  just  above  the  political  horizon, 
he  had  been  the  first  to  announce,  amid  the  objections  and 
protestations  of  his  friends  and  political  associates,  the  great 
truth,  that  "  a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand ; " 
that  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union  depended  upon  its  becoming 
devoted  either  to  the  interests  of  freedom  or  slavery.  And 
now,  by  a  turn  of  fortune  unparalleled  in  history,  he  had 
been  chosen  to  preside  over  the  interests  of  the  nation  ;  while, 
as  yet  unseen  to  him,  the  question  that  perplexed  the  found 
ers  of  the  government,  which  ever  since  had  been  a  disturbing 
element  in  the  national  life,  and  had  at  last  arrayed  section 
against  section,  was  destined  to  reach  its  final  settlement 
through  the  fierce  struggle  of  civil  war.  In  many  respects 
his  situation  was  exceptionally  trying.  He  was  the  first  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  elected  by  a  strictly  sectional  vote. 
The  party  which  elected  him,  and  the  parties  which  had  been 
defeated,  were  inflamed  by  the  heat  of  the  canvass.  The 

466 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  467 

former,  with  faith  in  their  principles,  and  a  natural  eagerness 
for  the  prizes  now  within  their  reach,  were  not  disposed  to 
compromise  their  first  success  by  any  lowering  of  their  stand 
ard  or  any  concession  to  the  beaten  ;  while  many  of  the  latter 
saw  in  the  success  of  the  triumphant  party  an  attack  on  their 
most  cherished  rights,  and  refused  in  consequence  to  abide  by 
the  result  of  the  contest.  To  meet  so  grave  an  exigency, 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  neither  precedents  nor  experience  to  guide 
him,  nor  could  he  turn  elsewhere  for  greater  wisdom  than  he 
possessed.  The  leaders  of  the  new  party  were  as  yet  untried 
in  the  great  responsibilities  which  had  fallen  upon  him  and 
them.  There  were  men  among  them  who  had  earned  great 
reputation  as  leaders  of  an  opposition ;  but  their  eloquence 
had  been  expended  upon  a  single  subject  of  national  concern. 
They  knew  how  to  depict  the  wrongs  of  a  subject  race,  and 
also  how  to  set  forth  the  baleful  effects  of  an  institution  like 
slavery  on  national  character.  But  was  it  certain  that  they 
were  equally  able  to  govern  with  wisdom  and  prudence  the 
mighty  people  whose  affairs  were  now  given  to  their  keeping  ? 
Until  the  day  of  his  overthrow  at  Chicago,  Mr.  Seward 
had  been  the  recognized  chief  of  the  party ;  had,  like  Mr. 
Lincoln,  taught  the  existence  of  an  irrepressible  conflict  be 
tween  the  North  and  the  South,  and  had  also  inculcated 
the  idea  of  a  law  higher  than  the  Constitution,  which  was  of 
more  binding  force  than  any  human  enactment,  until  many 
of  his  followers  had  come  to  regard  the  Constitution  with 
little  respect.  It  was  this  Constitution  which  Mr.  Lincoln, 
having  sworn  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend,  was  to  attempt 
to  administer  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  minority  which  had 
elected  him,  and  which  Avas  alone  expected  to  support  him. 
To  moderate  the  passions  of  his  own  partisans,  to  conciliate 
his  opponents  in  the  North,  and  divide  and  weaken  his  ene 
mies  in  the  South,  was  a  task  which  no  mere  politician  was 
likely  to  perform,  yet  one  which  none  but  the  most  expert 
of  politicians  and  wisest  of  statesmen  was  fitted  to  under 
take.  It  required  moral  as  well  as  intellectual  qualities  of 
the  highest  order.  William  of  Orange,  with  a  like  duty  and 


468  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

similar  difficulties,  was  ready  at  one  time  and  another  to  give 
up  the  effort  in  despair,  although  aided  by  "  the  divinity  that 
hedges  round  a  king."  Few  men  believed  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
possessed  a  single  qualification  for  his  great  office.  His 
friends  had  indicated  what  they  considered  his  chief  merit, 
when  they  insisted  that  he  was  a  very  common,  ordinary  man, 
just  like  the  rest  of  "the  people,"  —  "Old  Abe,"  a  rail- 
splitter  and  a  story-teller.  They  said  he  was  good  and 
honest  and  well-meaning  ;  but  they  took  care  not  to  pretend 
that  he  was  great.  He  was  thoroughly  convinced  that  there 
was  too  much  truth  in  this  view  of  his  character.  He  felt 
deeply  and  keenly  his  lack  of  experience  in  the  conduct  of 
public  affairs.  He  spoke  then  and  afterwards  about  the 
duties  of  the  Presidency  with  much  diffidence,  and  said,  with 
a  story  about  a  justice  of  the  peace  in  Illinois,  that  they 
constituted  his  "great  first  case  misunderstood."  He  had 
never  been  a  ministerial  or  an  executive  officer.  His  most 
intimate  friends  feared  that  he  possessed  no  administrative 
ability  ;  and  in  this  opinion  he  seems  to  have  shared  himself,  at 
least  in  his  calmer  and  more  melancholy  moments. 

Having  put  his  house  in  order,  arranged  all  his  private  busi 
ness,  made  over  his  interest  in  the  practice  of  Lincoln  &  Hern- 
don  to  Mr.  Herndon,  and  requested  "  Billy,"  as  a  last  favor, 
to  leave  his  name  on  the  old  sign  for  four  3rears  at  least,  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  ready  for  the  final  departure  from  home  and  all 
familiar  things.  And  this  period  of  transition  from  private 
to  public  life  —  a  period  of  waiting  and  preparing  for  the 
vast  responsibilities  that  were  to  bow  down  his  shoulders 
during  the  years  to  come  —  affords  us  a  favorable  opportunity 
to  turn  back  and  look  at  him  again  as  his  neighbors  saw  him 
from  1837  to  1861. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  about  six  feet  four  inches  high,  —  the 
length  of  his  legs  being  out  of  all  proportion  to  that  of 
his  body.  When  he  sat  down  on  a  chair,  he  seemed  no 
taller  than  an  average  man,  measuring  from  the  chair  to  the 
crown  of  his  head  ;  but  his  knees  rose  high  in  front,  and  a 
marble  placed  on  the  cap  of  one  of  them  would  roll  down 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  469 

a  steep  descent  to  the  hip.  He  weighed  about  a  hundred 
and  eighty  pounds  ;  but  he  was  thin  through  the  breast,  nar 
row  across  the  shoulders,  and  had  the  general  appearance  of 
a  consumptive  subject.  Standing  up,  he  stooped  slightly 
forward  ;  sitting  down,  he  usually  crossed  his  long  legs,  or 
threw  them  over  the  arms  of  the  chair,  as  the  most  con 
venient  mode  of  disposing  of  them.  His  "  head  was  long, 
and  tall  from  the  base  of  the  brain  and  the  eyebrow  ;  "  his 
forehead  high  and  narrow,  but  inclining  backward  as  it  rose. 
The  diameter  of  his  head  from  ear  to  ear  was  six  and  a  half 
inches,  and  from  front  to  back  eight  inches.  The  size  of  his 
hat  was  seven  and  an  eighth.  His  ears  were  large,  standing 
out  almost  at  right-angles  from  his  head  ;  his  cheek-bones  high 
and  prominent ;  his  eyebrows  heavy,  and  jutting  forward 
over  small,  sunken  blue  eyes  ;  his  nose  long,  large,  and 
blunt,  the  tip  of  it  rather  ruddy,  and  slightly  awry  toward 
the  right-hand  side  ;  his  chin,  projecting  far  and  sharp, 
curved  upward  to  meet  a  thick,  material,  lower  lip,  which 
hung  downward ;  his  cheeks  were  flabby,  and  the  loose 
skin  fell  in  wrinkles,  or  folds ;  there  was  a  large  mole 
on  his  right  cheek,  and  an  uncommonly  prominent  Adam's 
apple  on  his  throat ;  his  hair  was  dark  brown  in  color,  stiff, 
unkempt,  and  as  yet  showing  little  or  no  sign  of  advancing 
age  or  trouble ;  his  complexion  was  very  dark,  his  skin  yel 
low,  shrivelled,  and  "  leathery."  In  short,  to  use  the  lan 
guage  of  Mr.  Herndon,  "  he  was  a  thin,  tall,  wiry,  sinewy, 
grizzly,  raw-boned  man,"  "  looking  woe-struck."  His  coun 
tenance  was  haggard  and  careworn,  exhibiting  all  the  marks 
of  deep  and  protracted  suffering.  Every  feature  of  the  man 

—  the   hollow  eyes,  with  the  dark  rings  beneath ;  the  long, 
sallow,  cadaverous  face,  intersected   by  those  peculiar  deep 
lines ;    his   whole  air ;    his  walk ;    his   long,  silent   reveries, 
broken  at  long  intervals  by  sudden  and  startling  exclamations, 
as  if  to  confound  an  observer  who  might  suspect  the  nature 
of  his  thoughts  —  showed  he  was  a  man  of  sorrows,  —  not 
sorrows  of  to-day  or  yesterday,  but  long-treasured  and  deep, 

—  bearing  with  him  a  continual  sense  of  weariness  and  pain. 


470  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

He  was  a  plain,  homely,  sad,  weary-looking  man,  to  whom 
one's  heart  warmed  involuntarily,  because  he  seemed  at  once 
miserable  and  kind. 

On  a  winter's  morning,  this  man  could  be  seen  wending  his 
way  to  the  market,  with  a  basket  on  his  arm,  and  a  little  boy 
at  his  side,  whose  small  feet  rattled  and  pattered  over  the 
ice-bound  pavement,  attempting  to  make  up  by  the  number 
of  his  short  steps  for  the  long  strides  of  his  father.  The 
little  fellow  jerked  at  the  bony  hand  which  held  his,  and 
prattled  and  questioned,  begged  and  grew  petulant,  in  a  vain 
effort  to  make  his  father  talk  to  him.  But  the  latter  was 
probably  unconscious  of  the  other's  existence,  and  stalked  on, 
absorbed  in  his  own  reflections.  He  wore  on  such  occasions 
an  old  gray  shawl,  rolled  into  a  coil,  and  wrapped  like  a  rope 
around  his  neck.  The  rest  of  his  clothes  were  in  keeping. 
"  He  did  not  walk  cunningly,  —  Indian-like,  —  but  cautiously 
and  firmly."  His  tread  was  even  and  strong.  He  was  a 
little  pigeon-toed ;  and  this,  with  another  peculiarity,  made 
his  walk  very  singular.  He  set  his  whole  foot  flat  on  the 
ground,  and  in  turn  lifted  it  all  at  once,  —  not  resting 
momentarily  upon  the  toe  as  the  foot  rose,  nor  upon  the  heel 
as  it  fell.  He  never  wore  his  shoes  out  at  the  heel  and  the 
toe  more,  as  most  men  do,  than  at  the  middle  of  the  sole ; 
yet  his  gait  was  not  altogether  awkward,  and  there  was  mani 
fest  physical  power  in  his  step.  As  he  moved  along  thus 
silent,  abstracted,  his  thoughts  dimly  reflected  in  his  sharp 
face,  men  turned  to  look  after  him  as  an  object  of  sympathy 
as  well  as  curiosity  :  "  his  melancholy,"  in  the  words  of  Mr. 
Herndon,  "  dripped  from  him  as  he  walked."  If,  however, 
he  met  a  friend  in  the  street,  and  was  roused  by  a  loud, 
hearty  "  Good-morning,  Lincoln !  "  he  would  grasp  the 
friend's  hand  with  one  or  both  of  his  own,  and,  with  his 
usual  expression  of  "  Howdy,  howdy,"  would  detain  him  to 
hear  a  story  :  something  reminded  him  of  it ;  it  happened  in 
Indiana,  and  it  must  be  told,  for  it  was  wonderfully  perti 
nent. 

After  his  breakfast-hour,  he  would  appear  at  his  office,  and 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  471 

go  about  the  labors  of  the  day  with  all  his  might,  displaying 
prodigious  industry  and  capacity  for  continuous  application, 
although  he  never  was  a  fast  worker.  Sometimes  it  hap 
pened  that  he  came  without  his  breakfast ;  and  then  he 
would  have  in  his  hands  a  piece  of  cheese,  or  Bologna  sausage, 
and  a  few  crackers,  bought  by  the  way.  At  such  times  he 
did  not  speak  to  his  partner  or  his  friends,  if  any  happened  to  be 
present:  the  tears  were,  perhaps,  struggling  into  his  eyes, 
while  his  pride  was  struggling  to  keep  them  back.  Mr.  Hern- 
don  knew  the  whole  story  at  a  glance  :  there  was  no  speech 
between  them ;  but  neither  wished  the  visitors  to  the  office 
to  witness  the  scene  ;  and,  therefore,  Mr.  Lincoln  retired  to 
the  back  office,  while  Mr.  Herndon  locked  the  front  one,  and 
walked  away  with  the  key  in  his  pocket.  In  an  hour  or 
more  the  latter  would  return,  and  perhaps  find  Mr.  Lincoln 
calm  and  collected  ;  otherwise  he  went  out  again,  and  waited 
until  he  was  so.  Then  the  office  was  opened,  and  every 
thing  went  on  as  usual. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  speech  to  write,  which  happened 
very  often,  he  would  put  down  each  thought,  as  it  struck 
him,  on  a  small  strip  of  paper,  and,  having  accumulated  a 
number  of  these,  generally  carried  them  in  his  hat  or  his 
pockets  until  he  had  the  whole  speech  composed  in  this  odd 
way,  when  he  would  sit  down  at  his  table,  connect  the  frag 
ments,  and  then  write  out  the  whole  speech  on  consecutive 
sheets  in  a  plain,  legible  handwriting. 

His  house  was  an  ordinary  two-story  frame-building,  with 
a  stable  and  a  yard :  it  was  a  bare,  cheerless  sort  of  a  place. 
He  planted  no  fruit  or  shade  trees,  no  shrubbery  or  flowers. 
He  did  on  one  occasion  set  out  a  few  rose-bushes  in  front  of 
his  house  ;  but  they  speedily  perished,  or  became  unsightly 
for  want  of  attention.  Mrs.  Wallace,  Mrs.  Lincoln's  sister, 
undertook  "  to  hide  the  nakedness  "  of  the  place  by  planting 
some  flowers  ;  but  they  soon  withered  and  died.  He  cultivated 
a  small  garden  for  a  single  year,  working  in  it  himself;  but  it 
did  not  seem  to  prosper,  and  that  enterprise  also  was  aban 
doned.  He  had  a  horse  and  a  cow  :  the  one  was  fed  and  cur- 


472  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ried,  and  the  other  fed  and  milked,  by  his  own  hand.  When 
at  home,  he  chopped  and  sawed  all  the  wood  that  was  used  in 
his  house.  Late  one  night  he  returned  home,  after  an  absence 
of  a  week  or  so.  His  neighbor,  Webber,  was  in  bed ;  but, 
hearing  an  axe  in  use  at  that  unusual  hour,  he  rose  to  see 
what  it  meant.  The  moon  was  high ;  and  by  its  light  he 
looked  down  into  Lincoln's  yard,  and  there  saw  him  in  his 
shirt-sleeves  "  cutting  wood  to  cook  his  supper  with."  Web 
ber  turned  to  his  watch,  and  saw  that  it  was  one  o'clock. 
Besides  this  house  and  lot,  and  a  small  sum  of  money,  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  no  property,  except  some  wild  land  in  Iowa, 
entered  for  him  under  warrants,  received  for  his  service  in 
the  Black  Hawk  War. 

Mrs.  Wallace  thinks  "  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  domestic  man  by 
nature."  He  was  not  fond  of  other  people's  children,  but 
was  extremely  fond  of  his  own :  he  was  patient,  indulgent, 
and  generous  with  them  to  a  fault.  On  Sundays  he  often 
took  those  that  were  large  enough,  and  walked  with  them  into 

O  O        ' 

the  country,  and,  giving  himself  up  entirely  to  them,  rambled 
through  the  green  fields  or  the  cool  woods,  amusing  and 
instructing  them  for  a  whole  day  at  a  time.  His  method  of 
reading  is  thus  quaintly  described.  "  He  would  read,  gen 
erally  aloud  (couldn't  read  otherwise),  —  would  read  with 
great  warmth,  all  funny  or  humorous  things  ;  read  Shakspeare 
that  way.  He  was  a  sad  man,  an  abstracted  man.  He  would 
lean  back,  his  head  against  the  top  of  a  rocking-chair  ;  sit 
abstracted  that  way  for  minutes,  —  twenty,  thirty  minutes,  — 
and  all  at  once  would  burst  out  into  a  joke." 

Mrs.  Col.  Chapman,  daughter  of  Dennis  Hanks,  and  there 
fore  a  relative  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  made  him  a  long  visit  previous 
to  her  marriage.  "  You  ask  me,"  says  she,  "  how  Mr.  Lincoln 
acted  at  home.  I  can  say,  and  that  truly,  he  was  all  that  a 
husband,  father,  and  neighbor  should  be,  —  kind  and  affection 
ate  to  his  wife  and  child  ('  Bob '  being  the  only  one  they  had 
when  I  was  with  them),  and  very  pleasant  to  all  around  him. 
Never  did  I  hear  him  utter  an  unkind  word.  For  instance  : 
one  day  he  undertook  to  correct  his  child,  and  his  wife  was 


MR.  LINCOLN'S  HOME  IN  SPRINGFIELD,  ILL. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  473 

determined  that  he  should  not,  and  attempted  to  take  it  from 
him  ;  but  in  this  she  failed.  She  then  tried  tongue-lashing, 
but  met  with  the  same  fate ;  for  Mr.  Lincoln  corrected  his 
child  as  a  father  ought  to  do,  in  the  face  of  his  wife's  anger, 
and  that,  too,  without  even  changing  his  countenance  or 
making  any  reply  to  his  wife. 

"  His  favorite  way  of  reading,  when  at  home,  was  lying 
down  on  the  floor.  I  fancy  I  see  him  now,  lying  full-length 
in  the  hall  of  his  old  house  reading.  When  not  engaged  read 
ing  law-books,  he  would  read  literary  works,  and  was  very 
fond  of  reading  poetry,  and  often,  when  he  would  be,  or  ap 
pear  to  be,  in  deep  study,  commence  and  repeat  aloud  some 
piece  that  he  had  taken  a  fancy  to,  such  as  the  one  you  already 
have  in  print,  and  '  The  Burial  of  Sir  John  Moore,'  and  so  on. 
He  often  told  laughable  jokes  and  stories  when  he  thought 
we  were  looking  gloomy." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  supremely  happy  in  his  domestic  rela 
tions  :  the  circumstances  of  his  courtship  and  marriage  alone 
made  that  impossible.  His  engagement  to  Miss  Todd  was 
one  of  the  great  misfortunes  of  his  life  and  of  hers.  He 
realized  the  mistake  too  late ;  and  when  he  was  brought  face 
to  face  with  the  lie  he  was  about  to  enact,  and  the  wrong  he 
was  about  to  do,  both  to  himself  and  an  innocent  woman,  he 
recoiled  with  horror  and  remorse.  For  weeks  together,  he 
was  sick,  deranged,  and  on  the  verge  of  suicide,  —  a  heavy  care 
to  his  friends,  and  a  source  of  bitter  mortification  to  the  unfor 
tunate  lady,  whose  good  fame  depended,  in  a  great  part,  upon 
his  constancy.  The  wedding  garments  and  the  marriage 
feast  were  prepared,  the  very  hour  had  come  when  the  solemn 
ceremony  was  to  be  performed ;  and  the  groom  failed  to 
appear  !  He  was  no  longer  a  free  agent :  he  was  restrained, 
carefully  guarded,  and  soon  after  removed  to  a  distant  place, 
where  the  exciting  causes  of  his  disease  would  be  less  con 
stant  and  active  in  their  operation.  He  recovered  slowly,  and 
at  length  returned  to  Springfield.  He  spoke  out  his  feelings 
frankly  and  truly  to  the  one  person  most  interested  in  them. 
But  he  had  been,  from  the  beginning,  except  in  the  case  of 


474  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Ann  Rutledge,  singularly  inconstant  and  unstable  in  his 
relations  with  the  few  refined  and  cultivated  women  who  had 
been  the  objects  of  his  attention.  He  loved  Miss  Rutledge 
passionately,  and  the  next  year  importuned  Miss  Owens  to 
be  his  wife.  Failing  in  his  suit,  he  wrote  an  unfeeling  letter 
about  her,  apparently  with  no  earthly  object  but  to  display 
his  levity  and  make  them  both  ridiculous.  He  courted  Miss 
Todd,  and  at  the  moment  of  success  fell  in  love  with  her 
relative,  and,  between  the  two,  went  crazy,  and  thought  of 
ending  all  his  woes  with  a  razor  or  a  pocket-knife.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  the  feelings  of  such  a  man  might  have  under 
gone  another  and  more  sudden  change.  Perhaps  they  did. 
At  all  events,  he  was  conscientious  and  honorable  and  just. 
There  was  but  one  way  of  repairing  the  injury  he  had  done 
Miss  Todd,  and  he  adopted  it.  They  were  married ;  but 
they  understood  each  other,  and  suffered  the  inevitable  con 
sequences,  as  other  people  do  under  similar  circumstances. 
But  such  troubles  seldom  fail  to  find  a  tongue  ;  and  it  is  not 
strange,  that,  in  this  case,  neighbors  and  friends,  and  ulti 
mately  the  whole  country,  came  to  know  the  state  of  things 
in  that  house.  Mr.  Lincoln  scarcely  attempted  to  conceal  it, 
but  talked  of  it  with  little  or  no  reserve  to  his  wife's  rela 
tives,  as  well  as  his  own  friends.  Yet  the  gentleness  and 
patience  with  which  he  bore  this  affliction  from  day  to  day, 
and  from  year  to  year,  was  enough  to  move  the  shade  of 
Socrates.  It  touched  his  acquaintances  deeply,  and  they  gave 
it  the  widest  publicity.  They  made  no  pause  to  inquire,  to 
investigate,  and  to  apportion  the  blame  between  the  parties, 
according  to  their  deserts.  Almost  ever  since  Mr.  Lincoln's 
death,  a  portion  of  the  press  has  never  tired  of  heaping  brutal 
reproaches  upon  his  wife  and  widow ;  whilst  a  certain  class  of 
his  friends  thought  they  were  honoring  his  memory  by  multi 
plying  outrages  and  indignities  upon  her,  at  the  very  moment 
when  she  was  broken  by  want  and  sorrow,  defamed,  defence 
less,  in  the  hands  of  thieves,  and  at  the  mercy  of  spies.  If 
ever  a  woman  grievously  expiated  an  offence  not  her  own,  this 
woman  did.  In  the  Herndon  manuscripts,  there  is  a  mass  of 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN.  475 

particulars  under  this  head ;  but  Mr.  Herndon  sums  them  all 
up  in  a  single  sentence,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
biographers  :  "  All  that  I  know  ennobles  both." 

It  would  be  very  difficult  to  recite  all  the  causes  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  melancholy  disposition.  That  it  was  partly  owing 
to  physical  causes  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Mr.  Stuart  says, 
that  in  some  respects  he  was  totally  unlike  other  people, 
and  was,  in  fact,  a  "  mystery."  Blue-pills  were  the  medicinal 
remedy  which  he  affected  most.  But  whatever  the  history 
or  the  cause,  —  whether  physical  reasons,  the  absence  of 
domestic  concord,  a  series  of  painful  recollections  of  his 
mother,  of  his  father  and  master,  of  early  sorrows,  blows, 
and  hardships,  of  Ann  Rutledge  and  fruitless  hopes,  or 
all  these  combined,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  saddest  and  gloom 
iest  man  of  his  time.  "  I  do  not  think  that  he  knew  what 
happiness  was  for  twenty  years,"  says  Mr.  Herndon.  "  Ter 
rible  "  is  the  word  which  all  his  friends  use  to  describe  him 
in  the  black  mood.  "  It  was  terrible  !  It  was  terrible  !  " 
says  one  and  another. 

His  mind  was  filled  with  gloomy  forebodings  and  strong 
apprehensions  of  impending  evil,  mingled  with  extravagant 
visions  of  personal  grandeur  and  power.  His  imagination 
painted  a  scene  just  be}'0nd  the  veil  of  the  immediate  future, 
gilded  with  glory  yet  tarnished  with  blood.  It  was  his 
"destiny,"  —  splendid  but  dreadful,  fascinating  but  terrible. 
His  case  bore  little  resemblance  to  those  of  religious  enthu 
siasts  like  Bunyan,  Cowper,  and  others.  His  was  more  like 
the  delusion  of  the  fatalist,  conscious  of  his  star.  At  all 
events,  he  never  doubted  for  a  moment  but  that  he  was 
formed  for  "  some  great  or  miserable  end."  He  talked  about 
it  frequently  and  sometimes  calmly.  Mr.  Herndon  remem 
bers  many  of  these  conversations  in  their  office  at  Springfield, 
and  in  their  rides  around  the  circuit.  Mr.  Lincoln  said  the 
impression  had  grown  in  him  "  all  his  life  ;  "  but  Mr.  Herndon 
thinks  it  was  about  1840  that  it  took  the  character  of  a  "  reli 
gious  conviction."  He  had  then  suffered  much,  and,  consid 
ering  his  opportunities,  achieved  great  things.  He  was 


476  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

already  a  leader  among  men,  and  a  most  brilliant  career  had 
been  promised  him  by  the  prophetic  enthusiasm  of  many 
friends.  Thus  encouraged  and  stimulated,  and  feeling  him 
self  growing  gradually  stronger  and  stronger,  in  the  estima 
tion  of  "  the  plain  people,"  whose  voice  was  more  potent 
than  all  the  Warwicks,  his  ambition  painted  the  rainbow 
of  glory  in  the  sky,  while  his  morbid  melancholy  supplied 
the  clouds  that  were  to  overcast  and  obliterate  it  with  the 
wrath  and  ruin  of  the  tempest.  To  him  it  was  fate,  and 
there  was  no  escape  or  defence.  The  presentiment  never 
deserted  him  :  it  was  as  clear,  as  perfect,  as  certain,  as  any 
image  conveyed  by  the  senses.  He  had  now  entertained  it 
so  long,  that  it  was  as  much  a  part  of  his  nature  as  the  con 
sciousness  of  identit}7-.  All  doubts  had  faded  away,  and  he 
submitted  humbly  to  a  power  which  he  could  neither  com 
prehend  nor  resist.  He  was  to  fall,  —  fall  from  a  lofty  place, 
and  in  the  performance  of  a  great  work.  The  star  under 
which  he  was  born  was  at  once  brilliant  and  malignant :  the 
horoscope  was  cast,  fixed,  irreversible  ;  and  he  had  no  more 
power  to  alter  or  defeat  it  in  the  minutest  particular  than  he 
had  to  reverse  the  law  of  gravitation. 

After  the  election,  he  conceived  that  he  would  not  "  last " 
through  his  term  of  office,  but  had  at  length  reached  the  point 
where  the  sacrifice  would  take  place.  All  precautions  against 
assassination  he  considered  worse  than  useless.  "  If  they 
want  to  kill  me,"  said  he,  "  there  is  nothing  to  prevent."  He 
complained  to  Mr.  Gillespie  of  the  small  body-guard  which 
his  counsellors  had  forced  upon  him,  insisting  that  they  were 
a  needless  encumbrance.  When  Mr.  Gillespie  urged  the 
ease  and  impunity  with  which  he  might  be  killed,  and  the 
value  of  his  life  to  the  country,  he  said,  "  What  is  the  use 
of  putting  up  the  gap  when  the  fence  is  down  all  around?  " 

"  It  was  just  after  my  election  in  1860,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln 
to  his  secretary,  John  Hay,  "  when  the  news  had  been  com 
ing  in  thick  and  fast  all  day,  and  there  had  been  a  great 
'  hurrah  boys  ! '  so  that  I  was  well  tired  out,  and  went  home 
to  rest,  throwing  myself  upon  a  lounge  in  my  chamber. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  477 

Opposite  to  where  I  lay  was  a  bureau  with  a  swinging  glass 
upon  it ;  and,  in  looking  in  that  glass,  I  saw  myself  reflected 
nearly  at  full  length ;  but  my  face,  I  noticed,  had  two  sepa 
rate  and  distinct  images,  the  tip  of  the  nose  of  one  being 
about  three  inches  from  the  tip  of  the  other.  I  was  a  little 
bothered,  perhaps  startled,  and  got  up  and  looked  in  the 
glass  ;  but  the  illusion  vanished.  On  lying  down  again,  I  saw 
it  a  second  time,  —  plainer,  if  possible,  than  before ;  and  then 
I  noticed  that  one  of  the  faces  was  a  little  paler  —  say  five 
shades  —  than  the  other.  I  got  up,  and  the  thing  melted 
away  ;  and  I  went  off,  and  in  the  excitement  of  the  hour  for 
got  all  about  it,  —  nearly,  but  not  quite,  for  the  thing  would 
once  in  a  .while  come  up,  and  give  me  a  little  pang,  as  though 
something  uncomfortable  had  happened.  When  I  went  home, 
I  told  my  wife  about  it :  and  a  few  days  after  I  tried  the 
experiment  again,  when,  sure  enough,  the  thing  came  back 
again  ;  but  I  never  succeeded  in  bringing  the  ghost  back  after 
that,  though  I  once  tried  very  industriously  to  show  it  to  my 
wife,  who  was  worried  about  it  somewhat.  She  thought  it 
was  '  a  siorn '  that  I  was  to  be  elected  to  a  second  term  of 

o 

office,  and  that  the  paleness  of  one  of  the  faces  was  an  omen 
that  I  should  not  see  life  through  the  last  term." 

In  this  morbid  and  dreamy  state  of  mind,  Mr.  Lincoln 
passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life.  But  his  "  sadness,  despair, 
gloom,"  Mr.  Herndon  says,  "  were  not  of  the  kind  that  leads 
a  badly-balanced  mind  into  misanthropy  and  universal  hate 
and  scorn.  His  humor  would  assert  itself  from  the  hell  of 
misanthropy :  it  would  assert  its  independence  every  third 
hour  or  day  or  week.  His  abstractedness,  his  continuity  of 
thought,  his  despair,  made  him,  twice  in  his  life,  for  two  weeks 
at  a  time,  walk  that  narrow  line  that  divides  sanity  from 
insanity.  .  .  .  This  peculiarity  of  his  nature,  his  humor,  his 
wit,  kept  him  alive  in  Jiis  mind.  ...  It  was  those  good  sides 
of  his  nature  that  made,  to  him,  his  life  bearable.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  was  a  weak  man  and  a  strong  man  by  turns." 

Some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  literary  tastes  indicated  strongly 
his  prevailing  gloominess  of  mind.  He  read  Byron  exten- 


478  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

sively,  especially  "  Childe  Harold,"  "The  Dream,"  and  "Don 
Juan."  Burns  was  one  of  his  earliest  favorites,  although 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  appreciated  highly  the  best  efforts 
of  Burns.  On  the  contrary,  "  Holy  Willie's  Prayer  "  was  the 
only  one  of  his  poems  which  Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  trouble 
to  memorize.  He  was  fond  of  Shakspeare,  especially  "  King 
Lear,"  and  "  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor."  But  whatever 
was  suggestive  of  death,  the  grave,  the  sorrows  of  man's  days 
on  earth,  charmed  his  disconsolate  spirit,  and  captivated  his 
sympathetic  heart.  Solemn-sounding  rhymes,  with  no  merit 
but  the  sad  music  of  their  numbers,  were  more  enchanting  to 
him  than  the  loftiest  songs  of  the  masters.  Of  these  were, 
"  Why  should  the  Spirit  of  Mortal  be  Proud  ?  "  and  a  pretty 
commonplace  little  piece,  entitled  "  The  Inquiry."  One  verse 
of  Holmes's  "  Last  Leaf "  he  thought  was  "  inexpressibly 
touching."  This  verse  we  give  the  reader:  — 

"  The  mossy  marbles  rest 
On  the  lips  that  he  has  pressed 

In  their  bloom  ; 

And  the  names  he  loved  to  hear 
Have  been  carved  for  many  a  year 
On  the  tomb." 

Mr.  Lincoln  frequently  said  that  he  lived  by  his  humor,  and 
would  have  died  without  it.  His  manner  of  telling  a  story 
was  irresistibly  comical,  the  fun  of  it  dancing  in  his  eyes  and 
playing  over  every  feature.  His  face  changed  in  an  instant : 
the  hard  lines  faded  out  of  it,  and  the  mirth  seemed  to  diffuse 
itself  all  over  him,  like  a  spontaneous  tickle.  You  could  see 
it  coming  long  before  he  opened  his  mouth,  and  he  began  to 
enjoy  the  "  point  "  before  his  eager  auditors  could  catch  the 
faintest  glimpse  of  it.  Telling  and  hearing  ridiculous  stories 
was  one  of  his  ruling  passions.  He  would  go  a  long  way  out 
of  his  road  to  tell  a  grave,  sedate  fellow  a  broad  story,  or  to 
propound  to  him  a  conundrum  that  was  not  particularly  re 
markable  for  its  delicacy.  If  he  happened  to  hear  of  a  man 
who  was  known  to  have  something  fresh  in  this  line,  he 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  479 

would  hunt  him  up,  and  "  swap  jokes  "  with  him.  Nobody 
remembers  the  time  when  his  fund  of  anecdotes  was  not  ap 
parently  inexhaustible.  It  was  so  in  Indiana  ;  it  was  so  in  New 
Salem,  in  the  Black-Hawk  War,  in  the  Legislature,  in  Con 
gress,  on  the  circuit,  on  the  stump,  —  everywhere.  The  most 
trifling  incident  "reminded"  him  of  a  story,  and  that  story 
reminded  him  of  another,  until  everybody  marvelled  "  that 
one  small  head  could  carry  all  he  knew."  The  "  good  things  " 
he  said  were  repeated  at  second-hand,  all  over  the  counties 
through  which  he  chanced  to  travel;  and  many,  of  a  ques 
tionable  flavor,  were  attributed  to  him,  not  because  they  were 
his  in  fact,  but  because  they  were  like  his.  Judges,  lawyers, 
jurors,  and  suitors  carried  home  with  them  select  budgets  of 
his  stories,  to  be  retailed  to  itching  ears  as  "  Old  Abe's  last." 
When  the  court  adjourned  from  village  to  village,  the  taverns 
and  the  groceries  left  behind  were  filled  with  the  sorry 
echoes  of  his  "  best."  He  generally  located  his  little  narra 
tives  with  great  precision,  —  in  Kentucky,  Indiana,  Illinois  ; 
and  if  he  was  not  personally  "  knowing  "  to  the  facts  him 
self,  he  was  intimately  acquainted  with  a  gentleman  who  was. 
Mr.  Lincoln  used  his  stories  variously,  — to  illustrate  or  con 
vey  an  argument ;  to  make  his  opinions  clear  to  another,  or 
conceal  them  altogether  ;  to  cut  off  a  disagreeable  con  versa- 

O  '  O 

tion,  or  to  end  an  unprofitable  discussion  ;  to  cheer  his  own 
heart,  or  simply  to  amuse  his  friends.  But  most  frequently 
he  had  a  practical  object  in  view,  and  employed  them  simply 
"as  labor-saving  contrivances." 

It  was  Judge  Davis's  opinion,  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  hilarity 
was  mainly  simulated,  and  that  "  his  stories  and  jokes  were 
intended  to  whistle  off  sadness."  "The  groundwork  of  his 
social  nature  was  sad,"  says  Judge  Scott ;  "  but  for  the  fact 
that  he  studiously  cultivated  the  humorous,  it  would  have 
been  very  sad  indeed.  His  mirth  to  me  always  seemed  to  be 
put  on,  and  did  not  properly  belong  there.  Like  a  plant  pro 
duced  in  the  hot-bed,  it  had  an  unnatural  arid  luxuriant 
growth." 

Although  Mr.  Lincoln's  walk  among  men  was  remarkably 


480  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

pure,  the  same  cannot  be  said  of  his  conversation.  He  was 
endowed  by  nature  with  a  keen  sense  of  humor,  and  he 
found  great  delight  in  indulging  it.  But  his  humor  was  not 
of  a  delicate  quality ;  it  was  chiefly  exercised  in  hearing  and 
telling  stories  of  the  grosser  sort.  In  this  tendency  he  was 
restrained  by  no  presence  and  no  occasion.  It  was  his  opin 
ion  that  the  finest  wit  and  humor,  the  best  jokes  and  anec 
dotes,  emanated  from  the  lower  orders  of  the  country  people. 
It  was  from  this  source  that  he  had  acquired  his  peculiar 
tastes  and  his  store  of  materials.  The  associations  which 
began  with  the  early  days  of  Dennis  Hanks  continued 
through  his  life  at  New  Saleni  and  his  career  at  the  Illinois 
Bar,  and  did  not  desert  him  when,  later  in  life,  he  arrived 
at  the  highest  dignities. 

Mr.  Lincoln  indulged  in  no  sensual  excesses  :  he  ate  mod 
erately,  and  drank  temperately  when  he  drank  at  all.  For 
many  years  he  was  an  ardent  agitator  against  the  use  of 
intoxicating  beverages,  and  made  speeches,  far  and  near,  in 
favor  of  total  abstinence.  Some  of  them  were  printed  ;  and 
of  one  he  was  not  a  little  proud.  He  abstained  himself,  not 
so  much  upon  principle,  as  because  of  a  total  lack  of  appetite. 
He  had  no  taste  for  spirituous  liquors  ;  and,  when  he  took 
them,  it  was  a  punishment  to  him,  not  an  indulgence.  But 
he  disliked  sumptuary  laws,  and  would  not  prescribe  by 
statute  what  other  men  should  eat  or  drink.  When  the  tem 
perance  men  ran  to  the  Legislature  to  invoke  the  power  of 
the  State,  his  voice  —  the  most  eloquent  among  them  —  was 
silent.  He  did  not  oppose  them,  but  quietly  withdrew  from 
the  cause,  and  left  others  to  manage  it.  In  1854  he  was 
induced  to  join  the  order  called  Sons  of  Temperance,  but 
never  attended  a  single  meeting  after  the  one  at  which  he  was 
initiated. 

Morbid,  moody,  meditative,  thinking  much  of  himself 
and  the  things  pertaining  to  himself,  regarding  other  men  as 
instruments  furnished  to  his  hand  for  the  accomplishment  of 
views  which  he  knew  were  important  to  him,  and,  therefore, 
considered  important  to  the  public,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  man 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  481 

apart  from  the  rest  of  his  kind,  unsocial,  cold,  impassive,  — 
neither  a  "  good  hater  "  nor  a  fond  friend.  He  unbent  in  the 
society  of  those  who  gave  him  new  ideas,  who  listened  to  and 
admired  him,  whose  attachment  might  be  useful,  or  whose 
conversation  amused  him.  He  seemed  to  make  boon- 
companions  of  the  coarsest  men  on  the  list  of  his  ac 
quaintances,  —  "  low,  vulgar,  unfortunate  creatures ;  "  but, 
as  Judge  Davis  has  it,  "  he  used  such  men  as  tools,  — 
things  to  satisfy  him,  to  feed  his  desires."  He  felt  sorry 
for  them,  enjoyed  them,  extracted  from  them  whatever  ser 
vice  they  were  capable  of  rendering,  discarded  and  forgot 
them.  If  one  of  them,  presuming  upon  the  past,  followed 
him  to  Washington  with  a  view  to  personal  profit,  Mr.  Lin 
coln  would  probably  take  him  to  his  private  room,  lock  the 
doors,  revel  in  reminiscences  of  Illinois,  new  stories  and  old, 
through  an  entire  evening,  and  then  dismiss  his  enchanted 
crony  with  nothing  more  substantial  than  his  blessing.  It 
was  said  that  "  he  had  no  heart ;  "  that  is,  no  personal  attach 
ments  warm  and  strong  enough  to  govern  his  actions.  It 
was  seldom  that  he  praised  anybody  ;  and,  when  he  did,  it  was 
not  a  rival  or  an  equal  in  the  struggle  for  popularity  and 
power.  His  encomiums  were  more  likely  to  be  satirical  than 
sincere,  and  sometimes  were  artfully  contrived  as  mere  strata 
gems  to  catch  the  applause  he  pretended  to  bestow,  or  at  least 
to  share  it  in  equal  parts.  No  one  knew  better  how  to 
"  damn  with  faint  praise,"  or  to  divide  the  glory  of  another 
by  being  the  first  and  frankest  to  acknowledge  it.  Fully 
alive  to  the  fact  that  no  qualities  of  a  public  man  are  so 
charming  to  the  people  as  simplicity  and  candor,  he  made 
simplicity  and  candor  the  mask  of  deep  feelings  carefully 
concealed,  and  subtle  plans  studiously  veiled  from  all  eyes 
but  one.  He  had  no  reverence  for  great  men,  followed  no 
leader  with  blind  devotion,  and  yielded  no  opinion  to  mere 
authority.  He  felt  that  he  was  as  great  as  anybody,  and 
could  do  what  another  did.  It  was,  however,  the  supreme 
desire  of  his  heart  to  be  right,  and  to  do  justice  in  all  the 
relations  of  life.  Although  some  of  his  strongest  passions 

31 


482  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

conflicted  more  or  less  directly  with  this  desire,  he  was  con 
scious  of  them,  and  strove  to  regulate  them  by  self-imposed 
restraints.  He  was  not  avaricious,  never  appropriated  a  cent 
wrongfully,  and  did  not  think  money  for  its  own  sake  a  fit 
object  of  any  man's  ambition.  But  he  knew  its  value,  its 
power,  and  liked  to  keep  it  when  he  had  it.  He  gave  occa 
sionally  to  individual  mendicants,  or  relieved  a  case  of  great 
destitution  at  his  very  door  ;  but  his  alms-giving  was  neither 
profuse  nor  systematic.  He  never  made  donations  to  be  dis 
tributed  to  the  poor  who  were  not  of  his  acquaintance  and 
very  near  at  hand.  There  were  few  entertainments  at  his 
house.  People  were  seldom  asked  to  dine  with  him.  To 
many  he  seemed  inhospitable ;  and  there  was  something 
about  his  house,  an  indescribable  air  of  exclusiveness,  which 
forbade  the  entering  guest.  It  is  not  meant  to  be  said  that 
this  came  from  mere  economy.  It  was  not  at  home  that  he 
wished  to  see  company.  He  preferred  to  meet  his  friends 
abroad,  —  on  a  street-corner,  in  an  office,  at  the  Court  House, 
or  sitting  on  nail-kegs  in  a  country  store. 

Mr.  Lincoln  took  no  part  in  the  promotion  of  local  enter 
prises,  railroads,  schools,  churches,  asylums.  The  benefits  he 
proposed  for  his  fellow-men  were  to  be  accomplished  by  polit 
ical  means  alone.  Politics  were  his  world,  —  a  world  filled 
with  hopeful  enchantments.  Ordinarily  he  disliked  to  discuss 
any  other  subject.  "  In  his  office,"  says  Mr.  Herndon,  "  he  sat 
down,  or  spilt  himself,  on  his  lounge,  read  aloud,  told  stories, 
talked  politics,  —  never  science,  art,  literature,  railroad  gather 
ings,  colleges,  asylums,  hospitals,  commerce,  education,  prog 
ress,  nothing  that  interested  the  world  generally,"  except  poli 
tics.  He  seldom  took  an  active  part  in  local  or  minor  elec 
tions,  or  wasted  his  power  to  advance  a  friend.  He  did  nothing 
out  of  mere  gratitude,  and  forgot  the  devotion  of  his  warmest 
partisans  as  soon  as  the  occasion  for  their  services  had  passed. 
What  they  did  for  him  was  quietly  appropriated  as  the 
reward  of  superior  merit,  calling  for  no  return  in  kind.  He 
was  always  ready  to  do  battle  for  a  principle,  after  a  discreet 
fashion,  but  never  permitted  himself  to  be  strongly  influenced 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  483 

by  the  claims  of  individual  men.  When  he  was  a  candidate 
himself,  he  thought  the  whole  canvass  and  all  the  prelimina 
ries  ought  to  be  conducted  with  reference  to  his  success.  He 
would  say  to  a  man,  "  Your  continuance  in  the  field  injures 
we,"  and  be  quite  sure  that  he  had  given  a  perfect  reason  for 
his  withdrawal.  He  would  have  no  "  obstacles  "  in  his  way  ; 
coveted  honors,  was  eager  for  power,  and  impatient  of  any 
interference  that  delayed  or  obstructed  his  progress.  He 
worked  hard  enough  at  general  elections,  when  he  could  make 
speeches,  have  them  printed,  and  "  fill  the  speaking  trump  of 
fame  "  with  his  achievements ;  but  in  the  little  affairs  about 
home,  where  it  was  all  work  and  no  glory,  his  zeal  was  much 
less  conspicuous.  Intensely  secretive  and  cautious,  he  shared 
his  secrets  with  no  man,  and  revealed  just  enough  of  his  plans 
to  allure  support,  and  not  enough  to  expose  their  personal 
application.  After  Speed  left,  he  had  no  intimates  to  whom 
he  opened  his  whole  mind.  This  is  the  unanimous  testimony 
of  all  who  knew  him.  Feeling  himself  perfectly  competent 
to  manage  his  own  affairs,  he  listened  with  deceptive  patience 
to  the  views  of  others,  and  then  dismissed  the  advice  with 
the  adviser.  Judge  Davis  was  supposed  to  have  great  influ 
ence  over  him  ;  but  he  declares  that  he  had  literally  none. 
"  Once  or  twice,"  says  he,  "  he  asked  my  advice  about  the 
almighty  dollar,  but  never  about  any  thing  else.'' 

Notwithstanding  his  overweening  ambition,  and  the  breath 
less  eagerness  with  which  he  pursued  the  objects  of  it,  he  had 
not  a  particle  of  sympathy  with  the  great  mass  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  who  were  engaged  in  similar  scrambles  for  place. 
"  If  ever,"  said  he,  "  American  society  and  the  United  States 
Government  are  demoralized  and  overthrown,  it  will  come 
from  the  voracious  desire  of  office,  —  this  wriggle  to  live  with 
out  toil,  work,  and  labor,  from  which  I  am  not  free  myself." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  a  demagogue  or  a  trimmer.  He  never 
deserted  a  party  in  disaster,  or  joined  one  in  triumph.  Nearly 
the  whole  of  his  public  life  was  spent  in  the  service  of  a 
party  which  struggled  against  hopeless  odds,  which  met 
with  many  reverses  and  few  victories.  It  is  true,  that  about 


484  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  time  he  began  as  a  politician,  the  Whigs  in  his  immediate 
locality,  at  first  united  with  the  moderate  Democrats,  and 
afterwards  by  themselves,  were  strong  enough  to  help  him  to 
the  Legislature  as  often  as  he  chose  to  go.  But,  if  the  fact 
had  been  otherwise,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  would  have  changed 
sides,  or  even  altered  his  position  in  any  essential  particular, 
to  catch  the  popular  favor.  Subsequently  he  suffered  many 
defeats,  —  for  Congress,  for  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office, 
and  twice  for  Senator ;  but  on  this  account  he  never  faltered 
in  devotion  to  the  general  principles  of  the  party,  or  sought 
to  better  his  fortune  by  an  alliance  with  the  common  enemy. 
It  cannot  be  denied,  that,  when  he  was  first  a  candidate  for 
the  Legislature,  his  views  of  public  policy  were  a  little  cloudy, 
and  that  his  addresses  to  the  people  were  calculated  to  make 
fair  weather  with  men  of  various  opinions ;  nor  that,  when 
first  a  candidate  for  United  States  Senator,  he  was  willing 
to  make  a  secret  bargain  with  the  extreme  Abolitionists, 
and,  when  last  a  candidate,  to  make  some  sacrifice  of  opin 
ion  to  further  his  own  aspirations  for  the  Presidency.  The 
pledge  to  Lovejoy  and  the  "House-divided  Speech"  were 
made  under  the  influence  of  personal  considerations,  with 
out  reference  to  the  views  or  the  success  of  those  who 
had  chosen  and  trusted  him  as  a  leader  for  a  far  different 
purpose.  But  this  was  merely  steering  between  sections  of 
his  own  party,  where  the  differences  were  slight  and  easily 
reconciled,  —  manoeuvring  for  the  strength  of  one  faction  to 
day  and  another  to-morrow,  with  intent  to  unite  them  and 
lead  them  to  a  victory,  the  benefits  of  which  would  inure  to 
all.  He  was  not  one  to  be  last  in  the  fight  and  first  at  the 
feast,  nor  yet  one  to  be  first  in  the  fight  and  last  at  the  feast. 
He  would  do  his  whole  duty  in  the  field, 'but  had  not  the 
slightest  objection  to  sitting  down  at  the  head  of  the  table,  — 
an  act  which  he  would  perform  with  a  modest,  homely  air, 
that  disarmed  envy,  and  silenced  the  master  when  he  would 
say,  "Friend,  go  down  lower."  His  "master"  was  the 
"  plain  people."  To  be  popular  was  to  him  the  greatest  good 
in  life.  He  had  known  what  it  was  to  be  without  popular- 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  .         485 

ity,  and  he  had  known  what  it  was  to  enjoy  it.  To  gain 
it  or  to  keep  it,  he  considered  no  labor  too  great,  no  artifice 
misused  or  misapplied.  His  ambition  was  strong ;  yet  it 
existed  in  strict  subordination  to  his  sense  of  party  fidelity, 
and  could  by  no  chance  or  possibility  lure  him  into  downright 
social  or  political  treasons.  His  path  may  have  been  a  little 
devious,  winding  hither  and  thither,  in  search  of  greater  con 
venience  of  travel,  or  the  security  of  a  larger  company ;  but 
it  always  went  forward  in  the  same  general  direction,  and 
never  ran  off  at  right-angles  toward  a  hostile  camp.  The 
great  body  of  men  who  acted  with  him  in  the  beginning  acted 
with  him  at  the  last. 

On  the  whole,  he  was  an  honest,  although  a  shrewd,  and  by 
no  means  an  unselfish  politician.     He 

"  Foresaw 
Which  way  the  world  began  to  draw," 

and  instinctively  drew  with  it.  He  had  convictions,  but  pre 
ferred  to  choose  his  time  to  speak.  He  was  not  so  much  of 
a  Whig  that  he  could  not  receive  the  support  of  the  "  nomi 
nal  "  Jackson  men,  until  party  lines  were  drawn  so  tight  that 
he  was  compelled  to  be  one  thing  or  the  other.  He  was  not 
so  much  of  a  Whig  that  he  could  not  make  a  small  diversion 
for  White  in  1836,  nor  so  much  of  a  White  man  that  he  could 
not  lead  Harrison's  friends  in  the  Legislature  during  the  same 
winter.  He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  good  policy  of  high 
"  protective  tariffs  ;  "  but,  when  importuned  to  say  so  in  a  pub 
lic  letter,  he  declined  on  the  ground  that  it  would  do  him  no 
good.  He  detested  Know-Nothingism  with  all  his  heart ;  but, 
when  Know-Nothingism  swept  the  country,  he  was  so  far 
from  being  obtrusive  with  his  views,  that  many  believed  he 
belonged  to  the  order.  He  was  an  anti-slavery  man  from  the 
beginning  of  his  service  in  the  Legislature ;  but  he  was  so 
cautious  and  moderate  in  the  expression  of  his  sentiments, 
that,  when  the  anti-Nebraska  party  disintegrated,  the  ultra- 
Republicans  were  any  thing  but  sure  of  his  adherence  ;  and 
even  after  the  Bloomington  Convention  he  continued  to  pick 


486  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

his  way  to  the  front  with  wary  steps,  and  did  not  take  his 
place  among  the  boldest  of  the  agitators  until  1858,  when  he 
uttered  the  "House-divided  Speech,"  just  in  time  to  take 
Mr.  Seward's  place  on  the  Presidential  ticket  of  1860. 

Any  analysis  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  character  would  be  defective 
that  did  not  include  his  religious  opinions.  On  such  matters 
he  thought  deeply ;  and  his  opinions  were  positive.  But  per 
haps  no  phase  of  his  character  has  been  more  persistently 
misrepresented  and  variously  misunderstood,  than  this  of  his 
religious  belief.  Not  that  the  conclusive  testimony  of  many 
of  his  intimate  associates  relative  to  his  frequent  expressions 
on  such  subjects  has  ever  been  wanting  ;  but  his  great  prom 
inence  in  the  world's  history,  and  his  identification  with  some 
of  the  great  questions  of  our  time,  which,  by  their  moral  im 
port,  were  held  to  be  eminently  religious  in  their  character, 
have  led  many  good  people  to  trace  in  his  motives  and  actions 
similar  convictions  to  those  held  by  themselves.  His  extremely 
general  expressions  of  religious  faith  called  forth  by  the  grave 
exigencies  of  his  public  life,  or  indulged  in  on  occasions  of 
private  condolence,  have  too  often  been  distorted  out  of  rela 
tion  to  their  real  significance  or  meaning  to  suit  the  opinions 
or  tickle  the  fancies  of  individuals  or  parties. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  never  a  member  of  any  church,  nor  did 
he  believe  in  the  divinity  of  Christ,  or  the  inspiration  of  the 
Scriptures  in  the  sense  understood  by  evangelical  Christians. 
His  theological  opinions  were  substantially  those  expounded 
by  Theodore  Parker.  Overwhelming  testimony  out  of  many 
mouths,  and  none  stronger  than  that  out  of  his  own,  place 
these  facts  beyond  controversy. 

When  a  boy,  he  showed  no  sign  of  that  piety  which 
his  many  biographers  ascribe  to  his  manhood.  His  step 
mother —  herself  a  Christian,  and  longing  for  the  least  sign 
of  faith  in  him  —  could  remember  no  circumstance  that  sup 
ported  her  hope.  On  the  contrary,  she  recollected  very  well 
that  he  never  went  off  into  a  corner,  as  has  been  said, 
to  ponder  the  sacred  writings,  and  to  wet  the  page  with 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  487 

his  tears  of  penitence.  He  was  fond  of  music ;  but  Dennis 
Hanks  is  clear  to  the  point  that  it  was  songs  of  a  very 
questionable  character  that  cheered  his  lonely  pilgrimage 
through  the  woods  of  Indiana.  When  he  went  to  church  at 
all,  he  went  to  mock,  and  came  away  to  mimic.  Indeed,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  the  sort  of  "  religion "  which  pre 
vailed  among  the  associates  of  his  boyhood  impressed  him 
with  a  very  poor  opinion  of  the  value  of  the  article.  On  the 
whole,  he  thought,  perhaps,  a  person  had  better  be  without  it. 

When  he  came  to  New  Salem,  he  consorted  with  free 
thinkers,  joined  with  them  in  deriding  the  gospel  history 
of  Jesus,  read  Volney  and  Paine,  and  then  wrote  a  deliberate 
and  labored  essay,  wherein  he  reached  conclusions  similar  to 
theirs.  The  essay  was  burnt,  but  he  never  denied  or  re 
gretted  its  composition.  On  the  contrary,  he  made  it  the 
subject  of  free  and  frequent  conversations  with  his  friends  at 
Springfield,  and  stated,  with  much  particularity  and  precision, 
the  origin,  arguments,  and  objects  of  the  work. 

It  was  not  until  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  death,  that  his  alleged 
orthodoxy  became  the  principal  topic  of  his  eulogists ;  but 
since  then  the  effort  on  the  part  of  some  political  writers 
and  speakers  to  impress  the  public  mind  erroneously  seems 
to  have  been  general  and  systematic.  It  is  important  that 
the  question  should  be  finally  determined ;  and,  in  order  to 
do  so,  the  names  of  some  of  his  nearest  friends  are  given 
below,  followed  by  clear  and  decisive  statements,  for  which 
they  are  separately  responsible.  Some  of  them  are  gentle 
men  of  distinction,  and  all  of  them  men  of  high  character, 
who  enjoyed  the  best  opportunities  to  form  correct  opinions. 

James  H.  Matheny  says  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Herndon :  — 

"I  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  as  early  as  1834-7;  know  he  was  an  infidel.  He 
and  W.  D.  Ilerndon  used  to  talk  infidelity  in  the  clerk's  office  in  this  city, 
about  the  years  1837-40.  Lincoln  attacked  the  Bible  and  the  New  Testa 
ment  on  two  grounds  :  first,  from  the  inherent  or  apparent  contradic 
tions  under  its  lids ;  second,  from  the  grounds  of  reason.  Sometimes  he 
ridiculed  the  Bible  and  New  Testament,  sometimes  seemed  to  scoff  it,  though 
I  shall  not  use  that  word  in  its  full  and  literal  sense.  I  never  heard  thai 


488  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Lincoln  changed  his  views,  though  his  personal  and  political  friend  from 
1834  to  1860.  Sometimes  Lincoln  bordered  on  atheism.  He  went  far 
that  way,  and  often  shocked  me.  I  was  then  a  young  man,  and  believed 
what  my  good  mother  told  me.  Stuart  &  Lincoln's  office  was  in  what  was 
called  Hoffman's  Row,  on  North  Fifth  Street,  near  the  public  square.  It 
was  in  the  same  building  as  the  clerk's  office,  and  on  the  same  floor.  Lin 
coln  would  come  into  the  clerk's  office,  where  I  and  some  young  men  — 
Evan  Butler,  Newton  Francis,  and  others  —  were  writing  or  staying,  and 
would  bring  the  Bible  with  him ;  would  read  a  chapter ;  argue  against  it. 
Lincoln  then  had  a  smattering  of  geology,  if  I  recollect  it.  Lincoln  often, 
if  not  wholly,  was  an  atheist ;  at  least,  bordered  on  it.  Lincoln  was  enthu 
siastic  in  his  infidelity.  As  he  grew  older,  he  grew  more  discreet,  didn't 
talk  much  before  strangers  about  his  religion ;  but  to  friends,  close  and 
bosom  ones,  he  was  always  open  and  avowed,  fair  and  honest;  but  to  stran 
gers,  he  held  them  off  from  policy.  Lincoln  used  to  quote  Burns.  Burns 
helped  Lincoln  to  be  an  infidel,  as  I  think ;  at  least,  he  found  in  Burns  a  like 
thinker  and  feeler.  Lincoln  quoted  '  Tarn  O'Shanter.'  '  What !  send  one  to 
heaven,  and  ten  to  hell ! '  &c. 

"  From  what  I  know  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  views  of  Christianity,  and 
from  what  I  know  as  honest  and  well-founded  rumor ;  from  what,  I  have  heard 
his  best  friends  say  and  regret  for  years ;  from  what  he  never  denied  when 
accused,  and  from  what  Lincoln  has  hinted  and  intimated,  to  say  no  more, 
—  he  did  write  a  little  book  on  infidelity  at  or  near  New  Salem,  in  Menard 
County,  about  the  year  1834  or  1835.  I  have  stated  these  things  to  you 
often.  Judge  Logan,  John  T.  Stuart,  yourself,  know  what  I  know,  and  some 
of  you  more. 

"  Mr.  Herndon,  you  insist  on  knowing  something  which  you  know  I  pos 
sess,  and  got  as  a  secret,  and  that  is,  about  Lincoln's  little  book  on  infi 
delity.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  tell  me  that  he  did  write  a  little  book  on  infidelity. 
This  statement  I  have  avoided  heretofore ;  but,  as  you  strongly  insist  upon 
it,  —  probably  to  defend  yourself  against  charges  of  misrepresentations,  —  I 
give  it  you  as  I  got  it  from  Lincoln's  mouth." 

From  Hon.  John  T.  Stuart :  — 

"  I  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  when  he  first  came  here,  and  for  years  afterwards. 
He  was  an  avowed  and  open  infidel,  sometimes  bordered  on  atheism.  I  have 
often  and  often  heard  Lincoln  and  one  W.  D.  Herndon,  who  was  a  free 
thinker,  talk  over  this  subject.  Lincoln  went  further  against  Christian  beliefs 
and  doctrines  and  principles  than  any  man  I  ever  heard :  he  shocked  me. 
I  don't  remember  the  exact  line  of  his  argument :  suppose  it  was  against  the 
inherent  defects,  so  called,  of  the  Bible,  and  on  grounds  of  reason.  Lincoln 
always  denied  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ  of  God,  —  denied  that  Jesus  was  the 
Son  of  God,  as  understood  and  maintained  by  the  Christian  Church.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  Smith,  who  wrote  a  letter,  tried  to  convert  Lincoln  from  infi 
delity  so  late  as  1858,  and  couldn't  do  it." 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  489 

William  H.  Herndon,  Esq. :  — 

"  As  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  religious  views,  he  was,  in  short,  an  infidel,  .  .  . 
a  theist.  lie  did  not  believe  that  Jesus  was  God,  nor  the  Son  of  God,  — was 
a  fatalist,  denied  the  freedom  of  the  will.  Mr.  Lincoln  told  me  a  thousand 
times,  that  he  did  not  believe  the  Bible  was  the  revelation  of  God,  as  the 
Christian  world  contends.  The  points  that  Mr.  Lincoln  tried  to  demonstrate 
(in  his  book)  were :  First,  That  the  Bible  was  not  God's  revelation  ;  and,  Sec 
ond,  That  Jesus  was  not  the  Son  of  God.  /  assert  this  on  viy  own  knowledge, 
and  on  my  veracity.  Judge  Logan,  John  T.  Stuart,  James  II.  Matheny,  and 
others,  will  tell  you  the  truth.  I  say  they  will  confirm  what  I  say,  with  this 
exception,  —  they  all  make  it  blacker  than  I  remember  it.  Joshua  F.  Speed 
of  Louisville,  I  think,  will  tell  you  the  same  thing." 

Hon.  David  Davis  :  — 

"  I  do  not  know  any  thing  about  Lincoln's  religion,  and  do  not  think  any 
body  knew.  The  idea  that  Lincoln  talked  to  a  stranger  about  his  religion 
or  religious  views,  or  made  such  speeches,  remarks,  &c.,  about  it  as  are  pub 
lished,  is  to  me  absurd.  I  knew  the  man  so  well :  he  was  the  most  reticent, 
secretive  man  I  ever  saw,  or  expect  to  see.  He  had  no  faith,  in  the  Christian 
sense  of  the  term,  —  had  faith  in  laws,  principles,  causes,  and  effects  —  philo 
sophically :  you  [Herndon]  know  more  about  his  religion  than  any  man.  You 
ought  to  know  it,  of  course." 

William  H.  Hannah,  Esq. :  — 

"  Since  1856  Mr.  Lincoln  told  me  that  he  was  a  kind  of  immortalist;  that 
he  never  could  bring  himself  to  believe  in  eternal  punishment ;  that  man 
lived  but  a  little  while  here  ;  and  that,  if  eternal  punishment  were  man's 
doom,  he  should  spend  that  little  life  in  vigilant  and  ceaseless  preparation  by 
never-ending  prayer." 

Mrs.  Lincoln :  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  had  no  hope  and  no  faith  in  t^«  usual  acceptance  of  those 
words." 

Dr.  C.  H.  Ray  :  - 

"  I  do  not  know  how  I  can  aid  you.  You  [Herndon]  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  far 
better  than  I  did,  though  I  knew  him  well ;  and  you  have  served  up  his  lead 
ing  characteristics  in  a  way  that  I  should  despair  of  doing,  if  I  should  try. 
I  have  only  one  thing  to  ask  :  that  you  do  not  give  Calviuistic  theology  a 
chance  to  claim  him  as  one  of  its  saints  and  martyrs.  lie  went  to  the  Old- 
School  Church ;  but,  in  spite  of  that  outward  assent  to  the  horrible  dogmas 


490  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  the  sect,  /  have  reason  from  himself  to  know  that  his  <  vital  purity,'  if  that 
means  belief  in  the  impossible,  was  of  a  negative  sort." 

I.  W.  Keys,  Esq. :  - 

"  In  my  intercourse  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  learned  that  he  believed  in  a 
Creator  of  all  things,  who  had  neither  beginning  nor  end,  and  possessing  all 
power  and  wisdom,  established  a  principle,  in  obedience  to  which  worlds 
move,  and  are  upheld,  and  animal  and  vegetable  life  come  into  existence. 
A  reason  he  gave  for  his  belief  was,  that,  in  view  of  the  order  and  harmony 
of  all  nature  which  we  behold,  it  would  have  been  more  miraculous  to  have 
come  about  by  chance  than  to  have  been  created  and  arranged  by  some 
great  thinking  power.  As  to  the  Christian  theory,  that  Christ  is  God,  or 
equal  to  the  Creator,  he  said  that  it  had  better  be  taken  for  granted;  for, 
by  the  test  of  reason,  we  might  become  infidels  on  that  subject,  for  evidence 
of  Christ's  divinity  came  to  us  in  a  somewhat  doubtful  shape ;  but  that  the 
system  of  Christianity  was  an  ingenious  one  at  least,  and  perhaps  was  calcu 
lated  to  do  good." 

Mr.  Jesse  W.  Fell  of  Illinois,  who  had  the  best  opportuni 
ties  of  knowing  Mr.  Lincoln  intimately,  makes  the  following 
statement  of  his  religious  opinions,  derived  from  repeated  con 
versations  with  him  on  the  subject :  — 

"  Though  every  thing  relating  to  the  character  and  history  of  this  extraor 
dinary  personage  is  of  interest,  and  should  be  fairly  stated  to  the  world,  I  enter 
upon  the  performance  of  this  duty  —  for  so  I  regard  it  —  with  some  reluctance, 
arising  from  the  fact,  that,  in  stating  my  convictions  on  the  subject,  I  must  ne 
cessarily  place  myself  in  opposition  to  quite  a  number  who  have  written  on  this 
topic  before  me,  and  whose  views  largely  pre-occupy  the  public  mind.  This 
latter  fact,  whilst  contributing  to  my  embarrassment  on  this  subject,  is,  per 
haps,  the  strongest  reason,  however,  why  the  truth  in  this  matter  should  be 
fully  disclosed ;  and  I  therefore  yield  to  your  request.  If  there  were  any 
traits  of  character  that  stood  out  in  bold  relief  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
they  were  those  of  truth  and  candor.  He  was  utterly  incapable  of  insincerity, 
or  professing  views  on  this  or  any  other  subject  he  did  not  entertain.  Know 
ing  such  to  be  his  true  character,  that  insincerity,  much  more  duplicity,  were 
traits  wholly  foreign  to  his  nature,  many  of  his  old  friends  were  not  a  little 
surprised  at  finding,  in  some  of  the  biographies  of  this  great  man,  statements 
concerning  his  religious  opinions  so  utterly  at  variance  with  his  known  senti 
ments.  True,  he  may  have  changed  or  modified  those  sentiments  after  his 
removal  from  among  us,  though  this  is  hardly  reconcilable  with  the  history 
of  the  man,  and  his  entire  devotion  to  public  matters  during  his  four  years' 
residence  at  the  national  capital.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  this  may  be 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  491 

the  proper  solution  of  this  conflict  of  opinions ;  or,  it  may  be,  that,  with  no 
intention  on  the  part  of  any  one  to  mislead  the  public  mind,  those  who  have 
represented  him  as  believing  in  the  popular  theological  views  of  the  times 
may  have  misapprehended  him,  as  experience  shows  to  be  quite  common 
where  no  special  effort  has  been  made  to  attain  critical  accuracy  on  a  sub 
ject  of  this  nature.  This  is  the  more  probable  from  the  well-known  fact, 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  seldom  communicated  to  any  one  his  views  on  this  subject. 
But,  be  this  as  it  may,  I  have  no  hesitation  whatever  in  saying,  that,  whilst 
he  held  many  opinions  in  common  with  the  great  mass  of  Christian  believers, 
he  did  not  believe  in  what  are  regarded  as  the  orthodox  or  evangelical  views 
of  Christianity. 

"  On  the  innate  depravity  of  man,  the  character  and  office  of  the  great 
Head  of  the  Church,  the  atonement,  the  infallibility  of  the  written  revelation, 
the  performance  of  miracles,  the  nature  and  design  of  present  and  future 
rewards  and  punishments  (as  they  are  popularly  called),  and  many  other  sub 
jects,  he  held  opinions  utterly  at  variance  with  what  are  usually  taught  in 
the  Church.  I  should  say  that  his  expressed  views  on  these  and  kindred 
topics  were  such  as,  in  the  estimation  of  most  believers,  would  place  him 
entirely  outside  the  Christian  pale.  Yet,  to  my  mind,  such  was  not  the  true 
position,  since  his  principles  and  practices  and  the  spirit  of  his  whole  life 
were  of  the  very  kind  we  universally  agree  to  call  Christian ;  and  I  think 
this  conclusion  is  in  no  wise  affected  by  the  circumstance  that  he  never 
attached  himself  to  any  religious  society  whatever. 

"  His  religious  views  were  eminently  practical,  and  are  summed  up,  as  I 
think,  in  these  two  propositions  :  '  the  Fatherhood  of  God,  and  the  brother 
hood  of  man.'  He  fully  believed  in  a  superintending  and  overruling  Provi 
dence,  that  guides  and  controls  the  operations  of  the  world,  but  maintained 
that  law  and  order,  and  not  their  violation  or  suspension,  are  the  appointed 
means  by  which  this  providence  is  exercised. 

"  I  will  not  attempt  any  specification  of  either  his  belief  or  disbelief  on 
various  religious  topics,  as  derived  from  conversations  with  him  at  different 
times  during  a  considerable  period ;  but,  as  conveying  a  general  view  of  his 
religious  or  theological  opinions,  will  state  the  following  facts.  Some  eight 
or  ten  years  prior  to  his  death,  in  conversing  with  him  upon  this  subject,  the 
writer  took  occasion  to  refer,  in  terms  of  approbation,  to  the  sermons  and 
writings  generally  of  Dr.  W.  E.  Channing ;  and,  finding  he  was  considerably 
interested  in  the  statement  I  made  of  the  opinions  held  by  that  author,  I 
proposed  to  present  him  (Lincoln)  a  copy  of  Channing's  entire  works,  which 
I  soon  after  did.  Subsequently,  the  contents  of  these  volumes,  together 
with  the  writings  of  Theodore  Parker,  furnished  him,  as  he  informed  me,  by 
his  friend  and  law-partner,  Mr.  Herndon,  became  naturally  the  topics  of  con 
versation  with  us  ;  and  though  far  from  believing  there  was  an  entire  har 
mony  of  views  on  his  part  with  either  of  those  authors,  yet  they  were  gen 
erally  much  admired  and  approved  by  him. 


492  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  No  religious  views  with  him  seemed  to  find  any  favor,  except  of  the 
practical  and  rationalistic  order ;  and  if,  from  my  recollections  on  this  sub 
ject,  I  was  called  upon  to  designate  an  author  whose  views  most  nearly  rep 
resented  Mr.  Lincoln's  on  this  subject,  I  would  say  that  author  was  Theodore 
Parker. 

"  As  you  have  asked  from  me  a  candid  statement  of  my  recollections  on 
this  topic,  I  have  thus  briefly  given  them,  with  the  hope  that  they  may  be  of 
some  service  in  rightly  settling  a  question  about  which  —  as  I  have  good  rea 
son  to  believe  —  the  public  mind  has  been  greatly  misled. 

"  Not  doubting  that  they  will  accord,  substantially,  with  your  own  recollec 
tions,  and  that  of  his  other  intimate  and  confidential  friends,  and  with  the  pop 
ular  verdict  after  this  matter  shall  have  been  properly  canvassed,  I  submit 
them." 

John  G.  Nicolay,  his  private  secretary  at  the  White  House  :  — 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not,  to  my  knowledge,  in  any  way  change  his  religious 
views,  opinions,  or  beliefs,  from  the  time  he  left  Springfield  to  the  day  of 
his  death.  I  do  not  know  just  what  they  were,  never  having  heard  him 
explain  them  in  detail ;  but  I  am  very  sure  he  gave  no  outward  indication  of 
his  mind  having  undergone  any  change  in  that  regard  while  here." 

The  following  letter  from  Mr.  Herndon  was,  about  the  time 
of  its  date,  extensively  published  throughout  the  United 
States,  and  met  with  no  contradiction  from  any  responsible 
source. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Feb.  18,  1870. 

MR.  ABBOTT,  —  Some  time  since  I  promised  you  that  I  would  send  a  letter 
in  relation  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  religion.  I  do  so  now.  Before  entering  on  that 
question,  one  or  two  preliminary  remarks  will  help  us  to  understand  why  he 
disagreed  with  the  Christian  world  in  its  principles,  as  well  as  in  its  theol 
ogy.  In  the  first  place,  Mr.  Lincoln's  mind  was  a  purely  logical  mind  ;  sec 
ondly,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  purely  a  practical  man.  He  had  no  fancy  or  imagi 
nation,  and  not  much  emotion.  He  was  a  realist  as  opposed  to  an  idealist. 
As  a  general  rule,  it  is  true  that  a  purely  logical  mind  has  not  much  hope, 
if  it  ever  has  faith  in  the  unseen  and  unknown.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  much 
hope  and  no  faith  in  things  that  lie  outside  of  the  domain  of  demonstration : 
he  was  so  constituted,  so  organized,  that  he  could  believe  nothing  unless 
his  senses  or  logic  could  reach  it.  I  have  often  read  to  him  a  law  point,  a 
decision,  or  something  I  fancied :  he  could  not  understand  it  until  he  took 
the  book  out  of  my  hand,  and  read  the  thing  for  himself.  He  was  terribly, 
vexatiously  sceptical.  He  could  scarcely  understand  any  thing,  unless  he 
had  time  anu  place  fixed  in  his  mind. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  493 

I  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1834,  and  I  think  I  knew  him 
well  to  the  day  of  his  death.  His  mind,  when  a  boy  in  Kentucky,  showed 
a  certain  gloom,  an  unsocial  nature,  a  peculiar  abstractedness,  a  bold  and 
daring  scepticism.  In  Indiana,  from  1817  to  1830,  it  manifested  the  same 
qualities  or  attributes  as  in  Kentucky :  it  only  intensified,  developed  itself, 
along  those  lines,  in  Indiana.  He  came  to  Illinois  in  1830,  and,  after  some 
little  roving,  settled  in  New  Salem,  now  in  Mcnard  County  and  State  of  Illi 
nois.  This  village  lies  about  twenty  miles  north-west  of  this  city.  It  was 
here  that  Mr.  Lincoln  became  acquainted  with  a  class  of  men  the  world 
never  saw  the  like  of  before  or  since.  They  were  large  men,  —  large  in  body 
and  large  in  mind ;  hard  to  whip,  and  never  to  be  fooled.  They  were  a 
bold,  daring,  and  reckless  sort  of  men  ;  they  were  men  of  their  own  minds,  — 
believed  what  was  demonstrable  ;  were  men  of  great  common  sense.  With 
these  men  Mr.  Lincoln  was  thrown ;  with  them  he  lived,  and  with  them  he 
moved,  and  almost  had  his  being.  They  were  sceptics  all,  —  scoffers  some. 
These  scoffers  were  good  men,  and  their  scoffs  were  protests  against  theol 
ogy,  —  loud  protests  against  the  follies  of  Christianity  :  they  had  never  heard 
of  theism  and  the  newer  and  better  religious  thoughts  of  this  age.  Hence, 
being  natural  sceptics,  and  being  bold,  brave  men,  they  uttered  their 
thoughts  freely  :  they  declared  that  Jesus  was  an  illegitimate  child.  .  .  . 
They  were  on  all  occasions,  when  opportunity  offered,  debating  the  various 
questions  of  Christianity  among  themselves :  they  took  their  stand  on  com 
mon  sense  and  on  their  own  souls ;  and,  though  their  arguments  were  rude 
and  rough,  no  man  could  overthrow  their  homely  logic.  They  riddled  all 
divines,  and  not  unfrequently  made  them  sceptics,  —  disbelievers  as  bad  as 
themselves.  They  were  a  jovial,  healthful,  generous,  social,  true,  and  manly 
set  of  people. 

It  was  here,  and  among  these  people,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  thrown 
About  the  year  1834,  he  chanced  to  come  across  Volney's  "  Ruins,"  and 
some  of  Pai  ne's  theological  works.  He  at  once  seized  hold  of  them,  and 
assimilated  them  into  his  own  being.  Volney  and  Paine  became  a  part  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  from  1834  to  the  end  of  his  life.  In  1835  he  wrote  out  a  small 
work  on  "  Infidelity,"  and  intended  to  have  it  published.  The  book  was  an 
attack  upon  the  whole  grounds  of  Christianity,  and  especially  was  it  an 
attack  upon  the  idea  that  Jesus  was  the  Christ,  the  true  and  only-begotten 
Son  of  God,  as  the  Christian  world  contends.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  at  that  time 
in  New  Salem,  keeping  store  for  Mr.  Samuel  Hill,  a  merchant  and  postmas 
ter  of  that  place.  Lincoln  and  Hill  were  very  friendly.  Hill,  I  think,  was 
a  sceptic  at  that  time.  Lincoln,  one  day  after  the  book  was  finished,  read 
it  to  Mr.  Hill,  his  good  friend.  Hill  tried  to  persuade  him  not  to  make  it 
public,  not  to  publish  it.  Hill  at  that  time  saw  in  Mr.  Lincoln  a  rising 
man,  and  wished  him  success.  Lincoln  refused  to  destroy  it,  said  it  should 
be  published.  Hill  swore  it  should  never  see  light  of  day.  He  had  an  eye, 
to  Lincoln's  popularity,  —  his  present  and  future  success  ;  and  believing,  that 


494  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

if  the  book  were  published,  it  would  kill  Lincoln  forever,  he  snatched  it 
from  Lincoln's  hand,  when  Lincoln  was  not  expecting  it,  and  ran  it  into  an 
old-fashioned  tin-plate  stove,  heated  as  hot  as  a  furnace ;  and  so  Lincoln's 
book  went  up  to  the  clouds  in  smoke.  It  is  confessed  by  all  who  heard  parts 
of  it,  that  it  was  at  once  able  and  eloquent ;  and,  if  I  may  judge  of  it  from 
Mr.  Lincoln's  subsequent  ideas  and  opinions,  often  expressed  to  me  and  to 
others  in  my  presence,  it  was  able,  strong,  plain,  and  fair.  His  argument 
was  grounded  on  the  internal  mistakes  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and 
on  reason,  and  on  the  experiences  and  observations  of  men.  The  criticisms 
from  internal  defects  were  sharp,  strong,  and  manly. 

Mr.  Lincoln  moved  to  this  city  in  1837,  and  here  became  acquainted 
with  various  men  of  his  own  way  of  thinking.  At  that  time  they  called 
themselves  free-thinkers,  or  free-thinking  men.  I  remember  all  these  things 
distinctly ;  for  I  was  with  them,  heard  them,  and  was  one  of  them.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  here  found  other  works,  —  Hume,  Gibbon,  and  others,  —  and  drank  them 
in :  he  made  no  secret  of  his  views,  no  concealment  of  his  religion.  He  boldly 
avowed  himself  an  infidel.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  candidate  for  our  Le 
gislature,  he  was  accused  of  being  an  infidel,  and  of  having  said  that  Jesus 
Christ  was  an  illegitimate  child :  he  never  denied  his  opinions,  nor  flinched 
from  his  religious  views ;  he  was  a  true  man,  and  yet  it  may  be  truthfully 
said,  that  in  1837  his  religion  was  low  indeed.  In  his  moments  of  gloom  he 
would  doubt,  if  he  did  not  sometimes  deny,  God.  He  made  me  once  erase 
the  name  of  God  from  a  speech  which  I  was  about  to  make  in  1854 ;  and  he 
did  this  in  the  city  of  Washington  to  one  of  his  friends.  I  cannot  now  name 
the  man,  nor  the  place  he  occupied  in  Washington :  it  will  be  known  some 
time.  I  have  the  evidence,  and  intend  to  keep  it. 

Mr.  Lincoln  ran  for  Congress,  against  the  Rev.  Peter  Cartwright,  in  the 
year  1847  or  1848.  In  that  contest  he  was  accused  of  being  an  infidel, 
if  not  an  atheist ;  he  never  denied  the  charge ;  would  not ;  "  would  die 
first :  "  in  the  first  place,  because  he  knew  it  could  and  would  be  proved  on 
him ;  and  in  the  second  place  he  was  too  true  to  his  own  convictions,  to  his 
own  soul,  to  deny  it.  From  what  I  know  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  from  what 
I  have  heard  and  verily  believe,  I  can  say,  First,  That  he  did  not  believe  in  a 
special  creation,  his  idea  being  that  all  creation  was  an  evolution  under  law ; 
Secondly,  That  he  did  not  believe  that  the  Bible  was  a  special  revelation  from 
God,  as  the  Christian  world  contends  ;  Thirdly,  He  did  not  believe  in  miracles, 
as  understood  by  the  Christian  world ;  Fourthly,  He  believed  in  universal 
inspiration  and  miracles  under  law  ;  Fifthly,  He  did  not  believe  that  Jesus  was 
the  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  as  the  Christian  world  contends ;  Sixthly,  He 
believed  that  all  things,  both  matter  and  mind,  were  governed  by  laics,  universal, 
absolute,  and  eternal.  All  his  speeches  and  remarks  in  Washington  conclu 
sively  prove  this.  Law  was  to  Lincoln  every  thing,  and  special  interferences 
shams  and  delusions.  I  know  whereof  I  speak.  I  used  to  loan  him  Theodore 
Parker's  works  :  I  loaned  him  Emerson  sometimes,  and  other  writers ;  and  he 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  495 

would  sometimes  read,  and  sometimes  would  not,  as  I  suppose,  —  nay, 
know. 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  left  this  city  for  Washington,  I  know  he  had  under 
gone  no  change  in  his  religious  opinions  or  views.  He  held  many  of  the 
Christian  ideas  in  abhorrence,  and  among  them  there  was  this  one ;  namely, 
that  God  would  forgive  the  sinner  for  a  violation  of  his  laws.  Lincoln  main 
tained  that  God  could  not  forgive ;  that  punishment  has  to  follow  the  sin  ; 
that  Christianity  was  wrong  in  teaching  forgiveness  ;  that  it  tended  to  make 
man  sin  in  the  hope  that  God  would  excuse,  and  so  forth.  Lincoln  con 
tended  that  the  minister  should  teach  that  God  has  affixed  punishment  to 
sin,  and  that  no  repentance  could  bribe  him  to  remit  it.  In  one  sense  of  the 
word,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  Universalist,  and  in  another  sense  he  was  a  Uni 
tarian  ;  but  he  was  a  theist,  as  we  now  understand  that  word  :  he  was  so 
fully,  freely,  unequivocally,  boldly,  and  openly,  when  asked  for  his  views. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  supposed,  by  many  people  in  this  city,  to  be  an  atheist;  and 
some  still  believe  it.  I  can  put  that  supposition  at  rest  forever.  I  hold  a 
letter  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  ray  hand,  addressed  to  his  step-brother,  John  D. 
Johnston,  and  dated  the  twelfth  day  of  January,  1851.  He  had  heard  from 
Johnston  that  his  father,  Thomas  Lincoln,  was  sick,  and  that  no  hopes  of  his 
recovery  were  entertained.  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  back  to  Mr.  Johnston  these 
words :  — 

"  I  sincerely  hope  that  father  may  yet  recover  his  health  ;  but,  at  all 
events,  tell  him  to  remember  to  call  upon  and  confide  in  One  great  and  good 
and  merciful  Maker,  who  will  not  turn  away  from  him  in  any  extremity.  He 
notes  the  fall  of  a  sparrow,  and  numbers  the  hairs  of  our  heads ;  and  he  will 
not  forget  the  dying  man  who  puts  his  trust  in  him.  Say  to  him,  that,  if  we 
could  meet  now,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  would  not  be  more  painful  than 
pleasant ;  but  that,  if  it  be  his  lot  to  go  now,  he  will  soon  have  a  joyous 
meeting  with  many  loved  ones  gone  before,  and  where  the  rest  of  us,  through 
the  help  of  God,  hope  ere  long  to  join  them.  "  A.  LINCOLN." 

So  it  seems  that  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  in  God  and  immortality  as  well  as 
heaven,  —  a  place.  He  believed  in  no  hell  and  no  punishment  in  the  future 
world.  It  has  been  said  to  me  that  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  the  above  letter  to  an 
old  man  simply  to  cheer  him  up  in  his  last  moments,  and  that  the  writer  did 
not  believe  what  he  said.  The  question  is,  Was  Mr.  Lincoln  an  honest  and 
truthful  man  ?  If  he  was,  he  wrote  that  letter  honestly,  believing  it.  It  has 
to  me  the  sound,  the  ring,  of  an  honest  utterance.  I  admit  that  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  in  his  moments  of  melancholy  and  terrible  gloom,  was  living  on  the 
borderland  between  theism  and  atheism,  —  sometimes  quite  wholly  dwelling 
in  atheism.  In  his  happier  moments  he  would  swing  back  to  theism,  and 
dwell  lovingly  there.  It  is  possible  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  always  respon 
sible  for  what  he  said  or  thought,  so  deep,  so  intense,  so  terrible,  was  his 
melancholy.  I  send  you  a  lecture  of  mine  which  will  help  you  to  see  what 


496  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

I  mean.  I  maintain  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  deeply-religious  man  at  all  times 
and  places,  in  spite  of  his  transient  doubts. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Lincoln  was  assassinated,  Mr.  Holland  came  into  my  office, 
and  made  some  inquiries  about  him,  stating  to  me  his  purpose  of  writing  his 
life.  I  freely  told  him  what  he  asked,  and  much  more.  He  then  asked  me 
what  I  thought  about  Mr.  Lincoln's  religion,  meaning  his  views  of  Chris 
tianity.  I  replied,  "  The  less  said,  the  better."  Mr.  Holland  has  recorded  my 
expression  to  him  (see  Holland's  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  241).  I  cannot  say 
what  Mr.  Holland  said  to  me,  as  that  was  private.  It  appears  that  he  wept 
and  saw  Mr.  Newton  Bateman,  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  in  this 
State.  It  appears  that  Mr.  Bateman  told  Mr.  Holland  many  things,  if  he 
is  correctly  represented  in  Holland's  "  Life  of  Lincoln  "  (pp.  236-241,  inclu 
sive).  I  doubt  whether  Mr.  Bateman  said  in  full  what  is  recorded  there :  I 
doubt  a  great  deal  of  it.  I  know  the  whole  story  is  untrue,  —  untrue  in  sub 
stance,  untrue  in  fact  and  spirit.  As  soon  as  the  "  Life  of  Lincoln  "  was  out, 
on  reading  that  part  here  referred  to,  I  instantly  sought  Mr.  Bateman,  and 
found  him  in  his  office.  I  spoke  to  him  politely  and  kindly,  and  he  spoke  to 
me  in  the  same  manner.  I  said  substantially  to  him  that  Mr.  Holland,  in 
order  to  make  Mr.  Lincoln  a  technical  Christian,  made  him  a  hypocrite  ;  and 
so  his  "  Life  of  Lincoln  "  quite  plainly  says.  I  loved  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  was  mor 
tified,  if  not  angry,  to  see  him  made  a  hypocrite.  I  cannot  now  detail  what 
Mr.  Bateman  said,  as  it  was  a  private  conversation,  and  I  am  forbidden  to 
make  use  of  it  in  public.  If  some  good  gentleman  can  only  get  the  seal  of 
secrecy  removed,  I  can  show  what  was  said  and  done.  On  my  word,  the 
world  may  take  it  for  granted  that  Holland  is  wrong,  that  he  does  not  state 
Mr.  Lincoln's  views  correctly.  Mr.  Bateman,  if  correctly  represented  in 
Holland's  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  is  the  only  man,  the  sole  and  only  man,  who  dare 
say  that  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ  of  God,  as  the  Chris 
tian  world  represents.  This  is  not  a  pleasant  situation  for  Mr.  Bateman.  I 
have  notes  and  dates  of  our  conversation ;  and  the  world  will  sometime  know 
who  is  truthful,  and  who  is  otherwise.  I  doubt  whether  Bateman  is  correctly 
represented  by  Holland.  My  notes  bear  date  Dec.  3,  12,  and  28,  1866. 
Some  of  our  conversations  were  in  the  spring  of  1866  and  the  fall  of  1865. 

I  do  not  remember  ever  seeing  the  words  Jesus  or  Christ  in  print,  as 
uttered  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  If  he  has  used  these  words,  they  can  be  found.  He 
uses  the  word  God  but  seldom.  I  never  heard  him  use  the  name  of  Christ 
or  Jesus  but  to  confute  the  idea  that  he  was  the  Christ,  the  only  and  truly 
begotten  Son  of  God,  as  the  Christian  world  understands  it.  The  idea  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  carried  the  New  Testament  or  Bible  in  his  bosom  or  boots,  to 
draw  on  his  opponent  in  debate,  is  ridiculous. 

My  dear  sir,  I  now  have  given  you  my  knowledge,  speaking  from  my  own 
experience,  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  religious  views.  I  speak  likewise  from  the  evi 
dences,  carefully  gathered,  of  his  religious  opinions.  I  likewise  speak  from 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  497 

the  ears  and  mouths  of  many  in  this  city ;  and,  after  all  careful  examination, 
I  declare  to  your  numerous  readers,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  is  correctly  represented 
here,  so  far  as  I  know  what  truth  is,  and  how  it  should  be  investigated. 

Very  truly, 

W.  H.  HERNDON. 

If  ever  there  was  a  moment  when  Mr.  Lincoln  might  have 
been  expected  to  express  his  faith  in  the  atonement,  his  trust 
in  the  merits  of  a  living  Redeemer,  it  was  when  he  undertook 
to  send  a  composing  and  comforting  message  to  a  dying  man. 
He  knew,  moreover,  that  his  father  had  been  "converted" 
time  and  again,  and  that  no  exhortation  would  so  effectually 
console  his  weak  spirit  in  the  hour  of  dismay  and  dissolution 
as  one  which  depicted,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  perfect  suf 
ficiency  of  Jesus  to  save  the  perishing  soul.  But  he  omitted 
it  wholly :  he  did  not  even  mention  the  name  of  Jesus,  or  inti 
mate  the  most  distant  suspicion  of  the  existence  of  a  Christ. 
On  the  contrary,  he  is  singularly  careful  to  employ  the  word 
"  One  "  to  qualify  the  word  "  Maker."  It  is  the  Maker,  and 
not  the  Saviour,  to  whom  he  directs  the  attention  of  a  sinner 
in  the  agony  of  death. 

While  it  is  very  clear  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  at  all  times  an 
infidel  in  the  orthodox  meaning  of  the  term,  it  is  also  very 
clear  that  he  was  not  at  all  times  equally  willing  that  every 
body  should  know  it.  He  never  offered  to  purge  or  recant  ; 
but  he  was  a  wily  politician,  and  did  not  disdain  to  regu 
late  his  religious  manifestations  with  some  reference  to  his 
political  interests.  As  he  grew  older,  he  grew  more  cau 
tious  ;  and  as  his  New  Salem  associates,  and  the  aggressive 
deists  with  whom  he  originally  united  at  Springfield,  gradu 
ally  dispersed,  or  fell  away  from  his  side,  he  appreciated 
more  and  more  keenly  the  violence  and  extent  of  the  reli 
gious  prejudices  which  freedom  in  discussion  from  his  stand 
point  would  be  sure  to  arouse  against  him.  He  saw  the 
immense  and  augmenting  power  of  the  churches,  and  in 
times  past  had  practioally  felt  it.  The  imputation  of  infidelity 
had  seriously  injured  him  in  several  of  his  earlier  political  con 
tests  ;  and,  sobered  by  age  and  experience,  he  was  resolved 

32 


498  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

that  that  same  imputation  should  injure  him  no  more.  Aspir 
ing  to  lead  religious  communities,  he  foresaw  that  he  must 
not  appear  as  an  enemy  within  their  gates ;  aspiring  to  public 
honors  under  the  auspices  of  a  political  party  which  persist 
ently  summoned  religious  people  to  assist  in  the  extirpation 
of  that  which  is  denounced  as  the  "  nation's  sin,"  he  foresaw 
that  he  could  not  ask  their  suffrages  whilst  aspersing  their 
faith.  He  perceived  no  reason  for  changing  his  convictions, 
but  he  did  perceive  many  good  and  cogent  reasons  for  not 
making  them  public. 

Col.  Matheny  alleges,  that,  from  1854  to  1860,  Mr.  Lincoln 
"  played  a  sharp  game  "  upon  the  Christians  of  Springfield, 
"  treading  their  toes,"  and  saying,  "  Come  and  convert  me." 
Mr.  Herndori  is  inclined  to  coincide  with  Matheny ;  and 
both  give  the  obvious  explanation  of  such  conduct ;  that  is 
to  say,  his  morbid  ambition,  coupled  with  a  mortal  fear  that 
his  popularity  would  suffer  by  an  open  avowal  of  his  deistic 
convictions.  At  any  rate,  Mr.  Lincoln  permitted  himself  to 
be  misunderstood  and  misrepresented  by  some  enthusiastic 
ministers  and  exhorters  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 
Among  these  was  the  Rev.  Mr,  Smith,  then  pastor  of  the 
First  Presbyterian  Church  of  Springfield,  and  afterwards  Con 
sul  at  Dundee,  in  Scotland,  under  Mr.  Lincoln's  appointment. 
The  abilities  of  this  gentleman  to  discuss  such  a  topic  to  the 
edification  of  a  man  like  Mr.  Lincoln  seem  to  have  been 
rather  slender ;  but  the  chance  of  converting  so  distinguished 
a  person  inspired  him  with  a  zeal  which  he  might  not  have 
felt  for  the  salvation  of  an  obscurer  soul.  Mr.  Lincoln  lis 
tened  to  his  exhortations  in  silence,  apparently  respectful, 
and  occasionally  sat  out  his  sermons  in  church  with  as  much 
patience  as  other  people.  Finding  these  oral  appeals  unavail 
ing,  Mr.  Smith  composed  a  heavy  tract  out  of  his  own  head 
to  suit  the  particular  case.  "  The  preparation  of  that  work," 
says  he,  "  cost  me  long  and  arduous  labor  ; "  but  it  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  read.  Mr.  Lincoln  took  the  "  work  "  to 
his  office,  laid  it  down  without  writing  his  name  on  it,  and 
never  took  it  up  again  to  the  knowledge  of  a  man  who  inhab- 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  499 

ited  that  office  with  him,  and  who  saw  it  lying  on  the  same 
spot  every  day  for  months.  Subsequently  Mr.  Smith  drew 
from  Mr.  Lincoln  an  acknowledgment  that  his  argument  was 
unansiverable,  —  not  a  very  high  compliment  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  but  one  to  which  Mr.  Smith  often  referred  after 
wards  with  great  delight.  He  never  asserted,  as  some  have 
supposed,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  converted  from  the  error  of 
his  ways ;  that  he  abandoned  his  infidel  opinions,  or  that  he 
united  himself  with  any  Christian  church.  On  the  contrary, 
when  specially  interrogated  on  these  points  by  Mr.  Herndon, 
he  refused  to  answer,  on  the  ground  that  Mr.  Herndon  was 
not  a  proper  person  to  receive  such  a  communication  from 
him. 

Mr.  Newton  Bateman  is  reported  to  have  said  that  a  few 
days  before  the  Presidential  election  of  1860,  Mr.  Lincoln 
came  into  his  office,  closed  the  door  against  intrusion,  and  pro 
posed  to  examine  a  book  which  had  been  furnished  him,  at  his 
own  request,  "  containing  a  careful  canvass  of  the  city  of 
Springfield,  showing  the  candidate  for  whom  each  citizen  had 
declared  his  intention  to  vote  at  the  approaching  election.  He 
ascertained  that  only  three  ministers  of  the  gospel,  out  of 
twenty-three,  would  vote  for  him,  and  that,  of  the  prominent 
church-members,  a  very  large  majority  were  against  him."  Mr. 
Bateman  does  not  say  so  directly,  but  the  inference  is  plain 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  previously  known  what  were  the 
sentiments  of  the  Christian  people  who  lived  with  him  in 
Springfield :  he  had  never  before  taken  the  trouble  to  inquire 
whether  they  were  for  him  or  against  him.  At  all  events, 
when  he  made  the  discovery  out  of  the  book,  he  wept,  and 
declared  that  he  "  did  not  understand  it  at  all."  He  drew 
from  his  bosom  a  pocket  New  Testament,  and,  "  with  a  trem 
bling  voice  and  his  cheeks  wet  with  tears,"  quoted  it  against 
his  political  opponents  generally,  and  especially  against  Doug 
las.  He  professed  to  believe  that  the  opinions  adopted  by 
him  and  his  party  were  derived  from  the  teachings  of  Christ ; 
averred  that  Christ  was  God  ;  and,  speaking  of  the  Testament 
which  he  carried  in  his  bosom,  called  it  "  this  rock,  on  which 


500  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

I  stand."  When  Mr.  Bateman  expressed  surprise,  and  told 
him  that  his  friends  generally  were  ignorant  that  he  enter 
tained  such  sentiments,  he  gave  this  answer  quickly :  "  I 
know  they  are  :  I  am  obliged  to  appear  different  to  them." 
Mr.  Bateman  is  a  respectable  citizen,  whose  general  reputation 
for  truth  and  veracity  is  not  to  be  impeached  ;  but  his  story,  as 
reported  in  Holland's  Life,  is  so  inconsistent  with  Mr.  Lincoln's 
whole  character,  that  it  must  be  rejected  as  altogether  incred 
ible.  From  the  time  of  the  Democratic  split  in  the  Baltimore 
Convention,  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  well  as  every  other  politician  of 
the  smallest  sagacity,  knew  that  his  success  was  as  certain  as 
any  future  event  could  be.  At  the  end  of  October,  most  of 
the  States  had  clearly  voted  in  a  way  which  left  no  lingering 
doubts  of  the  final  result  of  November.  If  there  ever  was  a 
time  in  his  life  when  ambition  charmed  his  whole  heart,  —  if 
it  could  ever  be  said  of  him  that  "  hope  elevated  and  joy 
brightened  his  crest,"  it  was  on  the  eve  of  that  election  which 
he  saw  was  to  lift  him  at  last  to  the  high  place  for  which  he 
had  sighed  and  stru^crled  so  lon^.  It  was  not  then  that  he 

cj  OO  O 

would  mourn  and  weep  because  he  was  in  danger  of  not  get 
ting  the  votes  of  the  ministers  and  members  of  the  churches  he 
had  known  during  many  years  for  his  steadfast  opponents : 
he  did  not  need  them,  and  had  not  expected  them.  Those 
who  understood  him  best  are  very  sure  that  he  neVfer, 
under  any  circumstances,  could  have  fallen  into  such  weakness 
—  not  even  when  his  fortunes  were  at  the  lowest  point  of 
depression  —  as  to  play  the  part  of  a  hypocrite  for  their  sup 
port.  Neither  is  it  possible  that  he  was  at  any  loss  about 
the  reasons  which  religious  men  had  for  refusing  him  their 
support ;  and,  if  he  said  that  he  could  not  understand  it  at 
all,  he  must  have  spoken  falsely.  But  the  worst  part  of  the 
tale  is  Mr.  Lincoln's  acknowledgment  that  his  "  friends  gen 
erally  were  deceived  concerning  his  religious  sentiments,  and 
that  he  was  obliged  to  appear  different  to  them." 

According  to  this  version,  which  has  had  considerable  cur 
rency,  he  carried  a  Testament  in  his  bosom,  carefully  hidden 
from  his  intimate  associates :  he  believed  that  Christ  was  God  ; 
yet  his  friends  understood  him  to  deny  the  verity  of  the  gospel : 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  501 

he  based  his  political  doctrines  on  the  teachings  of  the  Bible ; 
yet  before  all  men,  except  Mr.  Bateraan,  he  habitually  acted 
the  part  of  an  unbeliever  and  reprobate,  because  he  was 
"obliged  to  appear  different  to  them."  How  obliged?  What 
compulsion  required  him  to  deny  that  Christ  was  God  if  he 
really  believed  him  to  be  divine  ?  Or  did  he  put  his  political 
necessities  above  the  obligations  of  truth,  and  oppose  Chris 
tianity  against  his  convictions,  that  he  might  win  the  favor  of 
its  enemies  ?  It  may  be  that  his  mere  silence  was  sometimes 
misunderstood ;  but  he  never  made  an  express  avowal  of  any 
religious  opinion  which  he  did  not  entertain.  He  did  not 
"  appear  different "  at  one  time  from  what  he  was  at  another, 
and  certainly  he  never  put  on  infidelity  as  a  mere  mask  to 
conceal  his  Christian  character  from  the  world.  There  is  no 
dealing  with  Mr.  Bateman,  except  by  a  flat  contradiction. 
Perhaps  his  memory  was  treacherous,  or  his  imagination  led 
him  astray,  or,  peradventure,  he  thought  a  fraud  no  harm  if 
it  gratified  the  strong  desire  of  the  public  for  proofs  of  Mr. 
Lincoln's  orthodoxy.  It  is  nothing  to  the  purpose  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  said  once  or  twice  that  he  thought  this  or  that  portion 
of  the  Scripture  was  the  product  of  divine  inspiration ;  for 
he  was  one  of  the  class  who  hold  that  all  truth  is  inspired,  and 
that  every  human  being  with  a  mind  and  a  conscience  is  a 
prophet.  He  would  have  agreed  much  more  readily  with 
one  who  taught  that  Newton's  discoveries,  or  Bacon's  philos 
ophy,  or  one  of  his  own  speeches,  were  the  works  of  men 
divinely  inspired  above  their  fellows.1  But  he  never  told 

1  "  As  we  have  bodily  senses  to  lay  hold  on  matter,  and  supply  bodily  wants,  through 
which  we  obtain,  naturally,  all  needed  material  things;  so  we  have  spiritual  faculties  to 
lay  hold  on  God  and  supply  spiritual  wants  :  through  them  we  obtain  all  needed  spiritual 
things.  As  we  observe  the  conditions  of  the  body,  we  have  nature  on  our  side :  as  we 
observe  the  law  of  the  soul,  we  have  God  on  our  side.  He  imparts  truth  to  all  men  who 
observe  these  conditions :  we  have  direct  access  to  him  through  reason,  conscience,  and  the 
religious  faculty,  just  as  we  have  direct  access  to  nature  through  the  eye.  the  ear,  or  the  hand. 
Through  these  channels,  and  by  means  of  a  law,  certain,  regular,  and  universal  us  gravita 
tion,  God  inspires  men,  makes  revelation  of  truth ;  for  is  not  truth  as  mucli  a  phenomenon 
of  God  as  motion  of  matter?  Therefore,  if  God  be  omnipresent  and  omniactivc,  this  in 
spiration  is  no  miracle,  but  a  regular  mode  of  God's  action  on  conscious  spirit,  as  gravita 
tion  on  unconscious  matter.  It  is  not  a  rare  condescension  of  God,  but  a  universal  uplift 
ing  of -man.  To  obtai'.i  a  knowledge  of  duty,  a  man  is  not  sent  away,  outside  of  himself,  to 
ancient  documents :  f->r  the  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  the  Word,  is  very  nigh  him,  even 


502  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

any  one  that  he  accepted  Jesus  as  the  Christ,  or  performed 
a  single  one  of  the  acts  which  necessarily  follow  upon 
such  a  conviction.  At  Springfield  and  at  Washington  he 
was  beset  on  the  one  hand  by  political  priests,  and  on  the 
other  by  honest  and  prayerful  Christians.  He  despised  the 
former,  respected  the  latter,  and  had  use  for  both.  He  said 
with  characteristic  irreverence,  that  he  would  not  undertake 
to  "  run  the  churches  by  military  authority  ;  "  but  he  was,  nev 
ertheless,  alive  to  the  importance  of  letting  the  churches  "  run" 
themselves  in  the  interest  of  his  party.  Indefinite  expres 
sions  about  "  Divine  Providence,"  the  "  justice  of  God,"  "  the 
favor  of  the  Most  High,"  were  easy,  and  not  inconsistent  with 
his  religious  notions.  In  this,  accordingly,  he  indulged  freely  ; 
but  never  in  all  that  time  did  he  let  fall  from  his  lips  or  his  pen 
an  expression  which  remotely  implied  the  slightest  faith  in 
Jesus  as  the  Son  of  God  and  the  Saviour  of  men. 


in  his  heart,  and  by  this  Word  he  is  to  try  all  documents  whatsoever.  Inspiration,  like 
God's  omnipresence,  is  not  limited  to  the  few  writers  claimed  by  the  Jews,  Christians,  or 
Mohammedans,  but  is  co-extensive  with  the  race.  As  God  tills  all  space,  so  all  spirit;  as  he 
influences  and  constrains  unconscious  and  necessitated  matter,  so  he  inspires  and  helps 
free,  unconscious  man. 

'•  This  theory  does  not  make  Goo.  limited,  partial,  or  capricious  :  it  exalts  man.  While  it 
honors  the  excellence  of  a  religious  genius  of  a  Moses  or  a  Jesus,  it  does  not  pronounce 
their  character  monstrous,  as  the  supernatural,  nor  fanatical,  as  the  rationalistic  theory; 
but  natural,  human,  and  beautiful,  revealing  the  possibility  of  mankind.  Prayer  —  whether 
voluntative  or  spontaneous,  a  word  or  a  feeling,  felt  in  gratitude,  or  penitence,  or  joy,  or 
resignation  —  is  not  a  soliloquy  of  the  man,  not  a  physiological  function,  nor  an  address  to 
a  deceased  man,  but  a  sally  into  the  infinite  spiritual  world,  whence  we  bring  back  light  and 
truth.  There  are  windows  towards  God,  as  towards  the  world.  There  is  no  intercessor, 
augel,  mediator,  between  man  and  God;  for  man  can  speak,  and  God  hear,  each  for  him 
self.  He  requires  no  advocate  to  plead  for  men,  who  need  not  pray  by  attorney.  Each 
man  stands  close  to  the  omnipresent  God;  may  feel  his  beautiful  presence,  and  have 
familiar  access  to  the  All-Father;  get  truth  at  first  hand  from  its  Author.  Wisdom,  right 
eousness,  and  love  are  the  Spirit  of  God  in  the  soul  of  man :  wherever  these  are,  and  just 
in  proportion  to  their  power,  there  is  inspiration  from  God.  Thus  God  is  not  the  author  of 
confusion,  but  concord.  Faith  and  knowledge  and  revelation  and  reason  tell  the  same 
tale,  and  so  legitimate  and  confirm  each  one  another. 

"  God's  action  on  matter  and  on  man  is,  perhaps,  the  same  thing  to  him,  though  it  appear 
differently  modified  to  us.  But  it  is  plain,  from  the  nature  of  things,  that  there  can  be  but 
one  kind  of  inspiration,  as  of  truth,  faith,  or  love :  it  is  the  direct  and  intuitive  perception 
of  some  truth,  either  of  thought  or  of  sentiment.  There  can  be  but  one  mode  of  inspira 
tion:  it  is  the  action  of  the  Highest  within  the  soul,  the  divine  presence  imparting  light; 
this  presence,  as  truth,  justice,  holiness,  love,  infusing  itself  into  the  soul,  giving  it  new 
life;  the  breathing-in  of  the  Deity;  the  in-come  of  God  to  the  soul,  in  the  form  of  truth 
through  the  reason,  of  right  through  the  conscience,  of  love  and  faith  through  the  affec 
tions  and  religious  element.  Is  inspiration  confined  to  theological  matter  alone  ?  Most 
certainly  not."  —  PARKER'S  Discourse  pertaining  to  Religion. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  503 

The  effect  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  unbelief  did  not  affect  his  con 
stitutional  love  of  justice.  Though  he  rejected  the  New 
Testament  as  a  book  of  divine  authority,  he  accepted  the  prac 
tical  part  of  its  precepts  as  binding  upon  him  by  virtue  of  the 
natural  law.  The  benevolence  of  his  impulses  served  to  keep 
him,  for  the  most  part,  within  the  limits  to  which  a  Christian 
is  confined  by  the  fear  of  God.  It  is  also  true  beyond  doubt 
that  he  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  reflected  force  of  Chris 
tianity.  If  he  did  not  believe  it,  the  masses  of  the  "  plain  peo 
ple  "  did ;  and  no  one  ever  was  more  anxious  to  do  "  whatso 
ever  was  of  good  report  among  men."  To  qualify  himself  as 
a  witness  or  an  officer  it  was  frequently  necessary  that  he 
should  take  oaths ;  and  he  always  appealed  to  the  Christian's 
God  either  by  laying  his  hand  upon  the  Gospels,  or  by  some 
other  form  of  invocation  common  among  believers.  Of  course 
the  ceremony  was  superfluous,  for  it  imposed  no  religious  obli 
gation  upon  him  ;  but  his  strong  innate  sense  of  right  was  suf 
ficient  to  make  him  truthful  without  that  high  and  awful 
sanction  which  faith  in  divine  revelation  would  have  carried 
with  it. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  by  no  means  free  from  a  kind  of  belief 
in  the  supernatural.  While  he  rejected  the  great  facts  of 
Christianity,  as  wanting  the  support  of  authentic  evidence,  his 
mind  was  readily  impressed  with  the  most  absurd  supersti 
tions.1  He  lived  constantly  in  the  serious  conviction  that  he 
was  himself  the  subject  of  a  special  decree,  made  by  some  un 
known  and  mysterious  power,  for  which  he  had  no  name.  The 
birth  and  death  of  Christ,  his  wonderful  works,  and  his  resur 
rection  as  "  the  first-fruits  of  them  that  slept,"  Mr.  Lincoln 

1  "  He  had  great  faith  in  the  strong  sense  of  country  people;  and  he  gave  them  credit  for 
greater  intelligence  than  most  men  do.  If  he  found  an  idea  prevailing  generally  amongst 
them,  he  believed  there  wa$  something  in  it,  although  it  might  not  harmonize  wilh  science. 
He  had  great  faith  in  the  virtues  of  the  '  mad-stone,'  although  he  could  give  no  reason  for 
it,  and  confessed  that  it  looked  like  superstition.  But.  he  said,  he  found  the  people  in  the 
neighborhood  of  these  stones  fully  impressed  with  a  belief  in  their  virtues  from  actual 
experiment;  and  that  was  about  as  much  as  we  could  ever  know  of  the  properties  of 
medicines." —  Gillespie. 

"  When  his  son  •  Bob  '  was  supposed  to  have  been  bitten  by  a  rabid  dog,  Mr.  Lincoln 
took  him  to  Terrc  Haute,  la.,  where  there  was  a  mad-stone,  with  the  Intention  of  baring 
it  applied,  and,  it  is  presumed,  did  so." —  Mrs.  Wallace. 


504  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

denied,  because  they  seemed  naturally  improbable,  or  incon 
sistent  \vith  his  "  philosophy  so  called ;  "  but  his  perverted 
credulity  terrified  him  when  he  saw  two  images  of  himself  in 
a  mirror. 

It  is  very  probable  that  much  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  unhappiness, 
the  melancholy  that  "  dripped  from  him  as  he  walked,"  was 
due  to  his  want  of  religious  faith.  When  the  black  fit  was  on 
him,  he  suffered  as  much  mental  misery  as  Bunyan  or  Cowper 
in  the  deepest  anguish  of  their  conflicts  with  the  evil  one. 
But  the  unfortunate  conviction  fastened  upon  him  by  his  early 
associations,  that  there  was  no  truth  in  the  Bible,  made  all 
consolation  impossible,  and  penitence  useless.  To  a  man  of 
his  temperament,  predisposed  as  it  was  to  depression  of  spirits, 
there  could  be  no  chance  of  happiness,  if  doomed  to  live  with 
out  hope  and  without  God  in  the  world.  He  might  force 
himself  to  be  merry  with  his  chosen  comrades  ;  he  might 
"  banish  sadness  "  in  mirthful  conversation,  or  find  relief  in 
a  jest ;  gratified  ambition  might  elevate  his  feelings,  and  give 
him  ease  for  a  time :  but  solid  comfort  and  permanent  peace 
could  come  to  him  only  through  "  a  correspondence  fixed 
with  heaven."  The  fatal  misfortune  of  his  life,  looking  at  it 
only  as  it  affected  him  in  this  world,  was  the  influence  at 
New  Salem  and  Springfield  which  enlisted  him  on  the  side  of 
unbelief.  He  paid  the  bitter  penalty  in  a  life  of  misery. 

"  It, was  a  grievous  sin  in  Caesar ; 
And  grievously  hath  Caesar  answered  it" 


CHAPTER  XX. 

ON  the  llth  of  February,  1861,  the  arrangements  for  Mr. 
Lincoln's  departure  from  Springfield  were  completed. 
It  was  intended  to  occupy  the  time  remaining  between  that 
date  and  the  4th  of  March  with  a  grand  tour  from  State  to 
State  and  city  to  city.  One  Mr.  Wood,  "  recommended  by 
Senator  Seward,"  was  the  chief  manager.  He  provided  spe 
cial  trains  to  be  preceded  by  pilot  engines  all  the  way  through. 
It  was  a  gloomy  day :  heavy  clouds  floated  overhead,  and  a 
cold  rain  was  falling.  Long  before  eight  o'clock,  a  great  mass 
of  people  had  collected  at  the  station  of  the  Great  Western 
Railway  to  witness  the  event  of  the  day.  At  precisely  five 
minutes  before  eight,  Mr.  Lincoln,  preceded  by  Mr.  Wood, 
emerged  from  a  private  room  in  the  ddpot  building,  and 
passed  slowly  to  the  car,  the  people  falling  back  respect 
fully  on  either  side,  and  as  many  as  possible  shaking  his 
hands.  Having  finally  reached  the  train,  he  ascended  the 
rear  platform,  and,  facing  about  to  the  throng  which  had 
closed  around  him,  drew  himself  up  to  his  full  height, 
removed  his  hat,  and  stood  for  several  seconds  in  profound 
silence.  His  eye  roved  sadly  over  that  sea  of  upturned 
faces ;  and  he  thought  he  read  in  them  again  the  sympathy 
and  friendship  which  he  had  often  tried,  and  which  he  never 
needed  more  than  he  did  then.  There  was  an  unusual  quiver 
in  his  lip,  and  a  still  more  unusual  tear  on  his  shrivelled 
cheek.  His  solemn  manner,  his  long  silence,  were  as  full  of 
melancholy  eloquence  as  any  words  he  could  have  uttered. 
What  did  he  think  of  ?  Of  the  mighty  changes  which  had 

B05 


606  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

lifted  him  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  estate  on  earth  ? 
Of  the  weary  road  which  had  brought  him  to  this  lofty  sum 
mit  ?  Of  his  poor  mother  lying  beneath  the  tangled  under 
brush  in  a  distant  forest  ?  Of  that  other  grave  in  the  quiet 
Concord  cemetery  ?  Whatever  the  particular  character  of  his 
thoughts,  it  is  evident  that  they  were  retrospective  and  pain 
ful.  To  those  who  were  anxiously  waiting  to  catch  words 
upon  which  the  fate  of  the  nation  might  hang,  it  seemed 
long  until  he  had  mastered  his  feelings  sufficiently  to  speak. 
At  length  he  began  in  a  husky  tone  of  voice,  and  slowly 
and  impressively  delivered  his  farewell  to  his  neighbors. 
Imitating  his  example,  every  man  in  the  crowd  stood  with 
his  head  uncovered  in  the  fast-falling  rain. 

"FRIENDS,  —  No  one  who  has  never  been  placed  in  a  like  position  can 
understand  my  feelings  at  this  hour,  nor  the  oppressive  sadness  I  feel  at  this 
parting.  For  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  I  have  lived  among  you, 
and  during  all  that  time  I  have  received  nothing  but  kindness  at  your  hands. 
Here  I  have  lived  from  my  youth,  until  now  I  am  an  old  man.  Here  the 
most  sacred  ties  of  earth  were  assumed.  Here  all  my  children  were  born  ; 
and  here  one  of  them  lies  buried.  To  you,  dear  friends,  I  owe  all  that  I 
have,  all  that  I  am.  All  the  strange,  checkered  past  seems  to  crowd  now 
upon  my  mind.  To-day  I  leave  you.  I  go  to  assume  a  task  more  difficult 
than  that  which  devolved  upon  Washington.  Unless  the  great  God,  who 
assisted  him,  shall  be  with  and  aid  me,  I  must  fail;  but  if  the  same  omnis 
cient  mind  and  almighty  arm  that  directed  and  protected  him  shall  guide 
and  support  me,  I  shall  not  fail,  —  I  shall  succeed.  Let  us  all  pray  that  the 
God  of  our  fathers  may  not  forsake  us  now.  To  him  I  commend  you  all. 
Permit  me  to  ask,  that,  with  equal  security  and  faith,  you  will  invoke  his 
wisdom  and  guidance  for  me.  With  these  few  words  I  must  leave  you  :  for 
how  long  I  know  not.  Friends,  one  and  all,  I  must  now  bid  you  an  affec 
tionate  farewell." 

"  It  was  a  most  impressive  scene,"  said  the  editor  of  "  The 
Journal."  "  We  have  known  Mr.  Lincoln  for  many  years ; 
we  have  heard  him  speak  upon  a  hundred  different  occasions  ; 
but  we  never  saw  him  so  profoundly  affected,  nor  did  he  ever 
utter  an  address  which  seemed  to  us  so  full  of  simple  and 
touching  eloquence,  so  exactly  adapted  to  the  occasion,  so 
worthy  of  the  man  and  the  hour." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  507 

At  eight  o'clock  the  train  rolled  out  of  Springfield  amid  the 
cheers  of  the  populace.  Four  years  later  a  funeral  train,  cov 
ered  with  the  emblems  of  splendid  mourning,  rolled  into  the 
same  city,  bearing  a  discolored  corpse,  whose  obsequies  were 
being  celebrated  in  every  part  of  the  civilized  world. 

Along  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  family  in  the  special  car  were 
Gov.  Yates,  Ex-Go v.  Moore,  Dr.  Wallace  (Mr.  Lincoln's 
brother-in-law),  Mr.  Judd,  Mr.  Browning,  Judge  Davis,  Col. 
Ellsworth,  Col.  Lainon,  and  private  secretaries  Nicolay  and 
Hay. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  an  attempt  was  made  to  throw 
the  train  off  the  track  between  Springfield  and  Indianapolis, 
and  also  that  a  hand-grenade  was  found  on  board  at  Cincin 
nati,  but  no  evidence  of  the  fact  is  given  in  either  case,  and 
none  of  the  Presidential  party  ever  heard  of  these  murderous 
doings  until  they  read  of  them  in  some  of  the  more  imagina 
tive  reports  of  their  trip. 

Full  accounts  of  this  journey  were  spread  broadcast  over 
the  country  at  the  time,  and  have  been  collected  and  printed 
in  various  books.  But,  except  for  the  speeches  of  the  Presi 
dent  elect,  those  accounts  possess  uo  particular  interest  at 
this  day ;  and  of  the  speeches  we  shall  present  here  only 
such  extracts  as  express  his  thoughts  and  feelings  about  the 
impending  civil  war. 

In  the  heat  of  the  late  canvass,  he  had  Avritten  the  following 
private  letter :  — 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Aug.  15,  1860. 
JOHN  B.  FUY,  ESQ. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  Yours  of  the  9th,  enclosing  the  letter  of  Hon.  John  M. 
Bolts,  was  duly  received.  The  latter  is  herewith  returned,  according  to  your 
request.  It  contains  one  of  the  many  assurances  I  receive  from  the  South, 
that  in  no  probable  event  will  there  be  any  very  formidable  effort  to  break 
up  the  Union.  The  people  of  the  South  have  too  much  of  good  sense  and  good 
temper  to  attempt  the  ruin  of  the  government,  rather  than  see  it  adminis 
tered  as  it  was  administered  by  the  men  who  made  it.  At  least,  so  I  hope 
and  believe. 

I  thank  you  both  for  your  own  letter  and  a  sight  of  that  of  Mr.  Botts. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 


508  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  opinion  expressed  in  the  letter  as  to  the  probability  of 
war  does  not  appear  to  have  undergone  any  material  change 
or  modification  during  the  eventful  months  which  had  inter 
vened  ;  for  he  expressed  it  in  much  stronger  terms  at  almost 
every  stage  of  his  progress  to  Washington. 

At  Toledo  he  said,  — 

"  I  am  leaving  you  on  an  errand  of  national  importance,  attended,  as  you 
are  aware,  with  considerable  difficulties.  Let  us  believe,  as  some  poet  has 
expressed  it, '  Behind  the  cloud  the  sun  is  shining  still.' " 

At  Indianapolis :  — 

"  I  am  here  to  thank  you  for  this  magnificent  welcome,  and  still  more  for 
the  very  generous  support  given  by  your  State  to  that  political  cause,  which, 
I  think,  is  the  true  and  just  cause  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  whole 
world.  Solomon  says,  '  There  is  a  time  to  keep  silence ; '  and  when  men 
wrangle  by  the  mouth,  with  no  certainty  that  they  mean  the  same  thing 
while  using  the  same  words,  it  perhaps  were  as  well  if  they  would  keep 
silence. 

"  The  words  '  coercion '  and  '  invasion '  are  much  used  in  these  days,  and 
often  with  some  temper  and  hot  blood.  Let  us  make  sure,  if  we  can,  that 
we  do  not  misunderstand  the  meaning  of  those  who  use  them.  Let  us  get 
the  exact  definitions  of  these  words,  not  from  dictionaries,  but  from  the  men 
themselves,  who  certainly  deprecate  the  things  they  would  represent  by  the 
use  of  the  words. 

"  What,  then,  is  coercion  ?  What  is  invasion  ?  Would  the  marching  of 
an  army  into  South  Carolina,  without  the  consent  of  her  people,  and  with 
hostile  intent  toward  them,  be  invasion  ?  I  certainly  think  it  would  ;  and  it 
would  be  coercion  also,  if  the  South  Carolinians  were  forced  to  submit.  But 
if  the  United  States  should  merely  hold  and  retake  its  own  forts  and  other 
property,  and  collect  the  duties  on  foreign  importations,  or  even  withhold  the 
mails  from  places  where  they  were  habitually  violated,  would  any  or  all  of 
these  things  be  invasion  or  coercion  ?  Do  our  professed  lovers  of  the  Union, 
who  spitefully  resolve  that  they  will  resist  coercion  and  invasion,  understand 
that  such  things  as  these,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  would  be  coer 
cion  or  invasion  of  a  State  ?  If  so,  their  idea  of  means  to  preserve  the 
object  of  their  great  affection  would  seem  to  be  exceedingly  thin  and  airy. 
If  sick,  the  little  pills  of  the  homocopathist  would  be  much  too  large  for  them  to 
swallow.  In  their  view,  the  Union,  as  a  family  relation,  would  seem  to  be 
no  regular  marriage,  but  rather  a  sort  of '  free-love '  arrangement,  to  be  main 
tained  oh  passional  attraction." 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  509 

At  Columbus  :  — 

"  Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  interest  felt  in  relation  to  the  policj 
of  the  new  administration.  In  this,  I  have  received  from  some  a  degree  of 
credit  for  having  kept  silence,  from  others  some  depreciation.  I  still  think 
I  was  right.  In  the  varying  and  repeatedly-shifting  scenes  of  the  present, 
without  a  precedent  which  could  enable  me  to  judge  for  the  past,  it  has  seemed 
fitting,  that,  before  speaking  upon  the  difficulties  of  the  country,  I  should  have 
gained  a  view  of  the  whole  field.  To  be  sure,  after  all,  I  would  be  at  liberty 
to  modify  and  change  the  course  of  policy  as  future  events  might  make  a 
change  necessary. 

"  I  have  not  maintained  silence  from  any  want  of  real  anxiety.  It  is  a 
good  thing  that  there  is  no  more  than  anxiety,  for  there  is  nothing  going  wrong. 
It  is  a  consoling  circumstance,  that  when  we  look  out  there  is  nothing  that  really 
hurts  anybody.  We  entertain  different  views  upon  political  questions ;  but 
nobody  is  suffering  any  thing.  This  is  a  most  consoling  circumstance,  and  from 
it  I  judge  that  all  we  want  is  time  and  patience,  and  a  reliance  on  that  God  who 
has  never  forsaken  this  people." 

At  Pittsburg :  — 

"Notwithstanding  the  troubles  across  the  river,  there  is  really  no  crisis 
springing  from  any  thing  in  the  Government  itself.  In  plain  words,  there  is 
really  no  crisis,  except  an  artificial  one.  What  is  there  now  to  warrant  the 
condition  of  affairs  presented  by  our  friends  '  over  the  river '  ?  Take  even 
their  own  view  of  the  questions  involved,  and  there  is  nothing  to  justify  the 
course  which  they  are  pursuing.  I  repeat  it,  then,  there  it  no  crisis,  except 
such  a  one  as  may  be  gotten  up  at  any  time  by  turbulent  men,  aided  by  designing 
politicians.  My  advice,  then,  under  such  circumstances,  is  to  keep  cool.  If 
the  great  American  people  will  only  keep  their  temper  on  both  sides  of  the  line, 
the  trouble  will  come  to  an  end,  and  the  question  which  now  distracts  the  country 
will  be  settled  just  as  surely  as  all  other  difficulties  of  like  character  which  have 
originated  in  this  Government  have  been  adjusted.  Let  the  people  on  both  sides 
keep  their  self-possession,  and,  just  as  other  clouds  have  cleared  away  in  due 
time,  so  will  this ;  and  this  great  nation  shall  continue  to  prosper  as  heretofore." 

At  Cleveland :  — 

"  Frequent  allusion  is  made  to  the  excitement  at  present  existing  in  our 
national  politics,  and  it  is  as  well  that  I  should  also  allude  to  it  here.  / 
think  that  there  is  no  occasion  for  any  excitement.  The  crisis,  as  it  is  called,  is 
altogether  an  artificial  crisis.  .  .  .  As  I  said  before,  this  crisis  it  all  artificial ! 
It  has  no  foundation  in  fact.  It  was  not  '  argued  up,'  as  the  saying  is,  and 
cannot  be  argued  down.  Let  it  alone,  and  it  will  go  down  itself.  " 


510  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Before  the  Legislature  of  New  York :  — 

"  When  the  time  comes,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Government,  I 
shall  speak,  and  speak  as  well  as  I  am  able  for  the  good  of  the  present  and 
of  the  future  of  this  country,  —  for  the  good  of  the  North  and  of  the  South, 
for  the  good  of  one  and  of  the  other,  and  of  all  sections  of  it.  In  the  mean 
time,  if  we  have  patience,  if  we  maintain  our  equanimity,  though  some  may  allow 
themselves  to  run  off  in  a  burst  of  passion,  I  still  have  confidence  that  the 
Almighty  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  through  the  instrumentality  of  this  great 
and  intelligent  people,  can  and  will  bring  us  through  this  difficulty,  as  he  has 
heretofore  brought  us  through  all  preceding  difficulties  of  the  country.  Relying 
upon  this,  and  again  thanking  you,  as  I  forever  shall,  in  my  heart,  for  this 
generous  reception  you  have  given  me,  I  bid  you  farewell." 

In  response  to  the  Mayor  of  New  York  City,  who  had  said, 
"  To  you,  therefore,  chosen  under  the  forms  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  as  the  head  of  the  Confederacy,  we  look  for  a  restora 
tion  of  fraternal  relations  between  the  States,  —  only  to  be 
accomplished  by  peaceful  and  conciliatory  means,  aided  by  the 
wisdom  of  Almighty  God,"  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  — 

"  In  regard  to  the  difficulties  that  confront  us  at  this  time,  and  of  which 
you  have  seen  fit  to  speak  so  becomingly  and  so  justly,  I  can  only  say  that  / 
agree  with  the  sentiments  expressed." 

At  Trenton :  — 

"  I  shall  endeavor  to  take  the  ground  I  deem  most  just  to  the  North,  the 
East,  the  West,  the  South,  and  the  whole  country.  I  take  it,  I  hope,  in  good 
temper,  —  certainly  with  no  malice  towards  any  section.  /  shall  do  all  that 
may  be  in  my  power  to  promote  a  peaceful  settlement  of  all  our  difficulties.  The 
man  does  not  live  who  is  more  devoted  to  peace  than  I  am,  —  none  who  would  do 
more  to  preserve  it.  But  it  maybe  necessary  to  put  the  foot  downjirmly.  And 
if  I  do  my  duty,  and  do  right,  you  will  sustain  me  :  will  you  not  ?  Received, 
as  I  am,  by  the  members  of  a  legislature,  the  majority  of  whom  do  not  agree 
with  me  in  political  sentiments,  I  trust  that  I  may  have  their  assistance  in 
piloting  the  Ship  of  State  through  this  voyage,  surrounded  by  perils  as  it  is ; 
for,  if  it  should  sufler  shipwreck  now,  there  will  be  no  pilot  ever  needed  for 
another  voyage." 

At  Philadelphia :  — 

"  It  is  true,  as  your  worthy  mayor  has  said,  that  there  is  anxiety  among 
the  citizens  ol  the  United  States  at  this  time.  I  deem  it  a  happy  circum- 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  511 

stance  that  this  dissatisfied  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens  do  not  point  us  to 
any  thing  in  which  they  are  being  injured,  or  are  about  to  be  injured ;  for 
which  reason  I  have  felt  all  the  while  justified  in  concluding  (hat  the  crisis,  the 
panic,  the  anxiety,  of  the  country  at  this  time  is  artificial.  If  there  be  those 
•who  differ  with  me  upon  this  subject,  they  have  not  pointed  out  the  substan 
tial  difficulty  that  exists.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  an  artificial  panic  may 
not  do  considerable  harm  :  that  it  has  done  such  I  do  not  deny.  The  hope 
that  has  been  expressed  by  your  mayor,  that  I  may  be  able  to  res  tore  peace, 
harmony,  and  prosperity  to  the  country,  is  most  worthy  of  him  ;  and  happy 
indeed  will  I  be  if  I  shall  be  able  to  verify  and  fulfil  that  hope.  I  promise 
you,  in  all  sincerity,  that  I  bring  to  the  work  a  sincere  heart.  Whether  I 
will  bring  a  head  equal  to  that  heart,  will  be  for  future  times  to  determine.  It 
were  useless  for  me  to  speak  of  details  or  plans  now :  I  shall  speak  officially 
next  Monday  week,  if  ever.  If  I  should  not  speak  then,  it  were  useless  for 
me  to  do  so  now." 

At  Philadelphia  again  :  — 

"  Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  there  need  be  no  bloodshed 
or  war.  There  is  no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  course :  and  I 
may  say,  in  advance,  that  there  will  be  no  blood  shed  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the 
Government ;  and  then  it  will  be  compelled  to  act  in  self-defence." 

At  Harrisburg :  — 

"  I  recur  for  a  moment  but  to  repeat  some  words  uttered  at  the  hotel  in 
regard  to  what  has  been  said  about  the  military  support  which  the  General 
Government  may  expect  from  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania  in  a 
proper  emergency.  To  guard  against  any  possible  mistake,  do  I  recur  to  this. 
It  is  not  with  any  pleasure  that  I  contemplate  the  possibility  that  a  necessity  may 
arise  in  this  country  for  the  use  of  the  military  arm.  While  I  am  exceedingly 
gratified  to  see  the  manifestation  upon  your  streets  of  your  military  force 
here,  and  exceedingly  gratified  at  your  promise  here  to  use  that  force  upon  a 
proper  emergency  ;  while  I  make  these  acknowledgments,  I  desire  to  repeat, 
in  order  to  preclude  any  possible  misconstruction,  that  I  do  most  sincerely  hope 
that  we  shall  have  no  use  for  them ;  that  it  will  never  become  their  du'y  to  shed 
blood,  and  most  especially  never  to  shed  fraternal  blood.  I  promise  that,  go  far 
as  I  have  wisdom  to  direct,  if  so  painful  a  result  shall  in  any  wise  be  brought 
about,  it  shall  be  through  no  fault  of  mine." 

Whilst  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  midst  of  his  suite  and  atten 
dants,  was  being  borne  in  triumph  through  the  streets  of 
Philadelphia,  and  a  countless  multitude  of  people  were  shout- 


512  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

ing  themselves  hoarse,  and  jostling  and  crushing  each  other 
around  his  carriage-wheels,  Mr.  Felton,  the  President  of  the 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington,  and  Baltimore  Railway,  was  en 
gaged  with  a  private  detective  discussing  the  details  of  an 
alleged  conspiracy  to  murder  him  at  Baltimore.  Some  months 
before,  Mr.  Felton,  apprehending  danger  to  the  bridges  along 
his  line,  had  taken  this  man  into  his  pay,  and  sent  him  to 
Baltimore  to  spy  out  and  report  any  plot  that  might  be  found 
for  their  destruction.  Taking  with  him  a  couple  of  other  men 
and  a  woman,  the  detective  went  about  his  business  with  the 
zeal  which  necessarily  marks  his  peculiar  profession.  He  set 
up  as  a  stock-broker,  under  an  assumed  name,  opened  an 
office,  and  became  a  vehement  Secessionist.  His  agents  were 
instructed  to  act  with  the  duplicity  which  such  men  generally 
use,  to  be  rabid  on  the  subject  of  "  Southern  rights,"  to  sug 
gest  all  manner  of  crimes  in  vindication  of  them  ;  and  if,  by 
these  arts,  corresponding  sentiments  should  be  elicited  from 
their  victims,  the  "  job  "  might  be  considered  as  prospering. 
Of  course  they  readily  found  out  what  everybody  else  knew, 
—  that  Maryland  was  in  a  state  of  great  alarm ;  that  her 
people  were  forming  military  associations,  and  that  Gov. 
Hicks  was  doing  his  utmost  to  furnish  them  with  arms,  on 
condition  that  the  arms,  in  case  of  need,  should  be  turned 
against  the  Federal  Government.  Whether  they  detected 
any  plan  to  burn  bridges  or  not,  the  chief  detective  does  not 
relate  ;  but  it  appears  that  he  soon  deserted  that  inquiry, 
and  got,  or  pretended  to  get,  upon  a  scent  that  promised  a 
heavier  reward.  Being  intensely  ambitious  to  shine  in  the 
professional  way,  and  something  of  a  politician  besides,  it  struck 
him  that  it  would  be  a  particularly  fine  thing  to  discover  a 
dreadful  plot  to  assassinate  the  President  elect ;  and  he  dis 
covered  it  accordingly.  It  was  easy  to  get  that  far  :  to  furnish 
tangible  proofs  of  an  imaginary  conspiracy  was  a  more  difficult 
matter.  But  Baltimore  was  seething  with  political  excitement ; 
numerous  strangers  from  the  far  South  crowded  its  hotels  and 
boarding-houses  ;  great  numbers  of  mechanics  and  laborers 
out  of  employment  encumbered  its  streets ;  and  everywhere 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  513 

politicians,  merchants,  mechanics,  laborers,  and  loafers  were 
engaged  in  heated  discussions  about  the  anticipated  war,  and 
the  probability  of  Northern  troops  being  marched  through 
Maryland  to  slaughter  and  pillage  beyond  the  Potomac.  It 
would  seem  like  an  easy  thing  to  beguile  a  few  individuals  of 
this  angry  and  excited  multitude  into  the  expression  of  some 
criminal  desire  ;  and  the  opportunity  was  not  wholly  lost, 
although  the  limited  success  of  the  detective  under  such 

o 

favorable  circumstances  is  absolutely  wonderful.  He  put  his 
"  shadows  "  upon  several  persons,  whom  it  suited  his  pleasure 
to  suspect ;  and  the  "  shadows  "  pursued  their  work  with  the 
keen  zest  and  the  cool  treachery  of  their  kind.  They  reported 
daily  to  their  chief  in  writing,  as  he  reported  in  turn  to  his 
employer.  These  documents  are  neither  edifying  nor  useful : 
they  prove  nothing  but  the  baseness  of  the  vocation  which 
gave  them  existence.  They  were  furnished  to  Mr.  Herndon 
in  full,  under  the  impression  that  partisan  feeling  had  extin 
guished  in  him  the  love  of  truth,  and  the  obligations  of 
candor,  as  it  had  in  many  writers  who  preceded  him  on 
the  same  subject-matter.  They  have  been  carefully  and 
thoroughly  read,  analyzed,  examined,  and  compared,  with  an 
earnest  and  conscientious  desire  to  discover  the  truth,  if,  per 
chance,  any  trace  of  truth  might  be  in  them.  The  process  of 
investigation  began  with  a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  the  con 
clusion  at  which  the  detective  had  arrived.  For  ten  years 
the  author  implicitly  believed  in  the  reality  of  the  atrocious 
plot  which  these  spies  were  supposed  to  have  detected  and 
thwarted ;  and  for  ten  years  he  had  pleased  himself  with 
the  reflection  that  he  also  had  done  something  to  defeat  the 
bloody  purpose  of  the  assassins.  It  was  a  conviction  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  overthrown  by  evidence  less  power 
ful  than  the  detective's  weak  and  contradictory  account  of 
his  own  case.  In  that  account  there  is  literally  nothing  to 
sustain  the  accusation,  and  much  to  rebut  it.  It  is  perfectly 
manifest  that  there  was  no  conspiracy,  —  no  conspiracy  of  a 
hundred,  of  fifty,  of  twenty,  of  three ;  no  definite  purpose  in 
the  heart  of  even  one  man  to  murder  Mr.  Lincoln  at  Baltimore. 

33 


514  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  reports  are  all  in  the  form  of  personal  narratives,  and 
for  the  most  relate  when  the  spies  went  to  bed,  when  they 
rose,  where  they  ate,  what  saloons  and  brothels  they  visited, 
and  what  blackguards  they  met  and  "  drinked  "  with.  One 
of  them  "  shadowed  "  a  loud-mouthed,  drinking  fellow,  named 
Luckett,  and  another,  a  poor  scapegrace  and  braggart,  named 
Hilliard.  These  wretches  "  drinked  "  and  talked  a  great  deal, 
hung  about  bars,  haunted  disreputable  houses,  were  constantly 
half-drunk,  and  easily  excited  to  use  big  and  threatening 
words  by  the  faithless  protestations  and  cunning  management 
of  the  spies.  Thus  Hilliard  was  made  to  say  that  he  thought 
a  man  who  should  act  the  part  of  Brutus  in  these  times  would 
deserve  well  of  his  country ;  and  Luckett  was  induced  to 
declare  that  he  knew  a  man  who  would  kill  Lincoln.  At 
length  the  great  arch-conspirator  —  the  Brutus,  the  Orsini,  of 
the  New  World,  to  whom  Luckett  and  Hilliard,  the  "  national 
volunteers,"  and  all  such,  were  as  mere  puppets  —  conde 
scended  to  reveal  himself  in  the  most  obliging  and  confiding 
manner.  He  made  no  mystery  of  his  cruel  and  desperate 
scheme.  He  did  not  guard  it  as  a  dangerous  secret,  or  choose 
his  confidants  with  the  circumspection  which  political  crimi 
nals,  and  especially  assassins,  have  generally  thought  proper 
to  observe.  Very  many  persons  knew  what  he  was  about, 
and  levied  on  their  friends  for  small  sums  —  five,  ten,  and 
twenty  dollars  —  to  further  the  "captain's"  plan.  Even 
Luckett  was  deep  enough  in  the  awful  plot  to  raise  money 
for  it ;  and  when  he  took  one  of  the  spies  to  a  public  bar-room, 
and  introduced  him  to  the  "  captain,"  the  latter  sat  down  and 
talked  it  all  over  without  the  slightest  reserve.  When  was 
there  ever  before  such  a  loud-mouthed  conspirator,  such  a 
trustful  and  innocent  assassin !  His  name  was  Ferrandina, 
his  occupation  that  of  a  barber,  his  place  of  business  beneath 
Barnum's  Hotel,  where  the  sign  of  the  bloodthirsty  villain 
still  invites  the  unsuspecting  public  to  come  in  for  a  shave. 

"  Mr.  Luckett,"  so  the  spy  relates,  "  said  that  he  was  not 
going  home  this  evening;  and  if  I  would  meet-  him  at  Barr's 
saloon,  on  South  Street,  he  would  introduce  me  to  Ferrandina. 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  515 

This  was  unexpected  to  me ;  but  I  determined  to  take  the 
chances,  and  agreed  to  meet  Mr.  Luckett  at  the  place  named 
at  7,  P.M.  Mr.  Luckett  left  about  2.30,  P.M.  ;  and  I  went  to 
dinner. 

"  I  was  at  the  office  in  the  afternoon  in  hopes  that  Mr.  Fel- 
ton  might  call,  but  he  did  not ;  and  at  6.15,  P.M.,  I  went  to 
supper.  After  supper,  I  went  to  Barr's  saloon,  and  found  Mr. 
Luckett  and  several  other  gentlemen  there.  He  asked  me  to 
drink,  and  introduced  me  to  Capt.  Ferrandina  and  Capt. 
Turner.  He  eulogized  me  very  highly  as  a  neighbor  of  his, 
and  told  Ferrandina  that  I  was  the  gentleman  who  had  given 
the  twenty -five  dollars  he  (Luckett)  had  given  to  Ferrandina. 

"  The  conversation  at  once  got  into  politics ;  and  Ferran 
dina,  who  is  a  fine-looking,  intelligent-appearing  person,  be 
came  very  excited.  He  shows  the  Italian  in,  I  think,  a  very 
marked  degree ;  and,  although  excited,  yet  was  cooler  than 
what  I  had  believed  was  the  general  characteristic  of  Italians. 
He  has  lived  South  for  many  years,  and  is  thoroughly  imbued 
with  the  idea  that  the  South  must  rule ;  that  they  (Southern 
ers)  have  been  outraged  in  their  rights  by  the  election  of 
Lincoln,  and  freely  justified  resorting  to  any  means  to  pre 
vent  Lincoln  from  taking  his  seat ;  and,  as  he  spoke,  his  eyes 
fairly  glared  and  glistened,  and  his  whole  frame  quivered,  but 
he  was  fully  conscious  of  all  he  was  doing.  He  is  a  man  well 
calculated  for  controlling  and  directing  the  ardent-minded : 
he  is  an  enthusiast,  and  believes,  that,  to  use  his  own  words, 
4  murder  of  any  kind  is  justifiable  and  right  to  save  the  rights 
of  the  Southern  people.'  In  all  his  views  he  was  ably  sec 
onded  by  Capt.  Turner. 

"  Capt.  Turner  is  an  American ;  but  although  very  much 
of  a  gentleman,  and  possessing  warm  Southern  feelings,  he  is 
not  by  any  means  so  dangerous  a  man  as  Ferrandina,  as  his 
ability  for  exciting  others  is  less  powerful ;  but  that  he  is  a 
bold  and  proud  man  there  is  no  doubt,  as  also  that  he  is 
entirely  under  the  control  of  Ferrandina.  In  fact,  it  could 
not  be  otherwise  :  for  even  I  myself  felt  the  influence  of  this 
man's  strange  power;  and,  wrong  though  I  knew  him  to 


516  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

be,  I  felt  strangely  unable  to  keep  my  mind  balanced  against 
him. 

"  Ferrandina  said,  'Never,  never,  shall  Lincoln  be  President.' 
His  life  (Ferrandina's)  was  of  no  consequence :  he  was  will 
ing  to  give  it  up  for  Lincoln's  ;  he  would  sell  it  for  that  Aboli 
tionist's  ;  and  as  Orsini  had  given  his  life  for  Italy,  so  was  he 
(Ferrandina)  ready  to  die  for  his  country,  and  the  rights  of 
the  South ;  and,  said  Ferrandina,  turning  to  Capt.  Turner, 
;  We  shall  all  die  together :  we  shall  show  the  North  that  we 
fear  them  not.  Every  man,  captain,'  said  he,  '  will  on  that 
day  prove  himself  a  hero.  The  first  shot  fired,  the  main  trai 
tor  (Lincoln)  dead,  and  all  Maryland  will  be  with  us,  and  the 
South  shall  be  free  ;  and  the  North  must  then  be  ours.'  — '  Mr. 
Hutchins,'  said  Ferrandina,  '  if  I  alone  must  do  it,  I  shall : 
Lincoln  shall  die  in  this  city? 

"  Whilst  we  were  thus  talking,  we  (Mr.  Luckett,  Turner, 
Ferrandina,  and  myself)  were  alone  in  one  corner  of  the  bar 
room  ;  and,  while  talking,  two  strangers  had  got  pretty  near  us. 
Mr.  Luckett  called  Ferrandina's  attention  to  this,  and  inti 
mated  that  they  were  listening ;  and  we  went  up  to  the  bar, 
drinked  again  at  my  expense,  and  again  retired  to  another  part 
of  the  room,  at  Ferrandina's  request,  to  see  if  the  strangers 
would  again  follow  us  :  whether  by  accident  or  design,  they 
again  got  near  us ;  but  of  course  we  were  not  talking  of  any 
matter  of  consequence.  Ferrandina  said  he  suspected  they 
were  spies,  and  suggested  that  he  had  to  attend  a  secret  meet 
ing,  and  was  apprehensive  that  the  two  strangers  might  fol 
low  him ;  and,  at  Mr.  Luckett' s  request,  I  remained  with  him 
(Luckett)  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  strangers.  I 
assured  Ferrandina,  that,  if  they  would  attempt  to  follow  him, 
that  we  would  whip  them. 

"  Ferrandina  and  Turner  left  to  attend  the  meeting ;  and, 
anxious  as  I  was  to  follow  them  myself,  I  was  obliged  to 
remain  with  Mr.  Luckett  to  watch  the  strangers,  which  we 
did  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  when  Mr.  Luckett  said  that  he 
should  go  to  a  friend's  to  stay  over  night,  and  I  left  for  my 
hotel,  arriving  there  at  about  9,  P.M.,  and  soon  retired." 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  517 

It  is  in  a  secret  communication  between  hireling  spies  and 
paid  informers  that  these  ferocious  sentiments  are  attributed 
to  the  poor  knight  of  the  soap-pot.  No  disinterested  person 
would  believe  the  story  upon  such  evidence  ;  and  it  will 
appear  hereafter,  that  even  the  detective  felt  that  it  was  too 
weak  to  mention  among  his  strong  points  at  that  decisive 
moment,  when  he  revealed  all  he  knew  to  the  President  and 
his  friends.  It  is  probably  a  mere  fiction.  If  it  had  had  any 
foundation  in  fact,  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that  the  sprightly 
and  eloquent  barber  would  have  dangled  at  a  rope's  end  long 
since.  He  would  hardly  have  been  left  to  shave  and  plot  in 
peace,  while  the  members  of  the  Legislature,  the  police-mar 
shal,  and  numerous  private  gentlemen,  were  locked  up  in 
Federal  prisons.  When  Mr.  Lincoln  was  actually  slain,  four 
years  later,  and  the  cupidity  of  the  detectives  was  excited 
by  enormous  rewards,  Ferrandina  was  totally  unmolested. 
But  even  if  Ferrandina  really  said  all  that  is  here  imputed  to 
him,  he  did  no  more  than  many  others  around  him  were  doing 
at  the  same  time.  He  drank  and  talked,  and  made  swelling 
speeches  ;  but  he  never  took,  nor  seriously  thought  of  taking, 
the  first  step  toward  the  frightful  tragedy  he  is  said  to  have 
contemplated. 

The  detectives  are  cautious  not  to  include  in  the  supposed 
plot  to  murder  any  person  of  eminence,  power,  or  influence. 
Their  game  is  all  of  the  smaller  sort,  and,  as  they  conceived, 
easily  taken, — witless  vagabonds  like  Hilliard  and  Luckett, 
and  a  barber,  whose  calling  indicates  his  character  and  asso 
ciations.  They  had  no  fault  to  find  with  the  governor  of  the 
State :  he  was  rather  a  lively  trimmer,  to  be  sure,  and  very 
anxious  to  turn  up  at  last  on  the  winning  side ;  but  it  was 
manifestly  impossible  that  one  in  such  exalted  station  could 
meditate  murder.  Yet,  if  they  had  pushed  their  inquiries 
with  an  honest  desire  to  get  at  the  truth,  they  might  have 
found  much  stronger  evidence  against  the  governor  than  that 
which  they  pretend  to  have  found  against  the  barber.  In 
the  governor's  case  the  evidence  is  documentary,  written, 
authentic,  —  over  his  own  hand,  clear  and  conclusive  as  pen 


518  LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  ink  could  make  it.  As  early  as  the  previous  November, 
Gov.  Hicks  had  written  the  following  letter ;  and,  notwith 
standing  its  treasonable  and  murderous  import,  the  writer 
became  conspicuously  loyal  before  spring,  and  lived  to  reap 
splendid  rewards  and  high  honors  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Federal  Government,  as  the  most  patriotic  and  devoted  Union 
man  in  Maryland.  The  person  to  whom  the  letter  was  ad 
dressed  was  equally  fortunate  ;  and,  instead  of  drawing  out 
his  comrades  in  the  field  to  "kill  Lincoln  and  his  men,"  he 
was  sent  to  Congress  by  power  exerted  from  Washington  at  a 
time  when  the  administration  selected  the  representatives  of 
Maryland,  and  performed  all  his  duties  right  loyally  and  ac 
ceptably.  Shall  one  be  taken,  and  another  left?  Shall  Hicks 
go  to  the  Senate,  and  Webster  to  Congress,  while  the  poor 
barber  is  held  to  the  silly  words  which  he  is  alleged  to  have 
sputtered  out  between  drinks  in  a  low  groggery,  under  the 
blandishments  and  encouragements  of  an  eager  spy,  itching 
for  his  reward  ? 

STATE  OP  MARYLAND,  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER, 

ANNAPOLIS,  Nov.  9,  1860. 
HON.  E.  H.  WEBSTER. 

My  dear  Sir, — -I  have  pleasure  in  acknowledging  receipt  of  your  favor 
introducing  a  very  clever  gentleman  to  my  acquaintance  (though  a  Demo'). 
I  regret  to  say  that  we  have,  at  this  time,  no  arms  on  hand  to  distribute,  but 
assure  you  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  your  company  shall  have  arms : 
they  have  complied  with  all  required  on  their  part.  We  have  some  delay, 
in  consequence  of  contracts  with  Georgia  and  Alabama,  ahead  of  us  :  we 
expect  at  an  early  day  an  additional  supply,  and  of  first  received  your  people 
shall  be  furnished.  Will  they  be  good  men  to  send  out  to  kill  Lincoln  and 
his  men  ?  if  not,  suppose  the  arms  would  be  better  sent  South. 

How  does  late  election  sit  with  you  ?  'Tis  too  bad.  Harford,  nothing  to 
reproach  herself  for. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

THOS.  H.  HICKS. 

With  the  Presidential  party  was  Hon.  Norman  B.  Judd: 
he  was  supposed  to  exercise  unbounded  influence  over  the 
new  President ;  and  with  him,  therefore,  the  detective  opened 
communications.  At  various  places  along  the  route,  Mr.  Judd 
was  given  vague  hints  of  the  impending  danger,  accompanied 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  519 

by  the  usual  assurances  of  the  skill  and  activity  of  the  patriots 
who  were  perilling  their  lives  in  a  rebel  city  to  save  that  of 
the  Chief  Magistrate.  When  he  reached  New  York,  he  was 
met  by  the  woman  who  had  originally  gone  with  the  other 
spies  to  Baltimore.  She  had  urgent  messages  from  her  chief, 
—  messages  that  disturbed  Mr.  Judd  exceedingly.  The 
detective  was  anxious  to  meet  Mr.  Judd  and  the  President ; 
and  a  meeting  was  accordingly  arranged  to  take  place  at 
Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Lincoln  reached  Philadelphia  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
21st.  The  detective  had  arrived  in  the  morning,  and  improved 
the  interval  to  impress  and  enlist  Mr.  Felton.  In  the  evening 
he  got  Mr.  Judd  and  Mr.  Felton  into  his  room  at  the  St.  Louis 
Hotel,  and  told  them  all  he  had  learned.  He  dwelt  at  large 
on  the  fierce  temper  of  the  Baltimore  Secessionists ;  on  the 
loose  talk  he  had  heard  about  "  fire-balls  or  hand-grenades ;  " 
on  a  "  privateer  "  said  to  be  moored  somewhere  in  the  bay ; 
on  the  organization  called  National  Volunteers ;  on  the  fact, 
that,  eaves-dropping  at  Barnum's  Hotel,  he  had  overheard 
Marshal  Kane  intimate  that  he  would  not  supply  a  police-force 
on  some  undefined  occasion,  but  what  the  occasion  was  he  did 
not  know.  He  made  much  of  his  miserable  victim,  Hilliard, 
whom  he  held  up  as  a  perfect  type  of  the  class  from  which 
danger  was  to  be  apprehended  ;  but,  concerning  "  Captain"  Fer- 
randina  and  his  threats,  he  said,  according  to  his  own  account, 
not  a  single  word.  He  had  opened  his  case,  his  whole  case, 
and  stated  it  as  strongly  as  he  could.  Mr.  Judd  was  very 
much  startled,  and  was  sure  that  it  would  be  extremely  impru 
dent  for  Mr.  Lincoln  to  pass  through  Baltimore  in  open  day 
light,  according  to  the  published  programme.  But  he  thought 
the  detective  ought  to  see  the  President  himself ;  and,  as  it 
was  wearing  toward  nine  o'clock,  there  was  no  time  to  lose. 
It  was  agreed  that  the  part  taken  by  the  detective  and  Mr. 
Felton  should  be  kept  secret  from  every  one  but  the  Presi 
dent.  Mr.  Sanford,  President  of  the  American  Telegraph 
Company,  had  also  been  co-operating  in  the  business  ;  and  the 
same  stipulation  was  made  with  regard  to  him. 


520  LIE'B   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Judd  went  to  his  own  room  at  the  Continental,  and  the 
detective  followed.  The  crowd  in  the  hotel  was  very  dense, 
and  it  took  some  time  to  get  a  message  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  But 
it  finally  reached  him,  and  he  responded  in  person.  Mr.  Judd 
introduced  the  detective ;  and  the  latter  told  his  story  over 
again,  with  a  single  variation :  this  time  he  mentioned  the 
name  of  Ferrandina  along  with  Milliard's,  but  gave  no  more 
prominence  to  one  than  to  the  other. 

Mr.  Judd  and  the  detective  wanted  Lincoln  to  leave  for 
Washington  that  night.  This  he  flatly  refused  to  do.  He 
had  engagements  with  the  people,  he  said,  —  to  raise  a  flag 
over  Independence  Hall  in  the  morning,  and  to  exhibit  him 
self  at  Harrisburg  in  the  afternoon  ;  and  these  engagements 
he  would  not  break  in  any  event.  But  he  would  raise  the 
flag,  go  to  Harrisburg,  "  get  away  quietly  "  in  the  evening, 
and  permit  himself  to  be  carried  to  Washington  in  the  way 
they  thought  best.  Even  this,  however,  he  conceded  with 
great  reluctance.  He  condescended  to  cross-examine  the 
detective  on  some  parts  of  his  narrative,  but  at  no  time  did 
he  seem  in  the  least  degree  alarmed.  He  was  earnestly 
requested  not  to  communicate  the  change  of  plan  to  any  mem 
ber  of  his  party,  except  Mr.  Judd,  nor  permit  even  a  suspi 
cion  of  it  to  cross  the  mind  of  another.  To  this  he  replied, 
that  he  would  be  compelled  to  tell  Mrs.  Lincoln  ;  "  and  he 
thought  it  likely  that  she  would  insist  upon  W.  H.  Lamon 
going  with  him  ;  but,  aside  from  that,  no  one  should  know." 

In  the  mean  time,  Mr.  Seward  had  also  discovered  the  con 
spiracy.  He  despatched  his  son  to  Philadelphia  to  warn  the 
President  elect  of  the  terrible  plot  into  whose  meshes  he  was 
about  to  run.  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  him  over  to  Judd,  and  Judd 
told  him  they  already  knew  all  about  it.  He  went  away  with 
just  enough  information  to  enable  his  father  to  anticipate  the 
exact  moment  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  surreptitious  arrival  in  Wash 
ington. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  Mr.  Lincoln  raised  the 
flag  over  Independence  Hall,  and  departed  for  Harrisburg. 
On  the  way,  Mr.  Judd  "  gave  him  a  full  and  precise  detail  of 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  521 

the  arrangements  that  had  been  made  "  the  previous  night. 
After  the  conference  with  the  detective,  Mr.  Sanford,  Col. 
Scott,  Mr.  Felton,  railroad  and  telegraph  officials,  had  been 
sent  for,  and  came  to  Mr.  Judd's  room.  They  occupied  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  night  in  perfecting  the  plan.  It  was  finally 
understood  that  about  six  o'clock  the  next  evening  Mr.  Lin 
coln  should  slip  away  from  the  Jones  Hotel,  at  Harrisburg,  in 
company  with  a  single  member  of  his  party.  A  special  car 
and  engine  would  be  provided  for  him  on  the  track  outside 
the  d6p6t.  All  other  trains  on  the  road  would  be  "  side 
tracked  "  until  this  one  had  passed.  Mr.  Sanford  would  for 
ward  skilled  "  telegraph-climbers,"  and  see  that  all  the  wires 
leading  out  of  Harrisburg  were  cut  at  six  o'clock,  and  kept 
down  until  it  was  known  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  reached  Wash 
ington  in  safety.  The  detective  would  meet  Mr.  Lincoln  at 
the  West  Philadelphia  depot  with  a  carriage,  and  conduct 
him  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  Philadelphia,  Wilmington, 
and  Baltimore  depot.  Berths  for  four  would  be  pre-engaged 
in  the  sleeping-car  attached  to  the  regular  midnight  train  for 
Baltimore.  This  train  Mr.  Felton  would  cause  to  be  detained 
until  the  conductor  should  receive  a  package,  containing  im 
portant  "government  despatches,"  addressed  to  "  E.  J.  Allen, 
Willard's  Hotel,  Washington."  This  package  was  made  up 
of  old  newspapers,  carefully  wrapped  and  sealed,  and  deliv 
ered  to  the  detective  to  be  used  as  soon  as  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
lodged  in  the  car.  Mr.  Lincoln  approved  of  the  plan,  and 
signified  his  readiness  to  acquiesce.  Then  Mr.  Judd,  forget 
ting  the  secrecy  which  the  spy  had  so  impressively  enjoined, 
told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  the  step  he  was  about  to  take  was  one 
of  such  transcendent  importance,  that  he  thought  "  it  should 
be  communicated  to  the  other  gentlemen  of  the  party."  Mr. 
Lincoln  said,  "  You  can  do  as  you  like  about  that."  Mr.  Judd 
now  changed  his  seat ;  and  Mr.  Nicolay,  whose  suspicions 
seem  to  have  been  aroused  by  this  mysterious  conference, 
sat  down  beside  him,  and  said,  "  Judd,  there  is  something  up. 
What  is  it,  if  it  is  proper  that  I  should  know  ?  "  —  "  George," 
answered  Judd,  "  there  is  no  necessity  for  your  knowing  it. 
One  man  can  keep  a  matter  better  than  two." 


522  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Arrived  at  Harrisburg,  and  the  public  ceremonies  and 
speech-making  over,  Mr.  Lincoln  retired  to  a  private  parlor 
in  the  Jones  House ;  and  Mr.  Judd  summoned  to  meet  him 
Judge  Davis,  Col.  Lamon,  Col.  Sumner,  Major  Hunter,  and 
Capt.  Pope.  The  three  latter  were  officers  of  the  regular 
army,  and  had  joined  the  party  after  it  had  left  Springfield. 
Judd  began  the  conference  by  stating  the  alleged  fact  of  the 
Baltimore  conspiracy,  how  it  was  detected,  and  how  it  was 
proposed  to  thwart  it  by  a  midnight  expedition  to  Washing 
ton  by  way  of  Philadelphia.  It  was  a  great  surprise  to  most 
of  those  assembled.  Col.  Sumner  was  the  first  to  break  silencer 
"  That  proceeding,"  said  he,  "  will  be  a  damned  piece  of  c 
ardice.''  Mr.  Judd  considered  this  a  "  pointed  hit,"  but 
plied  that  "  that  view  of  the  case  had  already  been  presented 
to  Mr.  Lincoln."  Then  there  was  a  general  interchange  of 
opinions,  which  Sumner  interrupted  by  saying,  "  I'll  get  a 
squad  of  cavalry,  sir,  and  cut  our  way  to  Washington,  sir  ! " 
—  "  Probably  before  that  day  comes,"  said  Mr.  Judd,  "  the 
inauguration  day  will  have  passed.  It  is  important  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  should  be  in  Washington  that  day."  Thus  far  Judge 
Davis  had  expressed  no  opinion,  but  "  had  put  various  ques 
tions  to  test  the  truthfulness  of  the  story."  He  now  turned 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  said,  "  You  personally  heard  the  detec 
tive's  story.  You  have  heard  this  discussion.  What  is  your 
judgment  in  the  matter  ?  "  —  "I  have  listened,"  answered  Mr. 
Lincoln,  "  to  this  discussion  with  interest.  I  see  no  reason, 
no  good  reason,  to  change  the  programme  ;  and  I  am  for  carry 
ing  it  out  as  arranged  by  Judd."  There  was  no  longer  any 
dissent  as  to  the  plan  itself ;  but  one  question  still  remained 
to  be  disposed  of.  Who  should  accompany  the  President  on 
his  perilous  ride  ?  Mr.  Judd  again  took  the  lead,  declaring 
that  he  and  Mr.  Lincoln  had  previously  determined  that  but 
one  man  ought  to  go,  and  that  Col.  Lamon  had  been  selected 
as  the  proper  person.  To  this  Sumner  violently  demurred. 
"  I  have  undertaken,"  he  exclaimed,  "  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
Washington." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  hastily  dining  when  a  close  carriage  was 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  523 

brought  to  the  side-door  of  the  hotel.  He  was  called,  hurried 
to  his  room,  changed  his  coat  and  hat,  and  passed  rapidly 
through  the  hall  and  out  of  the  door.  As  he  was  stepping  into 
the  carriage,  it  became  manifest  that  Sumner  was  determined 
to  get  in  also.  "  Hurry  with  him,"  whispered  Judd  to  Lamon, 
and  at  the  same  time,  placing  his  hand  on  Sumner's  shoulder, 
said  aloud,  "  One  moment,  colonel !  "  Sumner  turned  around  ; 
and,  in  that  moment,  the  carriage  drove  rapidly  away.  u  A 
madder  man,"  sa}^s  Mr.  Judd,  "you  never  saw." 

Mr.  Lincoln  and  Col.  Lamon  got  on  board  the  car  without 
discovery  or  mishap.  Besides  themselves,  there  was  no  one 
in  or  about  the  car  but  Mr.  Lewis,  general  superintendent  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad,  and  Mr.  Franciscus,  super 
intendent  of  the  division  over  which  they  were  about  to  pass. 
As  Mr.  Lincoln's  dress  on  this  occasion  has  been  much  dis 
cussed,  it  may  be  as  well  to  state  that  he  wore  a  soft,  light 
felt  hat,  drawn  down  over  his  face  when  it  seemed  necessary 
or  convenient,  and  a  shawl  thrown  over  his  shoulders,  and 
pulled  up  to  assist  in  disguising  his  features  when  passing 
to  and  from  the  carriage.  This  was  all  there  was  of  the 
"  Scotch  cap  and  cloak,"  so  widely  celebrated  in  the  political 
literature  of  the  day. 

At  ten  o'clock  they  reached  Philadelphia,  and  were  met  by 
the  detective,  and  one  Mr.  Kinney,  an  under-official  of  the 
Philadelphia,  Wilmington,  and  Baltimore  Railroad.  Lewis 
and  Franciscus  bade  Mr.  Lincoln  adieu.  Mr.  Lincoln,  Col. 
Lamon,  and  the  detective  seated  themselves  in  a  carriage, 
which  stood  in  waiting,  and  Mr.  Kinney  got  upon  the  box 
with  the  driver.  It  was  a  full  hour  and  a  half  before  the 
Baltimore  train  was  to  start ;  and  Mr.  Kinney  found  it  neces 
sary  "  to  consume  the  time  by  driving  northward  in  search  of 
some  imaginary  person." 

On  the  way  through  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Lincoln  told  his  com 
panions  about  the  message  he  had  received  from  Mr.  Seward. 
This  new  discovery  was  infinitely  more  appalling  than  the 
other.  Mr.  Seward  had  been  informed  "  that  about  fifteen 
thousand  men  were  organized  to  prevent  his  (Lincoln's)  pas- 


524  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

sage  through  Baltimore,  and  that  arrangements  were  made 
by  these  parties  to  blow  up  the  railroad  track,  fire  the  train" 
&c.  In  view  of  these  unpleasant  circumstances,  Mr.  Seward 
recommended  a  change  of  route.  Here  was  a  plot  big  enough 
to  swallow  up  the  little  one,  which  we  are  to  regard  as  the 
peculiar  property  of  Mr.  Felton's  detective.  Hilliard,  Fer- 
randina,  and  Luckett  disappear  among  the  "  fifteen  thou 
sand  ;  "  and  their  maudlin  and  impotent  twaddle  about  the 
•'  abolition  tyrant  "  looks  very  insignificant  beside  the  bloody 
massacre,  conflagration,  and  explosion  now  foreshadowed. 

As  the  moment  for  the  departure  of  the  Baltimore  train 
drew  near,  the  carriage  paused  in  the  dark  shadows  of  the 
depat  building.  It  was  not  considered  prudent  to  approach 
the  entrance.  The  spy  passed  in  first,  and  was  followed  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  Col.  Lamon.  An  agent  of  the  former  directed 
them  to  the  sleeping-car,  which  they  entered  by  the  rear  door. 
Mr.  Kinney  ran  forward,  and  delivered  to  the  conductor  the 
"  important  package  "  prepared  for  the  purpose  ;  and  in  three 
minutes  the  train  was  in  motion.  The  tickets  for  the  whole 
party  had  been  procured  beforehand.  Their  berths  were  ready, 
but  had  only  been  preserved  from  invasion  by  the  statement, 
that  they  were  retained  for  a  sick  man  and  his  attendants. 
The  business  had  been  managed  very  adroitly  by  the  female 
spy,  who  had  accompanied  her  employer  from  Baltimore  to 
Philadelphia  to  assist  him  in  this  the  most  delicate  and 
important  affair  of  his  life.  Mr.  Lincoln  got  into  his  bed  im 
mediately  ;  and  the  curtains  were  drawn  together.  When  the 
conductor  came  around,  the  detective  handed  him  the  "  sick 
man's  "  ticket ;  and  the  rest  of  the  party  lay  down  also.  None 
of  "our  party  appeared  to  be  sleepy,"  says  the  detective; 
"but  we  all  lay  quiet,  and  nothing  of  importance  transpired." 
"  Mr.  Lincoln  is  very  homely,"  said  the  woman  in  her  "  report," 
"  and  so  very  tall,  that  he  could  not  lay  straight  in  his  berth." 
During  the  night  Mr.  Lincoln  indulged  in  a  joke  or  two,  in  an 
undertone  ;  but,  with  that  exception,  the  "  two  sections  "  occu 
pied  by  them  were  perfectly  silent.  The  detective  said  he 
had  men  stationed  at  various  places  along  the  road  to  let  him 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN.  525 

know  "  if  all  was  right ; "  and  he  rose  and  went  to  the  plat 
form  occasionally  to  observe  their  signals,  but  returned  each 
time  with  a  favorable  report. 

At  thirty  minutes  after  three,  the  train  reached  Baltimore. 
One  of  the  spy's  assistants  came  on  board,  and  informed  him 
"in  a  whisper  that  all  was  right."  The  woman  got  out  of 
the  car.  Mr.  Lincoln  lay  close  in  his  berth ;  and  in  a  few 
moments  the  car  was  being  slowly  drawn  through  the  quiet 
streets  of  the  city  toward  the  Washington  ddput.  There  again 
there  was  another  pause,  but  no  sound  more  alarming  than  the 
noise  of  shifting  cars  and  engines.  The  passengers,  tucked 
away  on  their  narrow  shelves,  dozed  on  as  peacefully  as  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  never  been  born,  until  they  were  awakened  by  the 
loud  strokes  of  a  huge  club  against  a  night-watchman's  box, 
which  stood  within  the  ddput  and  close  to  the  track.  It  was 
an  Irishman,  trying  to  arouse  a  sleepy  ticket-agent,  comforta 
bly  ensconced  within.  For  twenty  minutes  the  Irishman 
pounded  the  box  with  ever-increasing  vigor,  and,  at  each  report 
of  his  blows,  shouted  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  "  Captain!  it's 
four  o'clock !  it's  four  o'clock !  "  The  Irishman  seemed  to 
think  that  time  had  ceased  to  run  at  four  o'clock,  and,  making 
no  allowance  for  the  period  consumed  by  his  futile  exercises, 
repeated  to  the  last  his  original  statement  that  it  was  four 
o'clock.  The  passengers  were  intensely  amused  ;  and  their 
jokes  and  laughter  at  the  Irishman's  expense  were  not  lost 
upon  the  occupants  of  the  "  two  sections"  in  the  rear.  "  Mr. 
Lincoln,"  says  the  detective,  appeared  "  to  enjoy  it  very  much, 
and  made  several  witty  remarks,  showing  that  he  was  as  full 
of  fun  as  ever." 

In  due  time  the  train  sped  out  of  the  suburbs  of  Baltimore  ; 
and  the  apprehensions  of  the  President  and  his  friends  dimin 
ished  with  each  welcome  revolution  of  the  wheels.  At  six 
o'clock  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  came  in  sight ;  and  a  moment 
later  they  rolled  into  the  long,  unsightly  building,  which  forms 
the  Washington  de*pot.  They  passed  out  of  the  car  unob 
served,  arid  pushed  along  with  the  living  stream  of  men  and 
women  toward  the  outer  door.  One  man  alone  in  the  great 


526  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

f 

crowd  seemed  to  watch  Mr.  Lincoln  with  special  attention. 
Standing  a  little  on  one  side,  he  "  looked  very  sharp  at  him," 
and,  as  he  passed,  seized  hold  of  his  hand,  and  said  in  a  loud 
tone  of  voice,  "  Abe,  you  can't  play  that  on  me."  The  detec 
tive  and  Col.  Lamon  were  instantly  alarmed.  One  of  them 
raised  his  fist  to  strike  the  stranger ;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  caught 
his  arm,  and  said,  "  Don't  strike  him  !  don't  strike  him  !  It  is 
Washburne.  Don't  you  know  him  ?  "  Mr.  Seward  had  given 
to  Mr.  Washburne  a  hint  of  the  information  received  through 
his  son  ;  and  Mr.  Washburne  knew  its  value  as  well  as  another. 
For  the  present,  the  detective  admonished  him  to  keep  quiet ; 
and  they  passed  on  together.  Taking  a  hack,  they  drove 
towards  Willard's  Hotel.  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Washburne,  and 
the  detectives  got  out  in  the  street,  and  approached  the  ladies' 
entrance ;  while  Col.  Lamon  drove  on  to  the  main  entrance,  and 
sent  the  proprietor  to  meet  his  distinguished  guest  at  the  side 
door.  A  few  minutes  later  Mr.  Seward  arrived,  and  was  in 
troduced  to  the  company  by  Mr.  Washburne.  He  spoke  in  very 
strong  terms  of  the  great  danger  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  so 
narrowly  escaped,  and  most  heartily  applauded  the  wisdom  of 
the  "  secret  passage."  "  I  informed  Gov.  Seward  of  the  nature 
of  the  information  I  had,"  says  the  detective,  "  and  that  I  had 
no  information  of  any  large  organization  in  Baltimore  ;  but  the 
Governor  reiterated  that  he  had  conclusive  evidence  of  this." 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  Mr.  Lincoln  wished  to  be  left 
alone.  He  said  he  was  "  rather  tired ;  "  and,  upon  this  inti 
mation,  the  party  separated.  The  detective  went  to  the  tele 
graph-office,  and  loaded  the  wires  with  despatches,  containing 
the  pleasing  intelligence  that  "  Plums  "  had  brought  "  Nuts  " 
through  in  safety.  In  the  spy's  cipher  the  President  elect 
was  reduced  to  the  undignified  title  of  "  Nuts." 

That  same  day  Mr.  Lincoln's  family  and  suite  passed 
through  Baltimore  on  the  special  train  intended  for  him.  They 
saw  no  sign  of  any  disposition  to  burn  them  alive,  or  to  blow 
them  up  with  gunpowder,  but  went  their  way  unmolested  and 
very  happy. 

Mr.  Lincoln  soon  learned  to  regret  the  midnight  ride.     His 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  527 

friends  reproached  him,  his  enemies  taunted  him.  He  was 
convinced  that  he  had  committed  a  grave  mistake  in  yielding 
to  the  solicitations  of  a  professional  spy  and  of  friends  too 
easily  alarmed.  He  saw  that  he  had  fleu  from  a  danger  purely 
imaginary,  and  felt  the  shame  and  mortification  natural  to  a 
brave  man  under  such  circumstances.  But  he  was  not  dis 
posed  to  take  all  the  responsibility  to  himself,  and  frequently 
upbraided  the  writer  for  having  aided  and  assisted  him  to 
demean  himself  at  the  very  moment  in  all  his  life  when  his 
behavior  should  have  e^iibited  the  utmost  dignity  and  com 
posure. 

The  news  of  his  surreptitious  entry  into  Washington  occa 
sioned  much  and  varied  comment  throughout  the  country ; 
but  important  events  followed  it  in  such  rapid  succession, 
that  its  real  significance  was  soon  lost  sight  of.  Enough  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  safely  at  the  capital,  and  in  a  few  days 
would  in  all  probability  assume  the  power  confided  to  his 
hands. 

If  before  leaving  Springfield  he  had  become  weary  of  the 
pressure  upon  him  for  office,  he  found  no  respite  on  his  arri 
val  at  the  focus  of  political  intrigue  and  corruption.  The 
intervening  days  before  his  inauguration  were  principally 
occupied  in  arranging  the  construction  of  his  Cabinet.  He 
was  pretty  well  determined  on  this  subject  before  he  reached 
Washington  ;  but  in  the  minds  of  the  public,  beyond  the 
generally  accepted  fact,  that  Mr.  Seward  was  to  be  the  Pre 
mier  of  the  new  administration,  all  was  speculation  and  con 
jecture.  From  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  he  was  com 
pelled  to  give  patient  ear  to  the  representations  which  were 
made  him  in  favor  of  or  against  various  persons  or  parties,  and 
to  hold  his  final  decisions  till  the  last  moment,  in  order  that 
he  might  decide  with  a  full  view  of  the  requirements  of  public 
policy  and  party  fealty. 

The  close  of  this  volume  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into 
a  detailed  history  of  the  circumstances  which  attended  the 
inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration,  nor  of  the 
events  which  signalized  the  close  of  Mr.  Buchanan's.  The 


528  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

history  of  the  former  cannot  be  understood  without  tracing 
its  relation  to  that  of  the  latter,  and  both  demand  more  im 
partial  consideration  than  either  has  yet  received. 

The  4th  of  March,  1861,  at  last  arrived ;  and  at  noon  on 
that  day  the  administration  of  James  Buchanan  was  to  come 
to  a  close,  and  that  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  to  take  its  place. 
Mr.  Lincoln's  feelings,  as  the  hour  approached  which  was  to 
invest  him  with  greater  responsibilities  than  had  fallen  upon 
any  of  his  predecessors,  may  readily  be  imagined  by  the 
readers  of  the  foregoing  pages.  If  he  saw  in  his  elevation 
another  step  towards  the  fulfilment  of  that  destiny  which  at 
times  he  believed  awaited  him,  the  thought  served  but  to  tinge 
with  a  peculiar,  almost  poetic  sadness,  the  manner  in  which 
he  addressed  himself  to  the  solemn  duties  of  the  hour. 

The  morning  opened  pleasantly.  At  an  early  hour  he  gave 
his  inaugural  address  its  final  revision.  Extensive  prepara 
tions  had  been  made  to  render  the  occasion  as  impressive  as 
possible.  By  nine  o'clock  the  procession  had  begun  to  form, 
and  at  eleven  o'clock  it  commenced  to  move  toward  Willard's 
Hotel.  Mr.  Buchanan  was  still  at  the  Capitol,  signing  bills 
till  the  official  term  of  his  office  expired.  At  half-past  twelve 
he  called  for  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  and,  after  a  delay  of  a  few  mo 
ments,  both  descended,  and  entered  the  open  barouche  in 
waiting  for  them.  Shortly  after,  the  procession  took  up  its 
line  of  march  for  the  Capitol. 

Apprehensions  existed,  that  possibly  some  attempt  might 
be  made  to  assassinate  Mr.  Lincoln ;  and  accordingly  his  car 
riage  was  carefully  surrounded  by  the  military  and  the  Com 
mittee  of  Arrangements.  By  order  of  Gen.  Scott,  troops 
were  placed  at  various  points  about  the  city,  as  well  as  on  the 
tops  of  some  of  the  houses  along  the  route  of  the  procession. 

The  Senate  remained  in  session  till  twelve  o'clock,  when 
Mr.  Breckinridge,  in  a  few  well-chosen  words,  bade  the  sena 
tors  farewell,  and  then  conducted  his  successor,  Mr.  Hamlin, 
to  the  chair.  At  this  moment,  members  and  members  elect 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps, 
entered  the  chamber.  At  thirteen  minutes  to  one,  the  Judges 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  529 

of  the  Supreme  Court  were  announced ;  and  on  their  entrance, 
headed  by  the  venerable  Chief-Justice  Taney,  all  on  the  floor 
arose,  while  they  moved  slowly  to  the  seats  assigned  them  at 
the  right  of  the  Vice-President,  bowing  to  that  officer  as  they 
passed.  At  fifteen  minutes  past  one,  the  Marshal-in-Chief 
entered  the  chamber  ushering  in  the  President  and  President 
elect.  Mr.  Lincoln  looked  pale,  and  wan,  and  anxious.  In  a 
few  moments,  the  Marshal  led  the  way  to  the  platform  at  the 
eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol,  where  preparations  had  been 
made  for  the  inauguration  ceremony ;  and  he  was  followed  by 
the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the 
Senate,  the  Committee  of  Arrangements,  the  President  and 
President  elect,  Vice-President,  Secretary  of  the  Senate, 
Senators,  Diplomatic  Corps,  Heads  of  Departments,  and 
others  in  the  chamber. 

On  arriving  at  the  platform,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  introduced  to 
the  assembly,  by  the  Hon.  E.  D.  Baker,  United  States 
Senator  from  Oregon.  Stepping  forward,  in  a  manner  delib 
erate  and  impressive,  he  read  in  a  clear,  penetrating  voice, 
the  following 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  :  — 

In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  Government  itself,  I  appear 
before  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take,  in  your  presence,  the  oath 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  be  taken  by  the 
President  before  he  enters  on  the  execution  of  his  office. 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary,  at  present,  for  me  to  discuss  those  matters 
of  administration  about  which  there  is  no  special  anxiety  or  excitement. 
Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  that, 
by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  administration,  their  property  and  their 
peace  and  personal  security  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never  been 
any  reasonable  cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the  most  ample  evi 
dence  to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  existed,  and  been  open  to  their  inspec 
tion.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the  published  speeches  of  him  who  now 
addresses  you.  I  do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches,  when  I  declare, 
that  "  I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists."  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful 
34 


530  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

rio-ht  to  do  so :  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so.     Those  who  nominated 

O 

and  elected  me  did  so  with  the  full  knowledge  that  I  had  made  this  and 
many  similar  declarations,  and  had  never  recanted  them.  And,  more  than 
this,  they  placed  in  the  platform,  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to  them 
selves  and  to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution  which  I  now  read :  — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic 
institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that 
balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political 
fabric  depend ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the 
soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the 
gravest  of  crimes." 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments ;  and,  in  doing  so,  I  only  press  upon  the 
public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is  suscepti 
ble,  that  the  property,  peace,  and  security  of  no  section  are  to  be  in  any  wise 
endangered  by  the  now  incoming  administration. 

I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection  which,  consistently  with  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be  cheerfully  given  to  all  the  States, 
when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause,  as  cheerfully  to  one  section  as 
to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives  from  ser 
vice  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written  in  the  Constitu 
tion  as  any  other  of  its  provisions :  — 

"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under  the  laws  thereof, 
escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim 
of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due." 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by  those  who 
made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive  slaves ;  and  the  intention 
of  the  lawgiver  is  the  law. 

All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the  whole  Constitution,  — 
to  this  provision  as  well  as  any  other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  slaves 
whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause  "  shall  be  delivered  up," 
their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  make  the  effort  in  good 
temper,  could  they  not,  with  nearly  equal  unanimity,  frame  and  pass  a  law 
by  means  of  which  to  keep  good  that  unanimous  oath  ? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should  be  enforced 
by  national  or  by  State  authority ;  but  surely  that  difference  is  not  a  very 
material  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be  of  but  little  conse 
quence  to  him  or  to  others  by  which  authority  it  is  done ;  and  should  any 
one  in  any  case  be  content  that  this  oath  shall  go  unkept  on  a  merely 
unsubstantial  controversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be  kept  ? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safeguards  of 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN".  531 

liberty  known  in  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence  to  be  introduced,  so 
that  a  free  man  be  not,  in  any  case,  surrendered  as  a  slave  ?  And  might  it 
not  be  well  at  the  same  time  to  provide  by  law  for  the  enforcement  of  that 
clause  in  the  Constitution  which  guarantees  that  "the  citizens  of  each  State 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the 
several  States  "  ? 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental  reservations,  and  with  no 
purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws  by  any  hypercritical  rules ; 
and,  while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify  particular  acts  of  Congress  as 
proper  to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest,  that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in 
official  and  private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those  acts  which 
stand  unrepealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to  find  impunity  in 
having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a  President  under 
our  national  Constitution.  During  that  period,  fifteen  different  and  very 
distinguished  citizens  have  in  succession  administered  the  executive  branch 
of  the  government.  They  have  conducted  it  through  many  perils,  and 
generally  with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope  for  precedent,  I  now 
enter  upon  the  same  task,  for  the  brief  constitutional  term  of  four  years, 
under  great  and  peculiar  difficulties. 

^^A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore  only  menaced,  is  now 
formidably  attempted.  I  hold,  that,  in  the  contemplation  of  universal  law 
and  of  the  Constitution,  the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity 
is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  govern 
ments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no  government  proper  ever  had  a  provision 
in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the 
express  provisions  of  our  national  Constitution,  and  the  Union  will  endure 
forever;  it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it,  except  by  some  action  not  provided 
for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper,  but  an  associa 
tion  of  States  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be 
peaceably  unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who  made  it  ?  One  party  to 
a  contract  may  violate  iL  —  break  it,  so  to  speak ;  but  does  it  not  require  all 
to  lawfully  rescind  it  ?  \Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find 
the  proposition  that  in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is  perpetual  confirmed 
by  the  history  of  the  Union  itself. 

The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Constitution.  It  was  formed,  in  fact, 
by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It  was  matured  and  continued  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776.  It  was  further  matured,  and  the 
faith  of  all  the  then  thirteen  States  expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it 
should  be  perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  in  1778;  and,  finally, 
in  1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and  establishing  the  Con 
stitution  was  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union.  But,  if  the  destruction  of  the 
Union  by  one  or  by  a  part  only  of  the  States  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union 


532  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

is  less  than  before,  the  Constitution  having  lost  the  vital  element  of  per 
petuity. 

It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion, 
can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union ;  that  resolves  and  ordinances  to  that 
effect  are  legally  void ;  and  that  acts  of  violence  within  any  State  or 
States  against  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  are  insurrectionary  or 
revolutionary  according  to  circumstances. 

I  therefore  consider,  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  the 
Union  is  unbroken  ;  and,  to  the  extent  of  my  ability,  I  shall  take  care,  as  the 
Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union 
shall  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this,  which  I  deem  to 
be  only  a  simple  duty  on  my  part,  I  shall  perfectly  perform  it,  so  far  as  is 
practicable,  unless  my  rightful  masters,  the  American  people,  shall  withhold 
the  requisite  power,  or  in  some  authoritative  manner  direct  the  contrary. 

I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as  a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared 
purpose  of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitutionally  defend  and  maintain  itself. 

In  doing  this,  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence ;  and  there  shall  be 
none  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  national  authority. 

The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the 
property  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and  collect  the  duties  and 
imposts ;  but,  beyond  what  may  be  necessary  for  these  objects,  there  will  be 
no  invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  anywhere. 

Where  hostility  to  the  United  States  shall  be  so  great  and  so  universal 
as  to  prevent  competent  resident  citizens  from  holding  the  Federal  offices, 
there  will  be  no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious  strangers  among  the  people  for 
that  object.  While  the  strict  legal  right  may  exist  of  the  Government  to 
enforce  the  exercise  of  these  offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritat 
ing,  and  so  nearly  impracticable  withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego  for 
the  time  the  uses  of  such  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in  all  parts  of 
the  Union. 

So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall  have  that  sense  of  perfect 
security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm  thought  and  reflection. 

The  course  here  indicated  will  be  followed,  unless  current  events  and  expe 
rience  shall  show  a  modification  or  change  to  be  proper  ;  and  in  every  case 
and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will  be  exercised  according  to  the  circum 
stances  actually  existing,  and  with  a  view  and  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of 
the  national  troubles,  and  the  restoration  of  fraternal  sympathies  and 
affections. 

That  there  are  persons,  in  one  section  or  another,  who  seek  to  destroy 
the  Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do  it,  I  Avill  neither 
affirm  nor  deny.  But,  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address  no  word  to  them. 

To  those,  however,  who  really  love  the  Union,  may  I  not  speak  ?  Before 
entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruction  of  our  national  fabric, 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  533 

with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its  hopes,  would  it  not  be  well  to 
ascertain  why  we  do  it  ?  Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step,  while  any 
portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  existence  ?  Will  you,  while 
the  certain  ills  you  fly  to  are  greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from  ? 
Will  you  risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ?  All  profess  to  be  con 
tent  in  the  Union  if  all  constitutional  rights  can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true, 
then,  that  any  right,  plainly  written  in  the  Constitution,  has  been  denied  ? 
I  think  not.  Happily  the  human  mind  is  so  constituted,  that  no  party  can 
reach  to  the  audacity  of  doing  this. 

Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  plainly  written  provis 
ion  of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been  denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of 
numbers,  a  majority  should  deprive  a  minority  of  any  clearly  written  consti 
tutional  right,  it  might,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution  :  it  cer 
tainly  would,  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one.  But  such  is  not  our  case. 

All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and  of  individuals  are  so  plainly  assured 
to  them  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guaranties  and  prohibitions,  in  the 
Constitution,  that  controversies  never  arise  concerning  them.  But  no 
organic  law  can  ever  be  framed  with,  a  provision  specifically  applicable  to 
every  question  which  may  occur  in  practical  administration.  No  foresight 
can  anticipate,  nor  any  document  of  reasonable  length  contain,  express  pro 
visions  for  all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives  from  labor  be  surrendered 
by  National  or  by  State  authority  ?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly 
say.  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the  Territories  ?  The  Constitution 
does  not  expressly  say.  From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitu 
tional  controversies,  and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and  minorities. 

If  the  minority  will  not  acquiesce,  the  majority  must,  or  the  government 
must  cease.  There  is  no  alternative  for  continuing  the  government  but 
acquiescence  on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  If  a  minority,  in  such  a  case,  will 
secede  rather  than  acquiesce,  they  make  a  precedent  which  in  turn  will  ruin 
and  divide  them ;  for  a  minority  of  their  own  will  secede  from  them,  when 
ever  a  majority  refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  a  minority.  For  instance, 
why  not  any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy,  a  year  or  two  hence,  arbitrarily 
secede  again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present  Union  now  claim  to  secede 
from  it  ?  All  who  cherish  disunion  sentiments  are  now  being  educated  to 
the  exact  temper  of  doing  this.  Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests 
among  the  States  to  compose  a  new  Union  as  to  produce  harmony  only,  and 
prevent  renewed  secession  ?  Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession  is  the 
essence  of  anarchy. 

A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  check  and  limitation,  and 
always  changing  easily  with  deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and 
sentiments,  is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free  people.  Whoever  rejects  it 
does,  of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy  or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible : 
the  rule  of  a  minority,  as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmissible ; 
so  that,  rejecting  the  majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism  in  some  form 
is  all  that  is  left. 


534  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some,  that  constitutional  questions 
are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court,  nor  do  I  deny  that  such  decisions 
must  be  binding  in  any  case  upon  the  parties  to  a  suit,  as  to  the  object  of 
that  suit ;  while  they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high  respect  and  consideration 
in  all  parallel  cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the  government ;  and,  while 
it  is  obviously  possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any  given 
case,  still,  the  evil  effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  that  particular  case, 
with  the  chance  that  it  may  be  overruled  and-  never  become  a  precedent 
for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne  than  could  the  evils  of  a  different  prac 
tice. 

At  the  same  time,  the  candid  citizen  must  confess,  that,  if  the  policy  of 
the  government  upon  the  vital  questions  affecting  the  whole  people  is  to  be 
irrevocably  fixed  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  the  instant  they 
are  made,  as  in  ordinary  litigation  between  parties  in  personal  actions,  the 
people  will  have  ceased  to  be  their  own  masters,  having  to  that  extent 
practically  resigned  their  government  into  the  hands  of  that  eminent  tri 
bunal. 

Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any  assault  upon  the  court  or  the  judges.  It  is 
a  duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink,  to  decide  cases  properly  brought 
before  them ;  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if  others  seek  to  turn  their  decisions 
to  political  purposes.  One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right 
and  ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong  and  ought  not 
to  be  extended ;  and  this  is  the  only  substantial  dispute  :  and  the  fugitive- 
slave  clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign 
slave-trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,  perhaps,  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a 
community  where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  imperfectly  suppoi'ts  the  law 
itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people  abide  by  the  dry,  legal  obligation  in 
both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I  think,  cannot  be  perfectly 
cured ;  and  it  would  be  worse  in  both  cases  after  the  separation  of  the 
sections  than  before.  The  foreign  slave-trade,  now  imperfectly  suppressed, 
would  be  ultimately  revived,  without  restriction,  in  one  section ;  while  fugi 
tive  slaves,  now  only  partially  surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered  at 
all  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate  :  we  cannot  remove  our  respec 
tive  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall  between  them. 
A  husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of  the  presence  and  beyond 
the  reach  of  each  other ;  but  the  different  parts  of  our  country  cannot 
do  this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face ;  and  intercourse,  either 
amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue  between  them.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to 
make  that  intercourse  more  advantageous  or  more  satisfactory  after  separa 
tion  than  before  ?  Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make 
laws  ?  Can  treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws 
can  among  friend*  ?  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always ;  and 
when,  after  much  loss  on  both  sides,  and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease 


LIFE   OF  ABEAHAM  LINCOLN.  535 

fighting,  the  identical  questions  as  to  terms  of  intercourse  are  again  upon 
you. 

This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who  inhabit  it. 
Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing  government,  they  can 
exercise  their  constitutional  right  of  amending,  or  their  revolutionary  right 
to  dismember  or  overthrow  it.  I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  many 
worthy  and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the  national  Constitu 
tion  amended.  While  I  make  no  recommendation  of  amendment,  I  fully 
recognize  the  full  authority  of  the  people  over  the  whole  subject,  to  be 
exercised  in  either  of  the  modes  prescribed  m  the  instrument  itself;  and  I 
should,  under  existing  circumstances,  favor  rather  than  oppose  a  fair  oppor 
tunity  being  afforded  the  people  to  act  upon  it. 

I  will  venture  to  add,  that  to  me  the  convention  mode  seems  preferable,  in 
that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the  people  themselves,  instead 
of  only  permitting  them  to  take  or  reject  propositions  originated  by  others 
not  especially  chosen  for  the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be  precisely  such 
as  they  would  wish  either  to  accept  or  refuse.  I  understand  that  a  proposed 
amendment  to>  the  Constitution  (which  amendment,  however,  I  have  not 
seen)  has  passed  Congress,  to  the  effect  that  the  Federal  Government  shall 
never  interfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  States,  including  that  of 
persons  held  to  service.  To  avoid  misconstruction  of  what  I  have  said,  I 
depart  from  my  purpose  not  to  speak  of  particular  amendments  so  far  as  to 
gay,  that,  holding  such  a  provision  to  now  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I 
have  no  objection  to  its  being  made  express  and  irrevocable. 

The  chief  magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  people,  and  they 
have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  the  terms  for  the  separation  of  the 
States.  The  people  themselves,  also,  can  do  this  if  they  choose ;  but  the 
Executive,  as  such,  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  His  duty  is  to  administer  the 
present  government  as  it  came  to  his  hands,  and  to  transmit  it  unimpaired 
by  him  to  his  successor'.  Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in 
the  ultimate  justice  of  the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope  in  the 
world?  In  our  present  differences,  is  either  party  without  faith  of  being  in 
the  right  ?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  nations,  with  his  eternal  truth  and 
justice,  be  on  your  side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth 
and  that  justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great  tribunal,  — 
the  American  people.  By  the  frame  of  the  government  under  which  we 
live,  this  same  people  have  wisely  given  their  public  servants  but  little  power 
for  mischief,  and  have  with  equal  wisdom  provided  for  the  return  of  that 
little  to  their  own  hands  at  very  short  intervals.  While  the  people  retain 
their  virtue  and  vigilance,  no  administration,  by  any  extreme  wickedness  or 
folly,  can  very  seriously  injure  the  Government  in  the  short  space  of  four 
years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon  this  whole  sub 
ject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lo«t  by  taking  time. 


536  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  of  you,  in  hot  haste,  to  a  step  which 
you  would  never  take  deliberately,  that  object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking 
time  ;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frustrated  by  it. 

Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied  still  have  the  old  Constitution  unim 
paired,  and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it ; 
while  the  new  administration  will  have  no  immediate  power,  if  it  would,  to 
change  either. 

If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who  are  dissatisfied  hold  the  right  side 
in  the  dispute,  there  is  still  no  single  reason  for  precipitate  action.  Intelli 
gence,  patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him  who  has  never 
yet  forsaken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust,  in  the  best  way, 
all  our  present  difficulties. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the 
momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you. 

You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  can 
have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  destroy  the  Government ;  while  I  shall 
have  the  most  solemn  one  to  "  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  "  it. 

I  am  loah  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be 
enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds 
of  affection. 

The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle-field  and 
patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land, 
will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they 
will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 

This  address,  so  characteristic  of  its  author,  and  so  full  of 
the  best  qualities  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  nature,  was  well  received 
by  the  large  audience  which  heard  it.  Having  finished, 
Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to  Chief-Justice  Taney,  who,  with  much 
apparent  agitation  and  emotion,  administered  to  him  the 
following  oath :  — 

"  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faith 
fully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  ceremony  concluded,  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  charge  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements, 
was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Buchanan  back  to  the  Senate- 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  537 

Chamber,  and  from  there  to  the  Executive  Mansion.  Here 
Mr.  Buchanan  took  leave  of  him,  invoking  upon  his  adminis 
tration  a  peaceful  and  happy  result ;  and  here  for  the  present 
we  leave  him.  In  another  volume  we  shall  endeavor  to  trace 
his  career  as  the  nation's  Chief  Magistrate  during  the  ensuing 
four  years. 


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APPENDIX. 


THE    circumstances  under  which    the    original    of    the 
accompanying  fac-simih    was    written    are    explained 
in  the  following  letter:  — 

NATIONAL  HOTEL,  WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Feb.  19,  1872. 
COLONEL  WARD  II.  LAMOX. 

Dear  Sir,  —  In  compliance  with  your  request,  I  place  in  your  hands  a 
copy  of  a  manuscript  in  my  possession  written  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  giving 
a  brief  account  of  his  early  history,  and  the  commencement  of  that  political 
career  which  terminated  in  his  election  to  the  Presidency. 

It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  say,  that  some  time  preceding  the  writing 
of  the  enclosed,  finding,  in  Pennsylvania  and  elsewhere,  a  laudable  curiosity 
in  the  public  mind  to  know  more  about  the  early  history  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  looking,  too,  to  the  possibilities  of  his  being  an  available  candidate  for 
the  Presidency  in  I860,  I  had  on  several  occasions  requested  of  him  this 
information,  and  that  it  was  not  without  some  hesitation  he  placed  in  my 
hands  even  this  very  modest  account  of  himself,  which  he  did  in  the  month 
of  December,  1859. 

To  this  were  added,  by  myself,  other  facts  bearing  upon  his  legislative  and 
political  history,  and  the  whole  forwarded  to  a  friend  residing  in  my  native 
county  (Chester,  Pa.),  —  the  Hon.  Joseph  J.  Lewis,  former  Commissioner 
of  Internal  Revenue,  — who  made  them  the  basis  of  an  ably-written  and 
somewhat  elaborate  memoir  of  the  late  President,  which  appeared  in  the 
Pennsylvania  and  other  papers  of  the  country  in  January,  1860,  and  which 
contributed  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  subsequent  nomination  at  Chicago 
the  following  June. 

Believin^  this  brief  and  unpretending  narrative,  written  by  himself  in 
his  own  peculiar  vein,  —  and  in  justice  to  him  I  should  add,  without  the 
remotest  expectation  of  its  ever  appearing  in  public,  —  with  the  attending 
circumstances,  may  be  of  interest  to  the  numerous  admirers  of  that  historic 
and  truly  great  man,  I  place  it  at  your  disposal. 

I  am  truly  yours, 

JESSE  W.  FELL. 


INDEX. 


ABLE,  BENNET,  an  early  friend  of  Lin 
coln,  172. 

Abolitionists,  excitement  produced  by  the 
proceedings  of,  201-205;  scarcely 
heard  of  in  Illinois  in  1837,  205; 
regarded  as  robbers,  206 ;  endeavors 
to  repress  them,  209 ;  attempt  to  force 
Lincoln  into  their  organization,  354. 

Adam  and  Eve's  wedding-song,  61. 

Anti-Nebraska  speech,  349. 

Armstrong,  Jack,  a  rival  wrestler,  91. 

Armstrong,  Hannah,  entertains  Lincoln, 
151  ;  applies  to  him  to  defend  her  son 
in  a  murder  trial,  328 ;  visits  the  pres 
ident  elect,  465. 

Ashmun,  Hon.  George,  president  of  the 
Republican  National  Convention,  453. 

Atkinson,  Gen.  commander  of  troops  in 
the  Black-Hawk  war,  103. 

Baker,  E.  D.,  bargains  with  Lincoln  and 
others  for  a  seat  in  Congress,  275 ; 
U.  S.  senator  from  Oregon,  intro 
duces  Lincoln  at  his  inauguration, 
529. 

Banks  and  internal  -improvement  mania 
in  Illinois,  184;  cause  of  great  politi 
cal  contests,  193 ;  collapse  of  the  sys 
tem,  212. 

Bateman,  Newton,  interview  with  Lin 
coln,  499. 

Baldwin  John,  a  great  story-teller,  57. 

Bates,  Mr.  appointed  to  Lincoln's  cabi 
net,  458. 

Bell,  John,  nominated  for  the  presi 
dency,  456. 


Berry,  Lincoln's  partner  in  the  grocery 

business,  137. 
Black  Hawk,  98. 
"  Bleeding  Kansas,"  367. 
Bloomingdale,  important  convention  at, 

375. 
"Blue   Lodges"  and   "Social  Bands," 

organization  of,  to    control    Kansas, 

367. 

"  Border  Ruffians,"  367. 
Breckenridge,  John,    impression    of    a 

speech  of,  on  young  Lincoln,  67. 
Breckinridge,  John  C.,  nominated  for  the 

presidency,  456 ;  close  of  his  term  as 

vice-president,  528. 
Browning,   Mrs.,    important    letter    of 

Lincoln  to,  181. 
Buchanan,  President,  Kansas  policy  of, 

385 ;  close  of  his  administration,  527  ; 

present  at  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln, 

528. 
Burlingame,    Anson,    favors    Douglas, 

394,  396. 
Bush,  Sally,  declines  to  marry  Thomas 

Lincoln,  10.  —  See  Lincoln,  Mrs.  Sarah. 
Butler,  B.  F.,  delegate  to  the  Democratic 

Convention  at  Charleston,  454. 
Butler,  William,  receives  Mr.    Lincoln 

into  his  house,  224. 

Calhoun,  John,  induces  Lincoln  to  study 
surveying,  147. 

Cameron,  Simon,  candidate  for  the  Re 
publican  nomination  for  the  presi 
dency,  449  ;  exertions  of,  to  secure  a 
seat  in  Lincoln's  cabinet,  459  ;  removal 
641 


542 


INDEX. 


of,  from  the  secretaryship  of  war, 
461. 

Cartwright,  Rev.  Peter,  candidate  for 
Congress  in  opposition  to  Lincoln, 
277. 

Chapman,  Mrs.,  gives  an  account  of  Lin 
coln's  domestic  habits,  472. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  appointed  to  Lincoln's 
cabinet,  458. 

"  Chronicles  of  Reuben,"  63. 

Clary's  Grove  boys,  the,  91. 

Clay,  Henry,  nominated  for  the  presi 
dency,  274;  eulogy  of  Lincoln  on 
the  death  of,  339. 

Cogdale,  Isaac,  168. 

Covode,  John,  friendly  to  Douglass,  394. 

Crawford,  Andrew,  Lincoln's  third  teach 
er,  33. 

Crawford,  Josiah,  offends  Lincoln,  and 
is  satirized  in  rhyme,  51. 

Crawford,  Mrs  Elizabeth,  contributes 
valuable  testimony  relating  to  Lin 
coln's  early  life,  41. 

Gushing,  Caleb,  chairman  of  the  Demo 
cratic  Convention  at  Richmond,  455. 

Davis,  Judge  David,  312;  eulogy  of,  on 
Lincoln,  313;  statement  of,  concern 
ing  Lincoln's  religious  opinions,  489. 

Dayton,  William  L.,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  379. 

Democratic  National  Convention  at 
Charleston,  454. 

Dickey,  Hon.  T.  Lyle,  seeks  to  suppress 
Lincoln's  radical  speeches,  398. 

Dorsey,  Hazel,  Lincoln's  second  school 
master,  33. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  first  appearance 
of,  in  Illinois,  185  ;  rapid  advancement 
of,  in  political  life,  191  ;  jealousy  of, 
of  Lincoln,  195;  elected  a  judge,  219  ; 
refused  by  Miss  Mary  Todd,  238 ; 
debates  of,  with  Lincoln  in  1852,  340  ; 
makes  a  truce,  358;  debate  of,  on 
Kansas  affairs,  383  ;  discusses  the 
Dred-Scott  decision,  384 ;  breaks  with 
Buchanan's  administration,  387  ; 


speaks  and  votes  with  Republicans  in 
U.  S.  Senate,  389  ;  intrigues  with  Re 
publican  leaders,  390 ;  personal  influ 
ence  of,  396  ;  what  he  thought  of  Lin 
coln,  409 ;  puts  a  series  of  questions, 
410 ;  answers  Lincoln's  questions- 
416  ;  re-elected  to  U.  S.  Senate,  419  ; 
nominated  for  the  presidency,  456. 

Dred-Scott  decision,  discussion  of,  384. 

Drummond  Judge,  address  of,  on  the 
death  of  Lincoln,  315. 

Duncan,  Rev.  John,  the  playmate  of 
Lincoln,  15. 

Edwards,  Miss  Matilda,  attracts  Lincoln, 
and  refuses  Douglas  and  Speed,  240. 

Edwards,  Mrs.,  sister  of  Miss  Todd, 
239. 

Elkin,  David,  employed  to  preach  the 
funeral  sermon  of  Nancy  Hanks  Lin 
coln,  28. 

Ellis,  A.  Y.,  describes  Lincoln's  personal 
appearance  during  his  first  campaign, 
127. 

Everett,  Edward,  nomination  of,  for  the 
vice-presidency,  456. 

Fell,  Jesse  W.,  statement  of,  in  relation 
to  Lincoln's  religious  opinions,  490. 

Felton,  Mr.,  railroad  president,  takes  pre 
cautions  for  Mr.  Lincoln's  safety,  512. 

Ferrandina,  Capt.,  accused  of  plotting 
to  assassinate  the  president  elect,  515. 

Federal  control  of  slavery,  opinion  of 
the  "  fathers  "  in  relation  to,  426. 

Ford,  Gov.,  gives  an  account  of  the  old 
way  of  conducting  elections  in  Illi 
nois,  124. 

Forquer,  a  leading  politician  in  debate 
with  Lincoln,  188. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  candidate  for  the 
presidency,  379. 

Geary,  John  W.,  appointed  governor  of 

Kansas,  385. 
Gentry,  James,  the  founder  of  Gentry- 

ville,  24. 


INDEX. 


543 


Gentryville,  character  of  the  early  set 
tlers  of,  24 ;  social  peculiarities  and 
superstitions  of,  42-44. 

Gillespie,  Mr.,  testimony  of,  to  Lincoln's 
sensitiveness,  237. 

Gil  more,  Mr.,  of  North  Carolina,  offered 
a  seat  in  the  cabinet,  458. 

Godbey,  Squire,  anecdote  of,  140. 

Graham,  Minter,  the  schoolmaster  of 
New  Salem,  instructs  Lincoln,  95. 

Greeley,  Horace,  in  favor  of  Douglas, 
394,  396. 

Green,  W.  G.,  an  intimate  friend  of  Lin 
coln,  90. 

Green,  Bowlin,  a  devoted  friend  of  Lin 
coln,  146. 

Grigsby,  Aaron,  marries  Lincoln's  sister, 
45. 

Grigsby  Nat,  amusing  meeting  of,  with 
Lincoln,  274. 

Grigsbys,  feud  between  Lincoln  and  the, 
63. 

Gulliver,  Rev.  Mr.  a  clerical  flatterer,  442. 

Guthrie,  Mr.,  of  Kentucky,  offered  a 
seat  in  cabinet,  458. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  nominated  for  the 
vice-presidency,  450 ;  takes  his  seat  as 
president  of  the  senate,  528. 

Hanks,  Dennis,  a  constant  companion  of 
Lincoln,  22 ;  value  of  his  testimony, 
46,  48. 

Hanks  family,  12. 

Hanks,  John,  describes  Lincoln's  early 
habits,  37  ;  splits  rails  with  him,  49  ; 
brings  rails  into  Republican  Conven 
tion,  445. 

Hanks,  Nancy,  becomes  the  wife  of 
Thomas  Lincoln,  10;  characteristics 
of,  1 1  ;  death  of,  28. 

Hannah,  William  H.,  statement  of,  in 
relation  to  Lincoln's  religious  belief, 
489. 

Hardin,  John  J.,  bargains  for  a  seat  in 
Congress,  275. 

Hazel,  Caleb,  Lincoln's  first  schoolmas 
ter,  16. 


Herndon,  J.  R.  127,  135. 

Herndon,  "  Row,"  156. 

Herndon  William  H.,  lectures  on  Ann 
Rutledge,  187;  law-partner  of  Lin 
coln,  316;  determines  to  make  him 
an  Abolitionist,  352 ;  indorses  the 
"  House-divided-against-itself  "  speech, 
402;  letter  relating  to  Lincoln's  reli 
gious  belief,  489,  492. 

Henry,  Gen.,  an  officer  in  the  Black- 
Hawk  war,  114. 

Hicks,  Thomas,  treasonable  letter  of,  518. 

Hill,  Samuel,  burns  Lincoln's  book,  158. 

Hilliard,  a  Baltimore  conspirator,  514. 

Holland,  J.  G.,  biographer  of  Lincoln, 
3,  408. 

"  House-divided-against-itself"  speech, 
399. 

"Immortality,"  the  poem  on,  166. 
Inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  528. 
"  Irrepressible  conflict,"  opening  of  the, 
366. 

Jackson  campaign,  122. 

Jayne,  William,  announces  Lincoln  as  a 
candidate  for  the  State  Legislature,  359. 

Johnston,  John  D.,  character  of,  46  ;  let 
ters  of  his  step-brother  to,  337. 

Johnson,  H.  V.,  nominated  for  the  vice- 
presidency,  456. 

Johnston,  Mrs.  Sarah,  marries  Thomas 
Lincoln,  29 ;  her  care  of  his  children, 
31  ;  love  for  Abraham,  39 ;  receives  a 
visit  from  the  president  elect,  463 ; 
fears  of  his  assassination,  464. 

Jones,  William,  of  Gentryville,  employs 
Lincoln  as  a  clerk,  56. 

Judd,  Norman  B.,  accompanies  the  pres 
idential  party  to  Philadelphia,  518. 

Kansas-Nebraska  territorial  bill,  342. 

Kansas,  struggle  between  the  Free-state 
and  Slave-state  men  in,  366 ;  Reeder 
appointed  governor  of,  368 ;  letter  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  relating  to,  368;  over 
throw  of  the  proslavery  party  in,  386. 


544 


INDEX. 


Kelso,  a  school-teacher,  influences  Lincoln 
to  become  a  student  of  Shakspeare  and 
Burns,  144. 

Kentucky,  character  of  the  early  settlers 
of,  6. 

Keys,  I.  W.,  testimony  relating  to  Lin 
coln's  religious  views,  490. 

Kirkpatrick,  Bill,  a  rival,  101. 

Knovv-Nothingism,  corruptions  of,  378. 

Lamon,  Col.  W.  H.,  selected  to  accompany 
the  president  to  Washington,  522. 

Lane,  Joseph,  nominated  for  the  vice- 
presidency,  456. 

Lecompton  Constitution,  formation  of, 
386 ;  considered  an  "  outrage  "  by  Mr. 
Douglas,  387  ;  conflict  in  Congress  con- 
ncerning,  389. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  birth  and  ancestry, 
1  ;  schooling,  16, 33-36  ;  love  for  read 
ing,  37  ;  taste  for  public  speaking,  40 ; 
employed  on  a  ferry-boat,  49  ;  feats  of 
strength,  52  ;  never  became  a  sports 
man,  53  ;  fond  of  music,  58  ;  specimen 
of  his  rhymes,  61;  fighting  qualities, 
65 ;  attends  the  courts,  67 ;  writes  on 
temperance  for  the  newspapers,  69 ; 
trip  to  New  Orleans,  70 ;  goes  to  Illi 
nois  with  his  father,  74 ;  makes  an 
other  trip  to  New  Orleans,  79  ;  forms 
his  opinions  of  slavery,  83 ;  his  first 
public  official  act,  88 ;  a  clerk  in  New 
Salem,  89 ;  encounters  and  defeats  a 
bully,  89-93 ;  grows  in  the  favor  of  the 
people,  94 ;  begins  to  study,  95  ;  pilot 
of  a  steamboat,  96;  out  of  work,  98  ; 
enlists  a  company  for  the  Black-Hawk 
war,  and  is  chosen  captain,  101  ;  ar 
rested  for  disobedience  of  orders,  103  ; 
influence  with  his  men,  108 ;  meets  his 
match  in  wrestling,  110;  care  for  his 
men,  111;  enlists  as  a  private,  113; 
narrative  of  his  individual  experience, 
116;  popularity  enhanced  by  his  ser 
vice  in  the  war,  121  ;  his  first  public 
speech,  121 ;  becomes  a  candidate  for 
the  Legislature,  122;  classed  as  a 


"nominal  Jackson  man,"  123  ;  adopts 
the  leading  principles  of  the  Whig 
party,  126;  address  to  the  people  of 
Sangamon  County,  129;  is  defeated, 
134 ;  engages  in  the  grocery  business 
with  Berry,  137  ;  failure  of  the  firm, 
and  loss  of  Lincoln's  personal  property, 
138;  begins  to  read  law,  139;  studies 
natural  philosophy,  chemistry,  &c.,  141 ; 
relish  for  popular  songs,  142 ;  inordi 
nate  love  for  Shakspeare  and  Burns, 
145  ;  studies  surveying,  and  becomes  a 
deputy  of  J.  C.  Calhoun,  147  ;  post 
master  of  New  Salem,  148  ;  disposition 
to  succor  the  weak,  1 53  ;  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  1834,  155;  inclined  to 
free-thinking  in  religion,  157  ;  engaged 
to  Ann  Rutledge,  163;  grief  at  her 
death,  164 ;  acquaintance  and  corre 
spondence  with  Miss  Mary  Owens,  172, 
173  ;  takes  his  seat  in  the  Legislature, 
184;  one  of  the  "Long  Nine,"  186; 
elected  again  in  1836  ;  a  leader  of  the 
Whigs  in  1836  and  1840, 193  ;  aims  to 
become  "  the  DeWitt  Clinton  of  Illi 
nois,"  195 ;  endeavors  to  keep  even 
with  public  opinion,  199;  begins  his 
antislavery  record,  201 ;  protest  against 
proslavery  resolutions,  209 ;  re-elected 
to  the  Legislature  in  1 838,  and  a  can 
didate  for  speaker,  212 ;  introduces 
resolutions  relating  to  public  debt  in 
(1840),  213;  jumps  out  of  a  window 
to  prevent  an  adjournment,  217  ;  pro 
tests  against  the  judges'  bill,  219;  be 
comes  a  law-partner  of  John  T.  Stuart, 
221  ;  removes  to  Springfield  to  prac 
tise  law,  223 ;  lectures  before  the 
lyceum,  226 ;  descends  into  the  court 
room  through  a  trap-door,  231  ;  takes 
part  in  a  joint  debate  with  Douglas 
and  others,  232  ;  candidate  for  presi 
dential  election  in  1 840,  236  ;  thirst  for 
distinction  the  leading  object  of  his  life, 
237;  becomes  acquainted  with  Miss 
Todd,  238 ;  engaged  to  be  married, 
239 ;  insane,  240 ;  his  condition  in 


INDEX. 


545 


1541-42,  241  ;  re-engagement  and 
marriage,  243  ;  confidential  letters  to 
Speed,  244-252 ;  challenged  by  Shields, 
260  ;  the  parties  reconciled,  260-269  ; 
continues  his  practice  at  the  bar,  269  ; 
41  on  the  stump  "for  Clay  in  1844,  274; 
bargains  with  Baker,  Hardin,  and 
Logan  for  a  seat  in  Congress,  275 ; 
elected  to  Congress,  278 ;  opposed  to 
the  Mexican  war,  2J31  ;  speech,  283  ; 
dissatisfaction  in  his  district,  291  ;  de 
livers  an  internal-improvement  speech, 
297  ;  makes  campaign  speeches  in  New 
England,  307  ;  letter  from  his  father, 
308 ;  record  on  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
309  ;  standing  as  a  lawyer,  311  ;  letter 
showing  the  character  of  his  early 
practice,  316  ;  engaged  in  a  remarkable 
murder  trial,  318  ;  his  first  speech  be 
fore  the  Supreme  Court,  321  ;  his 
honesty,  324  ;  defends  and  clears  the 
son  of  Jack  Armstrong,  328  ;  receives 
a  large  fee  from  the  Illinois  Railroad, 
331  ;  offered  the  Governorship  of  Ore 
gon,  333 ;  writes  to  his  dying  father, 
336 ;  letters  to  his  step-brother,  337 ; 
delivers  a  eulogy  on  the  death  of  Henry 
Clay,  339 ;  engages  in  debates  with 
Douglas  in  1852,340;  his  views  con 
cerning  slavery,  344;  opposed  to 
Know-Nothingism,  348 ;  great  anti- 
Nebraska  speech,  349 ;  debate  with 
Douglas  on  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  354 ;  truce  with  Doug 
las,  358 ;  candidate  for  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  and  defeated,  362;  letter  to 
Speed  on  affairs  in  Kansas,  368 ;  op 
poses  resistance  to  Government  in 
Kansas,  372 ;  takes  a  stand  with  the 
Abolitionists,  and  attends Bloomington 
Convention,  375  ;  voted  for  in  Repub 
lican  Convention  for  vice-presidency, 
380 ;  discusses  "  Popular  Sovereignty," 
395 ;  nominated  for  U.  S.  Senator,  397  ; 
great  influence  of  his  "  Housc-divided- 
against-itself "  speech,  399;  what  he 
thought  of  Douglas,  408  ;  answers  to 
35 


Douglas's  questions,  412  ;  propounds 
interrogatories  to  Douglas,  416  ;  disap 
pointment  in  non-election  to  U.  S.  Sen 
ate.  41 9;  in  the  capacity  of  lecturer,  421 ; 
suggested  as  a  candidate  for  the  pres 
idency,  422  ;  letter  on  the  tariff,  423  ; 
goes  to  Kansas,  424 ;  speech  in  New 
York,  425  ;  letter  in  relation  to  selling 
a  political  speech,  441  ;  visits  New 
England,  441  ;  quizzes  Rev.  Mr.  Gul 
liver,  443 ;  presented  to  the  Republican 
State  Convention  of  Illinois,  1860, 
444 ;  nominated  for  the  presidency, 
450;  his  conduct  during  and  after  the 
balloting,  451,  452  ;  letter  accepting  the 
nomination,  453  ;  elected  to  the  presi 
dency,  457  ;  selects  his  cabinet,  458  ; 
visits  his  relations,  462 ;  his  personal 
appearance,  468 ;  habits,  470 ;  not 
happy  in  his  domestic  relations,  473; 
his  morbid  presentiments,  476  ;  literary 
tastes,  477  ;  humorous  stories,  478  ; 
temperate  habits,  480 ;  politics  his 
world,  482  ;  ambition,  483  ;  religious 
opinions,  486  ;  belief  in  the  supernatu 
ral,  503 ;  his  melancholy  due  to  his 
want  of  religious  faith,  504  ;  takes  his 
leave  of  Springfield,  503  ;  speeches  on 
the  road,  508-511  ;  plot  to  assassinate 
him,  512  ;  night  journey  to  Washing 
ton,  524  ;  arrival  at  the  capital,  526 ; 
makes  arrangements  for  constructing 
his  cabinet,  527 ;  feelings  upon  the 
approach  of  his  inauguration,  528 ;  ap 
pearance  in  the  Capitol,  529  ;  delivers 
his  inaugural  address,  529 ;  takes  the 
oath  of  office,  536 ;  retires  to  the  ex 
ecutive  mansion,  537. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  father  of  Thomas,  3. 

Lincoln,  corruption  of  the  name  of,  9. 

Lincoln  family  of  Virginia,  the,  of  Eng 
lish  descent ;  no  relation  to  the  Lin- 
coins  of  Massachusetts,  2  ;  location  of 
different  branches,  3. 

Lincoln,  Mrs.  Mary,  opposes  her  hus 
band's  election  to  Illinois  Legislature, 
359  ;  her  marriage  to  Mr.  Lincoln  a 


546 


INDEX. 


misfortune  to  both,  474.  —  See  Todd, 
Miss  Mary. 

Lincoln,  Mordecai,  defends  the  family 
against  the  Indians,  7. 

Lincoln,  Nancy,  or  Sarah,  birth  of,  13  ; 
death  of,  45. 

Lincoln,  Thomas,  birth  of,  4;  character 
and  personal  appearance  of,  8, 9 ;  mar 
ries  Nancy  Hanks,  10 ;  takes  a  farm 
at  Nolin  Creek,  14;  emigrates  to  Indi 
ana,  20  ;  dealings  with  the  land-office, 
25  ;  loses  his  wife,  and  marries  Sarah 
Johnston,  29  ;  removes  to  Illinois,  74  ; 
no  further  connection  with  his  son's 
fortunes,  75  ;  death,  336. 

Logan,  Stephen  T.,  315. 

"Long  Nine,"  story  of  the,  186. 

"Lost  Townships,"  letters  from  the,  253- 
259. 

Lovejoy,  Rev.  Elijah  P.,  establishes  an 
antislavery  newspaper  in  Illinois,  207  ; 
killed  by  a  mob,  208. 

Luckett,  one  of  the  conspirators  in  Balti 
more,  514. 

Maltby,  Harrison,  confidential  letter  to, 
381. 

Matheny,  James  IL,  confident  of  Lincoln 
after  a  political  defeat ;  "  friend  and 
manager  "  for  twenty  years,  363  ;  let 
ter  relating  to  Lincoln's  religious  views, 
487. 

McCIure,  Col.  A.  K.,  gives  an  account 
of  Cameron's  appointment  to  a  seat  in 
the  cabinet,  460. 

McNamara,  John,  the  lover  of  Ann  Rut- 
ledge,  161. 

McNeil,  C.  F.,  letter  to,  in  relation  to 
receiving  money  for  political  lecture, 
441. 

Mcrryman,  E.  H.,  second  in  the  proposed 
duel  between  Lincoln  and  Shields, 
262. 

Milk-sickness  fatal  to  Lincoln  family, 
26. 

Missouri  Compromise,  bill  to  annul  the 
342. 


Needham,    Daniel,    a    famous   wrestler, 

83. 
New  Salem,  Lincoln's  first  visit  to,  81 ; 

description  of,  in  1831  and  1836,  87. 
Nicolay,  John  G.,  private  secretary  at  the 

White  House,  482. 

Offutt,  Denton,  employer  of  Lincoln  on 

a  flat-boat,  78 ;  and  in  a  store  in  New 

Salem,  90. 
Oglesby,  Gov.,  chairman  of  the  Illinois 

State  Convention  of  1860,  444. 
Owens,   Miss    Mary,   visit  of,   to    New 

Salem,  171  ;  letters  from,  176. 

Parks,  S.  C.,  anecdotes  related  by,  324. 

Parties  in  Illinois,  strict  organization  of, 
192. 

Pigeon  Creek  settlements  visited  by  milk- 
disease,  26. 

Plot  to  assassinate  Lincoln,  312. 

"  Popular  Sovereignty,"  what  is  it  ?  392. 

Radford,  Mr.,  keeper  of  a  grocery  in  New 

Salem,  136. 
Ray,  Dr.  C.  H.,  statement  of,  concerning 

Lincoln's  religious  views,  489. 
Reeder,   Andrew  H.,  first  governor  of 

Kansas,  368. 
Republican  Convention  at  Philadelphia, 

379. 

Roby,  Miss,  35,  70. 
Rock-spring    Earm,    the    birthplace   of 

Abraham  Lincoln,  14. 
Romine,  John,  testimony  of,  to  Lincoln's 

dislike  of  work,  36. 

Rutledge,  Ann,  romantic  story  of,  160. 
Rutledge,  James,  founder  of  New  Salem, 

121. 
Rutledge,  R.  B.,  account    of   the  first 

speech  of  Lincoln  by,  121. 

Sanford,  Mr.,  co-operates  in  Lincoln's 
journey  to  Washington,  519. 

Sangamon  County,  address  to  the  people 
of,  129;  influence  of,  in  the  Illinois 
Legislature,  198. 


INDEX. 


547 


Scott,  Gen.,  precautionary  measures  of, 
at  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln,  528. 

Seward,  WHliain  II.,  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency,  449  ;  appointed  to  a  seat 
in  the  cabinet,  458 ;  discovers  a  plot  to 
assassinate  Lincoln,  523. 

Shannon,  Wilson  G.,  second  governor 
of  Kansas,  368. 

Shields,  James,  satirized  by  Miss  Todd, 
244-252  ;  challenges  Lincoln,  260 ;  fails 
of  a  re-el eci  ion  to  the  U.  S.  Senate, 
362. 

Short,  James,  saves  Lincoln's  property 
from  sacrifice,  150. 

Smith  Caleh  B.,  candidate  for  the  presi 
dency,  449 ;  appointed  cabinet  officer, 
459. 

Smith,  Rev.  Mr.,  attempts  to  convert  Mr. 
Lincoln,  498. 

Smoot,  Coleman,  loans  Lincoln  money 
to  buy  clothing,  157. 

Sparrow,  Thomas  and  Betsey,  12,  22. 

Speed,  Joshua  F.,  Lincoln's  most  inti 
mate  friend,  231 ;  correspondence  with, 
244-252;  letter  to,  on  Kansas  affairs, 
368. 

Springfield,  111.,  influence  used  to  make 
it  the  State  capital,  198. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  332. 

Stanton,  Hon.  F.  P.,  secretary  in  Kan 
sas,  385. 

Stone,  Dan,  signs  the  protest  against 
proslavcry  resolutions,  209. 

Smart,  John  F.,  Lincoln's  law-partner, 
221  ;  testimony  to  his  religious  views, 
488. 

Sumner,  Col.,  in  favor  of  "cutting  the 
way"  to  Washington,  522. 

Swaney,  Lincoln's  last  schoolmaster,  35. 

Swett  Leonard,  on  the  senatorial  contest, 
407. 

Tariff,  letter  on,  423. 
Tancy,  Chief-justice,  administers  the  oath 
of  office  to  Lincoln,  536. 


Taylor,  Dick,  a  pompous  Democrat, 
189. 

Taylor,  James,  employs  Lincoln  to  run  a 
ferry-boat,  49. 

Thomas,  Jesse  B.,  "  skinned  "  by  Lin 
coln,  231. 

Thompson,  defeats  Lincoln  in  a  wrestling 
match,  110. 

Todd,  Miss  Mary,  meets  Lincoln  in 
Springfield,  238 ;  refuses  Douglas, 
238 ;  engaged  to  Lincoln,  239 ;  mar 
ried,  243  ;  satirizes  Shields,  253.  —  See 
Lincoln,  Mrs.  Mary. 

Thompson,  George,  antislavery  orator, 
202. 

Topeka,  Kan.,  Free-state  convention  at, 
371. 

Trumbull,  Judge,  elected  to  the  U.  S. 
Senate,  362  ;  distrusts  the  sincerity  of 
Douglas,  395. 

Turner,  Capt.,  a  suspected  conspirator, 
515. 

Turnham,  David,  account  by,  of  the  set 
tlement  of  Gentryville,  23. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  appointed  governor 
of  Kansas,  385. 

Wallace,  Dr.  Edward,  letter  of  Lincoln 
to,  on  tariff,  423. 

Wa-hbtirne,  Mr.,  prefers  Douglas,  395. 

Whitcsidc,  Gen.,  commander  of  troops 
in  Black-Hawk  War,  103;  second  to 
Shields  in  the  proposed  duel,  259. 

Wickizer,  J.  II.,  an  incorrigible  humor 
ist,  325. 

Wilmot  Proviso,  309. 

Wilson,  Henry,  in  favor  of  Douglas, 
394,  396. 

Wilson,  R.  L.,  member  from  Sangamon 
County,  220. 

Wood  William,  a  friend  and  patron  of 
Lincoln,  68. 

Zane,  Mr.,  editor  of  Springfield  Journal, 
451. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

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